U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab World
Identifieur interne : 002B40 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 002B39; suivant : 002B41U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab World
Auteurs : Sam CherribiSource :
- American behavioral scientist (Beverly Hills) [ 0002-7642 ] ; 2009-01.
English descriptors
- KwdEn :
- Abdallah schleifer, American policy, Arab, Arab countries, Arab country, Arab media, Arab publics, Arab world, Bayoumi rubin, Bourdieu, Capital cities, Cherribi, Continuous insurgency, Cultural goods, Extreme occasion, Field theory, First appearance, Foreign policy, Foreign policy research institute, Former american diplomat, Global field, Google search, Hafez, Important indicator, Iraq, Islamic world, Karen, Karen hughes, Last minute, Many years, Mirazi, Muslim, Muslim woman, Muslim world, Negative arab street, Online, Online newshour, Other arab media outlets, Palestinian state, Palo alto, Pierre bourdieu, Political work, President bush, Public diplomacy, Public diplomacy efforts, Radical change, Relative autonomy, Saudi arabia, Social reality, Stanford university press, State department, Symbolic capital, Symbolic forms, Symbolic power, Traditional diplomacy, Transnational, Transnational media, Transnational newspapers, Unequal distribution, Vital policy issues, World affairs.
- Teeft :
- Abdallah schleifer, American policy, Arab, Arab countries, Arab country, Arab media, Arab publics, Arab world, Bayoumi rubin, Bourdieu, Capital cities, Cherribi, Continuous insurgency, Cultural goods, Extreme occasion, Field theory, First appearance, Foreign policy, Foreign policy research institute, Former american diplomat, Global field, Google search, Hafez, Important indicator, Iraq, Islamic world, Karen, Karen hughes, Last minute, Many years, Mirazi, Muslim, Muslim woman, Muslim world, Negative arab street, Online, Online newshour, Other arab media outlets, Palestinian state, Palo alto, Pierre bourdieu, Political work, President bush, Public diplomacy, Public diplomacy efforts, Radical change, Relative autonomy, Saudi arabia, Social reality, Stanford university press, State department, Symbolic capital, Symbolic forms, Symbolic power, Traditional diplomacy, Transnational, Transnational media, Transnational newspapers, Unequal distribution, Vital policy issues, World affairs.
Abstract
This article explores the ways in which the debut of Undersecretary for State and Public Diplomacy Karen Hughes was covered in the Arab media. Her outreach efforts to market and rebrand the image of America in the Arab world were announced proudly on the Arab satellite television network Al-Jazeera before the news spread to other Arab media outlets. In making Al-Jazeera the preeminent choice for her first appearance to launch the campaign to win the hearts and minds of Arab publics, Karen Hughes implicitly and explicitly endorses or at the very least subscribes to part of Al-Jazeera's agenda. Through the choice of Al-Jazeera as gateway to the Arab public, Karen Hughes waters down her own opinions and in this case made concessions regarding vital policy issues of the U.S. administration.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/0002764208326521
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5Le document en format XML
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Bayoumi & Rubin, 2000</json:string><json:string>September 2005</json:string><json:string>Kepel, 2004</json:string><json:string>Online NewsHour, 2005</json:string><json:string>1990, 1998</json:string><json:string>Bourdieu, & Johnson, 1993</json:string><json:string>Cherribi, 2006</json:string></ref_bibl><bibl></bibl></unitex></namedEntities><ark><json:string>ark:/67375/M70-F483GZ14-R</json:string></ark><categories><wos><json:string>1 - social science</json:string><json:string>2 - social sciences, interdisciplinary</json:string><json:string>2 - psychology, clinical</json:string></wos><scienceMetrix><json:string>1 - general</json:string><json:string>2 - general arts, humanities & social sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - general arts, humanities & social sciences</json:string></scienceMetrix><scopus><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - General Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - Sociology and Political Science</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - Education</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - Cultural Studies</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Psychology</json:string><json:string>3 - Social Psychology</json:string></scopus><inist><json:string>1 - sciences humaines et sociales</json:string><json:string>2 - prehistoire et protohistoire</json:string></inist></categories><publicationDate>2009</publicationDate><copyrightDate>2009</copyrightDate><doi><json:string>10.1177/0002764208326521</json:string></doi><id>582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5</id><score>1</score><fulltext><json:item><extension>pdf</extension><original>true</original><mimetype>application/pdf</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5/fulltext/pdf</uri></json:item><json:item><extension>zip</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/zip</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5/fulltext/zip</uri></json:item><istex:fulltextTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/document/582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5/fulltext/tei"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab World</title><title level="a" type="sub" xml:lang="en">Responses to Al-Jazeera's Interview with Karen Hughes</title></titleStmt><publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority><publisher scheme="https://publisher-list.data.istex.fr">SAGE Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA</pubPlace><availability><licence><p>sage</p></licence></availability><p scheme="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B"></p><date>2009</date></publicationStmt><notesStmt><note type="research-article" scheme="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</note><note type="journal" scheme="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</note></notesStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct type="inbook"><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab World</title><title level="a" type="sub" xml:lang="en">Responses to Al-Jazeera's Interview with Karen Hughes</title><author xml:id="author-0000"><persName><forename type="first">Sam</forename><surname>Cherribi</surname></persName><affiliation>Emory University</affiliation></author><idno type="istex">582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5</idno><idno type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-F483GZ14-R</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1177/0002764208326521</idno><idno type="article-id">10.1177_0002764208326521</idno></analytic><monogr><title level="j">American behavioral scientist (Beverly Hills)</title><idno type="pISSN">0002-7642</idno><idno type="eISSN">1552-3381</idno><idno type="publisher-id">ABS</idno><idno type="PublisherID-hwp">spabs</idno><imprint><publisher>SAGE Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA</pubPlace><date type="published" when="2009-01"></date><biblScope unit="volume">52</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">5</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="755">755</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="771">771</biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>2009</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This article explores the ways in which the debut of Undersecretary for State and Public Diplomacy Karen Hughes was covered in the Arab media. Her outreach efforts to market and rebrand the image of America in the Arab world were announced proudly on the Arab satellite television network Al-Jazeera before the news spread to other Arab media outlets. In making Al-Jazeera the preeminent choice for her first appearance to launch the campaign to win the hearts and minds of Arab publics, Karen Hughes implicitly and explicitly endorses or at the very least subscribes to part of Al-Jazeera's agenda. Through the choice of Al-Jazeera as gateway to the Arab public, Karen Hughes waters down her own opinions and in this case made concessions regarding vital policy issues of the U.S. administration.</p></abstract><textClass><keywords scheme="keyword"><list><head>keywords</head><item><term>Al-Jazeera</term></item><item><term>Arab media</term></item><item><term>Karen Hughes</term></item><item><term>public diplomacy</term></item><item><term>symbolic power</term></item><item><term>U.S. policy</term></item></list></keywords></textClass></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="2009-01">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5/fulltext/txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus sage not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="2.3" xml:lang="EN"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">spabs</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">ABS</journal-id><journal-title>American Behavioral Scientist</journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">0002-7642</issn><publisher>
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<publisher-loc>Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA</publisher-loc>
</publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1177/0002764208326521</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">10.1177_0002764208326521</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Articles</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab World</article-title><subtitle>Responses to Al-Jazeera's Interview with Karen Hughes</subtitle></title-group>
<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Cherribi</surname><given-names>Sam</given-names></name><aff>Emory University</aff></contrib></contrib-group>
<pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>01</month><year>2009</year></pub-date><volume>52</volume><issue>5</issue><fpage>755</fpage><lpage>771</lpage><abstract><p>This article explores the ways in which the debut of Undersecretary for State and Public Diplomacy Karen Hughes was covered in the Arab media. Her outreach efforts to market and rebrand the image of America in the Arab world were announced proudly on the Arab satellite television network Al-Jazeera before the news spread to other Arab media outlets. In making Al-Jazeera the preeminent choice for her first appearance to launch the campaign to win the hearts and minds of Arab publics, Karen Hughes implicitly and explicitly endorses or at the very least subscribes to part of Al-Jazeera's agenda. Through the choice of Al-Jazeera as gateway to the Arab public, Karen Hughes waters down her own opinions and in this case made concessions regarding vital policy issues of the U.S. administration.</p></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>Al-Jazeera</kwd>
<kwd>Arab media</kwd>
<kwd>Karen Hughes</kwd>
<kwd>public diplomacy</kwd>
<kwd>symbolic power</kwd>
<kwd>U.S. policy</kwd></kwd-group><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>755 U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab WorldResponses to Al-Jazeera's Interview with Karen Hughes SAGE Publications, Inc.200910.1177/0002764208326521 SamCherribi Emory University This article explores the ways in which the debut of Undersecretary for State and Public Diplomacy Karen Hughes was covered in the Arab media. Her outreach efforts to market and rebrand the image of America in the Arab world were announced proudly on the Arab satellite television network Al-Jazeera before the news spread to other Arab media outlets. In making Al-Jazeera the preeminent choice for her first appearance to launch the campaign to win the hearts and minds of Arab publics, Karen Hughes implicitly and explicitly endorses or at the very least subscribes to part of Al-Jazeera's agenda. Through the choice of Al-Jazeera as gateway to the Arab public, Karen Hughes waters down her own opinions and in this case made concessions regarding vital policy issues of the U.S. administration. Al-Jazeera Arab media Karen Hughes public diplomacy symbolic power U.S. policy Today, a critical part of our duty to our own nations is to reach out to others in inter- national cooperation and respect. King Abdullah of Jordan Clinton Global Initiative, September 22, 2006 Introduction Karen Hughes was born in Paris and grew up in Texas. She studied journalism at Southern Methodist University in Dallas and worked for a Dallas television station. Hughes was appointed by President Bush in March 2005 to lead the U.S. public diplomacy efforts abroad. Her task was twofold: first, to promote America's values, and second, to confront ideological support for terrorism around the world. To main- tain a comprehensive approach to public diplomacy, she is responsible for handling three bureaus at the Department of State: Educational and Cultural Affairs, Public Affairs, and International Information Programs. Also, she participates in foreign policy development at the state department. She said, 756 Every morning, a group meets inside the U.S. State Department to come up with ways to respond to media around the world. The people in this room are just one part of an effort to repair a major problem: the declining image of the United States overseas.1 Karen Hughes is seen as a close confidant and counselor to President Bush. “As Counselor, she was involved in major domestic and foreign policy issues, led the communications effort in the first year of the war against terror, and managed the White House Offices of Communications, Media Affairs, Speechwriting and Press Secretary.”2 On September 27, 2005, Karen Hughes went on a tour of the Middle East and met with many civic and political leaders. Her visit in early February 2006 is included in this study, as are reactions in the Arab world. Worth noting is that the second visit had less coverage than the first one. Hughes was not interviewed again on Al-Jazeera. This is an important indicator that Al-Jazeera has become part of a rite of passage to generating collateral media coverage and triggering public debate in the Arab world. Bourdieu's Field Theory Applied to Public Diplomacy I draw from the work of Pierre Bourdieu (1990, 1998; Bourdieu, & Johnson, 1993; Bourdieu, & Wacquant, 1992) to understand the field of public diplomacy and its relationship to the media. Public diplomacy is seen as a subfield of traditional diplomacy, but at the same time, it thrives within the fields of media and journalism as the most important indicator of success or failure in having an impact on publics or social reality. From that perspective, the lion's share of activities in the field of public diplomacy takes place in the field of media. In this regard, the field theory of Bourdieu can help us understand the current state of the media as a field of symbolic power (Bourdieu, 1998). Symbolic power is “the capacity to intervene in the course of events, to influence the actions of others, and indeed to create events, by means of the production and transmission of symbolic forms” (Thompson, 1995, p. 17). The concept of fields is very often used in national contexts to understand the macro- and micromechanisms of power by Pierre Bourdieu, and it is very often bound by the local space or the “microcosm in a macrocosm,” which is usually national. Yet Bourdieu's field theory allows the possibility to consider the macro- cosm as global (a global field). The global field is characterized by a kind of relative autonomy, interest, and specific rules of the game. The game has specific stakes, but the field cannot be reduced only to those stakes. Every actor has a social trajectory, a habitus, and a position in the field. As a key sociological concept, the field is similar to the concept of configuration as used by Norbert Elias (1978) yet different from the concept of system as employed by Nicholas Luhman (1995), because it is not closed but open to shrink and expand. The field has logic and structure, and it is a space of competition and 757 struggle between actors or agents who occupy that space. In the field, there is a risk of the appropriation of legitimate cultural, political, and economic capital. The unequal distribution of capital means some can be dominant as a result of their power relation in a field. This unequal distribution also determines the structure of the field. The actions and strategies of the actors or agents can be understood through their investment and competence in relation to their positions in a specific field. The competing strategies are twofold: One is for a “preservation” of the status quo, and another is for the “subversion” of it. There is a kind of “objective complicity” among the actors, whose mutual interest is in keeping the field continuing as it is— contentious. According to Bourdieu, the social interests cannot be reduced to eco- nomic interests. To succeed in the field, the notion of habitus is important. Habitus is defined as an ensemble of incorporated dispositions specific to that field. The habitus keeps the actors engaged in the game. Karen Hughes's visit to the Middle East, as a created event, helps us to under- stand the hidden aspects of media power in its symbolic forms. In this case, the com- petition of journalists within their field of media production is not at stake, but how the symbolic power of the media affects or extends its influence on other fields (the political and diplomatic fields) is. The visit also helps us to understand the dynamic interactions between the fields of the media and public diplomacy. Media coverage may produce effects that dominate and overshadow the players (career diplomats) in the traditional field of diplomacy, where the public appearance has had a ceremonial character, but the real work takes place behind the closed doors of the state. Public diplomacy uses journalistic skill and performance with foreign audiences, and influ- encing public opinion using a different sort of capital is the goal. The intellectual capital, cultural capital, and the ability to convince others are what are necessary to generate symbolic power or symbolic capital. In the field of public diplomacy, which is intertwined with media opportunities, success is often measured with number of mentions or hits on TV programs, radio programs, articles, columns, Web logs, and Web sites. The work of traditional diplo- macy, such as seeking agreements with other governments, becomes less important than crafting the right message using various possible media outlets. The fields of the media and of public diplomacy are configurations of objective relations between different sorts of capital and positions. We can speak of a field when there is an effect that we can feel or see. Bourdieu explains that the ability to succeed in a field has to do with the ability to have profits or gains, which can be either symbolic or material. The form of power that provides the ability to dominate the field of public diplo- macy has to do with linguistic capital, the degrees of notoriety (via physical appear- ance, social position, knowledge and expertise, etc.), and predispositions to win the game. It means the ability to convince and not show triumph, satisfaction, or joy after “scoring” a good argument. The rules of the game are defined by the skills to respond to any question or surprise by the other side. That is what distinguishes public diplomacy from propaganda. Propaganda often takes the form of a monologue, 758 but public diplomacy is better described as a successful dialogue in which the win- ners and losers remain calm and want to be seen as genuine and truthful. To access the form of power needed to master the game in the field of diplomacy, an invest- ment in a field is necessary. The struggle for the “hearts and minds” of Arabs and Muslims became one of the most important pillars of U.S. policy after 9/11 (Kepel, 2004). If we are to believe the polls, public diplomacy is seen as the remedy and contains the right ingredients to correct the distorted image of the United States in the Middle East and the Arab world. President Bush said, We have got to do a better job of making our case. We've got to do a better job of explaining to the people in the Middle East, for example, that we don't fight a war against Islam or Muslims; we don't hold any religion accountable. We're fighting evil. (Online NewsHour, 2005) What is new here is the major shift from being a complementary dimension of diplo- macy to being the predominant approach to reshape “the Arab misunderstanding” (Al-Jazeera's program) of American foreign policy. Karen Hughes describes America's public diplomacy as a partnership for progress, an opportunity to work with other nations and peoples to replace oppression with opportunity, tyranny with toler- ance, and ultimately to overcome hate with hope. (Online NewsHour, 2005) This “misunderstanding” is significant if we consider that the size of the Arab public is as numerous as the U.S. population. More than 270 million people speak Arabic in 22 countries that are members of the Arab League in addition to the widespread Arab-speaking diasporas in western Europe and the Americas (Kayyali, 2006). The new emphasis on public diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim worlds opens a new horizon for the construction of meaning about the United States for broader publics using the camera, the whole realm of the Internet, new technologies, broad- casting, visits and cultural contacts, promoting mutual understanding, and student and professional exchanges. This plethora of cultural possibilities is meant to influ- ence the imagination and the world of the symbolic. The Field of Arab-Language Media Bourdieu's concept of fields can also be applied to the Arab-language media, which include transnational, national, and local media. The transnational media with the widest reach are television media, as television is the most widely available medium in Arab countries and is the most-commonly-relied-on medium for enter- tainment and information. There are also transnational Arabic-language newspapers, printed by satellite in capital cities daily but headquartered abroad. These transnational 759 newspapers are traditionally more expensive than the local (national) newspapers in Arab countries. In some places, the price of several national daily newspapers totals the cost of one transnational newspaper, which indicates that the latter is targeting the wealthier of the educated classes across the Arab-speaking world. Finally, the Internet offers an array of old and new media sources. The old consists of Web sites from the important television, radio, and print media sources that are available offline, and the new consists of online-only media as well as Web sites belonging to individuals and organizations and Web logs, which are a subset of these. In Bourdieu's concept of field, the transnational media compete with the national media for symbolic capital, that is, they compete for visibility, credibility, and influence. Al-Jazeera's 24/7 news operation is unquestionably the most important of all the transnational Arabic-language television channels because of its reputation and wide reach, which may be up to 45% of Arab viewers. Just before March 2003, when the Iraq War began, the MBC Group (Middle East Broadcasting Company), which was a media player in the region for many years, brought together a group of Arab jour- nalists, including the first news director of Al-Jazeera, to launch Al Arabiya, a satel- lite channel with morning and evening news bulletins. With 9% of the audience, it is the second-most-important transnational Arab media outlet, but it continues to fall well behind Al-Jazeera in terms of reach. Nevertheless, its presence is significant, according to broadcaster, journalist, and educator S. Abdallah Schleifer (2005), who is based at the American University in Cairo. He posits, The competition has had a positive effect. Arab satellite television journalists are less likely to indulge their personal ideological takes on the news when they know a more detached, and thus a more reliable version of the same event is available on the TV screen just one click away on everybody's remote control. Schleifer's perspective implies that Arab-language satellite audiences seek a less controversial and opinionated source of television news—a trend that is in contrast to U.S. audiences' turning in large numbers to Fox News because of its opinionated journalism (Foreign Policy Research Institute, 2005). These two major transnational television channels are not the only ones, but they are the ones with the largest numbers of viewers. They compete with national and local television channels in many countries. The power of Arab-language television in the Arab world is enhanced by the fact that the region has fewer than 53 newspapers per 1,000 citizens, compared to 285 per 1,000 in developed countries (“UN Report Slams,” 2003). The two most important transnational Arabic-language newspapers are Al Hayat and Al Sharq Alawsat, headquartered in London and printed via satellite in capital cities of Arab countries daily. The actual reach of these newspapers is much smaller than television news programs because of the high levels of illiteracy, especially among women, in Arab countries and because they are often more expensive than 760 national and local newspapers. Among Saudi Arabia's population of 26 million, two transnational Arabic language newspapers compete with more than a dozen Arabic national and local dailies in a print media market of some 130 publications. In Egypt, with a population of 75 million, these two transnational newspapers compete with an ever-growing market for print media now numbering some 500 publications (“The Media in Egypt,” 2005). The Internet in Arabic offers online versions of these major offline news media sources as well as many other news outlets, some of which compete with those tra- ditional news media sources for audiences. Because the Internet is not as accessible in Arab households, the figures for comparing reach with other countries are some- what problematic. It is more common in the Arab world, for example, for people to use the Internet in public places, such as Internet cafes, rather than in private homes, in large part because of the subscription costs. A recent phenomenon has been the rise in the number of Arabic-language Web logs produced by both well-known, celebrity Arab journalists as well as little-known, freelance journalists. Blogging has not yet become the influential phenomenon that it is in the United States and the United Kingdom, where an individual's blog can become a daily read among impor- tant members of the political and media elite and a source for developing news sto- ries in some of the nation's most prominent newsrooms. In the Arab-language media scene, Al-Jazeera continues to hold the preeminent position of influence on the Arabic-language news agenda. It continues to be the most- often-cited Arabic-language news source around the world. As I have argued else- where, however, Al-Jazeera should not be described as the “CNN of the Arab world” because of the channel's use of popular religious programming, the way in which it brings a religious perspective into current affairs and news programs, and its advertis- ing, all of which promote the veiling of women (Cherribi, 2006). The focus of Al-Jazeera's news and discussion programs on the veil concerns the problems faced by women in the countries in which there are restrictions on the wearing of the veil, such as France and others in Europe, and not on countries such as Saudi Arabia, in which the wearing of the veil is expected. Al-Jazeera's position on the veil did not hurt, and may in fact have helped, Karen Hughes in getting her message across during her inter- view on the channel, because she was able to show explicitly how women are free to wear the veil in their jobs and in their daily lives in the United States and implicitly by having an Arab American woman translator who wears a veil. Research Method Karen Hughes's Al-Jazeera Debut I explore the ways Karen Hughes has been reported, described, and portrayed in the Arab media from television to the blogosphere. The starting point was watching 761 Al Arabiya and Al-Jazeera's competing programs in September 2005 and working from the 1-hr live television interview with Karen Hughes, which appeared on Arabic Al-Jazeera TV, and from the Arabic Web site www.Al-Jazeera.net. I offer an interpre- tive analysis of the interview and an assessment of the Arab public reaction to it. The interviewer asked questions in Arabic. Hughes responded in English. For the Arabic-speaking audience, a translator voiced over her comments. My analysis focuses on several aspects of the interview process: the journalist's questioning style, the translator's accuracy in translating her responses, Hughes's reaction to the ques- tions (e.g., whether she appeared comfortable or uncomfortable in responding), and the content of her responses. I looked at the published comments in online Arabic newspapers and Arabic Web logs to assess and capture the reaction of the Arab world to Karen Hughes's diplo- matic mediation. Using Google Arabic in April 2006, I searched for the name Karen Hughes, ~ and 12,300 pages came up. The spelling with an aleph was the transcription that Al-Jazeera, Al Arabiya, and the state department used. But there was also a transcription without an aleph (Arabic), ~ The Google search resulted in 71 links. For ~ with an ya' (Arabic), the Google search resulted 287 hits. Many of the Web sites were in Persian or Urdu. I decided to use the 80 that were not similar and not in Persian to close my data set. The rest of the Web pages that were not used in my analysis were Arabic translations of press releases from the Department of State that mentioned Hughes. I identified for further analysis relevant pages that were nonterrorist, which were the majority of pages that came up. There were also many terrorist Web sites and Web sites from organizations that are listed as terrorist in the United States that I did not analyze because (a) the efforts of public diplomacy studied here were aimed pri- marily at moderate and nonterrorist sources in the Arab world, and (b) there is little room for finding anything favorable about Karen Hughes or the U.S. government in such Web sites. Terrorist Web sites carry a number of distinguishing characteristics, such as photos or videos of weapon-toting militiamen, violence against Westerners, and loud statements against the West. Additionally, there are no site maps or contact sources on the Web sites. Reactions in the blogs and newspapers' Web sites I analyzed tended to fall into one or more of three public perspectives: religious, critical secular, and feminist. I also identified whether the blog or Web page was favorable or unfavorable toward (a) Karen Hughes and (b) the U.S. government. Some examples of articles and pages with favorable reactions included the following: • “Although it was short, I think it was very significant and successful.” • “She's open to our opinions and views.” • “She makes an effort to understand the Arab world.” 762 Examples of articles and pages with unfavorable reactions included the following: • “If the Americans thought they could repair the damaged relationship in so short a time, they were dreaming.”3 • “Hughes has an impossible mission.” • “Karen didn't succeed.”4 • “Karen can't repair what Bush has destroyed.”5 Al-Jazeera: The Image of America in Two Worlds This is the title of the program that appeared 2 months after Ms. Hughes's visit to the Middle East: “The Image of America in Two Worlds: Arab and Islamic Ones.” The broadcast is an evaluation of her visit. The presenter, Hafez Al Mirazi, frames the encounter with Hughes as follows: Welcome to the program “From Washington.” Last week we spoke about the image of Arabs and Muslims in American cinema. This week we switch to the image of America in the Muslim and Arab world. This topic of the image of America became the biggest worry here in Washington since 9/11 in addition to the repeatedly asked question, “Why do they hate us?” Is what Washington asks a shortcoming in transmitting a real image of America to the Arab and Islamic world and to the whole world in general or is it a mal- formed image? Are there any counter-policies or counter-positions? Is Washington not going to change its policies because it reflects its vision of its own values and national interests? In any case, public diplomacy or popular diplomacy is becoming one of the pri- orities of the political work in Washington over the last four years. The former Secretary of State Colin Powell chose a successful American lady in the domain of marketing and advertising and convinced the Congress that she can market the image of America around the world just as she successfully as in selling Uncle Ben's rice. But Charlotte Biers didn't succeed, from what we understood from her strong critics in her TV ad campaign and magazines where she showed the freedom that Muslims are enjoy- ing in America. After eighteen months Ms. Biers left and was replaced by another lady who has a rich experience in the political work in dealing with Arab world, the former Ambassador to Morocco, Margaret Tutwiler—who stayed only six months on the job. She left in April . . . at a time that coincided with the Abu Ghraib prison scandal in Iraq. Without trying to link the two events, or perhaps as coincidence, the post was vacant for many months until the Congress accepted the nomination of Ms. Karen Hughes as deputy to the ministry of public diplomacy in an attempt to use her political expertise in dealing with the American media. She worked as a journalist and was the director of information and advisor to President Bush during his campaigns not only for presidency but also for the governorship of the State of Texas. This strong relationship with President Bush makes many believe that she will succeed minimally in comparison with her predecessors. She went on tour in the region which included Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. The theme was that it was a listening visit. Everybody who met her tried to give her a message for President Bush. Is the task of Karen Hughes in her new post of public diplomacy to change the image or the policy? We are very happy that Ms. Karen 763 Hughes is joining us in the studios of Al-Jazeera in Washington. Thank you again for joining us. (http://www.aljazeera.net/NRexeres/922EEEF7-7FC9-4603-9339-314227 AFE1D6.htm) In his intro, the presenter Hafez Al Mirazi is critical and judgmental about the U.S. foreign policy and the impasse in the Middle East. He frames her task as an invita- tion to failure after talking about her three very capable predecessors. Karen Hughes responds, I'm honored to represent my country in this post to address the Arab world, the Islamic world, and people around the world because there is a misunderstanding. Our vision is to stress the feeling of shared values and shared interest. The American people want to learn more about the people in the Middle East. . . . When I went to the Arab world, people are afraid of what Americans think about them. I will not forget the lady who looked at me in Egypt and said, “Do you believe that we are terrorists?” I was aston- ished, and told her that we know you are smart and have knowledge and we want to work with you—to have a better future for our children. I learned a lot during my vis- its and concentrated on the ways to minimize misunderstanding and build bridges of trust between Americans and people around the world. Hafez Al Mirazi continues, “Some say that your task is impossible. I don't believe that you would accept the job if it was impossible. What are you going to accom- plish in the remaining period for President Bush?” Karen Hughes answers, First it's long term work, we didn't arrive at this stage overnight, and we will not be able to change opinions overnight. We have a long history in the Middle East and President Bush tries to change. He said, “that in last 50 years my country committed some mistakes in the Middle East and didn't pay attention to dictatorships and we looked the other way (direction/side) when dictators were mistreating their people in the Middle East” . . . Hafez Al Mirazi shows a short tape on the challenges in the Arab world by an American scholar. As expected, Hafez Al Mirazi brings up the Arab–Israeli conflict. “Do you agree that it's not only democracy that matters but also the three points you just heard: The Arab–Israeli conflict, Iraq, and democracy with better economic opportunities?” Karen Hughes replies, I heard these questions in my visit to the Middle East. Take for example the Israeli– Palestinian conflict. There is a public feeling; people say to me, “it's your policies; your policies say yes it's our policies but we support the creation of a Palestinian state. You agree with me that the USA wants the Palestinians to have their own state living side by side with the state of Israel in peace and prosperity.” They say we agree with you, 764 but they don't believe it's our policy. This is the problem, and when I came back, I spoke to President Bush and I told him the most important thing we need to be seen doing is improving the life of the Palestinians. . . . We work in partnership with the Palestinian people to take the right steps to improve their lives. Hafez Al Mirazi condescends, We [will] see maybe people walking on the moon or outside the solar system before we realize the dream of a Palestinian state. . . . Let's talk about another topic: the polls of Zogby, Time Magazine, or CNN about the image of America in the Arab world. I want to know your opinion about what 3,900 Arabs in 6 countries think. . . . Let's look at some of the questions and their answers. Two countries are seen to have the highest levels of freedom and democracy in the eyes of Arabs: France 45% and Germany 17%, USA 14%, GB [Great Britain] 11% and Sweden 8%. The question: In which country would you prefer to live? France 36%, Germany 15%, GB 11%, USA 10%, and behind the USA we had Pakistan 4%, Russia 2%, China 2%, and there is almost no attraction in the former communist bloc. The attitudes toward America—80% have to do with its policies and only 11% have problems with American values and American traditions. About the America goals in the Middle East—spreading human rights 6%, spreading democracy 6%, stability and peace 8%, interdiction of WMD [weapons of mass destruction] 25%, weakening the Islamic world 59%, hegemony on the region 63%, protecting Israel 68%, oil 76%. I stop here, what are your comments? Karen Hughes admits that it is difficult to comment on these numbers. You mentioned France and Germany, these are allies and friends of the USA and these are democratic countries. And [they] enjoy freedom. Sure there are freedoms like [those that say] girls in France can't wear the veil, but they can in the USA. In my office they wear the veil and [in my country] they go to school with their veil. There is a lot of freedom in the US. I visited with a Muslim woman in the Middle East, and we spoke about the freedom she enjoys in practicing her religion and rituals as part of living in the US. . . . Through your program I don't want to miss the opportunity to invite your audience to come to study in the USA. We want young Arabs to come study and visit our country—to know more about us. Because when people visit the USA they have a different opinion from the image they get through the media. Another tape with statistics is shown featuring the Arab professor Shibley Telhami, who explains, The image the Arab citizens [see] in their heads about the policy of the USA is a new image through the camera of what happens in Iraq. . . . Arabs look positively to the French President Chirac. Arabs prefer France as a big country. 765 He adds, “There is a continuous deceit from the USA foreign policy and not only from President Bush. . . . For citizens in the Arab world, the USA threatens Arab interests more than those of Iran.” Karen Hughes graciously states, I understand the worry that people feel in Iraq. Nobody likes war. The people in the US don't like war. . . . I prefer that the Arab world looks at Iraq the way Iraqis look at their own situation. In a poll, two-thirds of the Iraqi people recognize that life is better now than under the dictator regime of Saddam. 50% feel their situation is better than a year ago. . . . What happens now in Iraq is the work of terrorists. Hafez al Mirazi confronts Karen Hughes with the opinions of some Arab intel- lectuals and journalists live from Al-Jazeera studios in the Arab world. The first guest is Abdelwahab Badra Hughesan. He says, I believe that [Hughes's] task is very difficult, and I respect her work and style. I con- sider it to be far from the arrogance that characterizes the American Administration in the last years. Although she uses the word misunderstanding in her visit, I think she must have met people who understand American policy. As I said in my article, we did- n't understand American policy but we got its bombs and its negative effects. . . . We need also to change the image of Arabs in America—an image created years before 9/11 through Hollywood productions that alters, negatively, the image of the Arab with the poison of the Zionist and Israeli lobby. Karen Hughes did come up with new arguments but repeats what she said before. The Tunisian journalist and editor in chief of Shuruk (Dawn), Fatima Ben Abdallah Al Kari, attacks, I'm tired of hearing Hughes talking about the misunderstanding in the Arab world of American policy. Sir, the USA needs to change its policy and not its image. Now we deal with it with image and not with ideas. We don't only read about the USA and its policy, we see it. As my colleague just said, it bombs us with bombs. When we talk about the USA in the Arab world, the image brings us the American tank carrying the ballot box in Iraq. . . . Human rights bring us back to the image of Abu Ghraib and sanctity of the human body that has been touched and beaten—that of the Arab human being. When we talk about freedom of the press in the Arab world we see the image of the money paid by the Pentagon for writing articles. Mrs. Hughes, the USA deals with us with images and transforms our dreams. We don't have the right to dream. The USA attacks the reason (brain). When Mrs. Hughes says there is a misunderstanding, it's another attack on the Arab reason. . . . Let's start by your soldiers leaving Iraq. Karen Hughes reiterates, 766 I feel badly about the atrocities at Abu Ghraib. It was against the policies of the USA and against its laws. All the ones who committed those crimes have been punished for many years in federal prisons—ten years, eight year prison terms. Being a democracy doesn't mean that you don't have irregularities. Democracies are accountable. Then Hafez al Mirazi presents a tape of a former American diplomat who speaks with an Egyptian accent, William Raw. In the tape, Raw says that the Pentagon has a big budget for public diplomacy. In the Pentagon there are those who do not like to see newspapers and TV in Iraq that are critical of US policies in Iraq. They pay bribes to have positive news about the US aired. I agree that after 9/11 the USA created Al Hura TV and Sawa radio, but these ini- tiatives failed. Hafez Al Mirazi continues, I want to show some numbers of the Zogby study about the news networks that people watch to follow International news. Al-Jazeera is seen as the first source—45% for news and 65% as a second source, Al Arabiya 9%, Al Manar 4%, Al Horra 15%. These numbers make us ask the question, “If the Administration wants to reach the viewer, why then does it seek to oppose Al-Jazeera?” The Daily Mirror reported that President Bush thought about bombing Al-Jazeera. Thank God you're not in our headquarters— you are in our studio in Washington DC. You are not in danger. Karen Hughes, with a look of consternation, responds, “This is ridiculous and laughable.” Hafez Al Mirazi replies, “We are in the last minute in the program, do you mean you are saying it was not true?” Karen Hughes smiles and says, I thank you. I respect the views of Al-Jazeera. You have a broad public. Through your public I want to talk to the Arab world—for the Pentagon [italics added]. We don't know the truth. We need them to know that the American government is trustworthy, and that we are working to come across as trustworthy with Al-Jazeera, radio Sawa, and Al Hurra. The journalist's questioning style. In contrast to the usual confrontational talk shows, Al-Jazeera's programs From Washington and The American Presidential Face, produced by its Washington bureau and hosted by Al-Jazeera's veteran cor- respondent Hafez Al Mirazi, have a distinctively informative style. These shows, particularly the latter, are designed to help viewers with a newfound interest in American politics to easily understand what was happening during the 2004 cam- paign and to grasp the basic workings of the American democratic system. The 767 coverage deepened the Arab world's factual understanding of America rather than its imaginatively preconceived notions. As an additional side effect, “it provided a familiarization course in the operations of a functioning democracy,” said S. Abdallah Schleifer (2005). Hafez Al Mirazi, the Al-Jazeera presenter of From Washington, framed the task of Hughes as impossible. The first question and the subsequent questions were in the same style of unbridgeable, polarized opposition between Hughes's public diplomacy and the Bush administration's preemptive pol- icy. The journalist and his featured guests have the same framing of their questions: the enormity of the task and the impossibility of any significant success without a radical change in the U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. The style of question- ing set the tone for the entire Al-Jazeera encounter. It is important to note that sim- ilar approaches to Hughes's mission were noticeable in reactions and comments on Web logs and newspaper articles regarding her visit. This brings us to the conclu- sion that the Al-Jazeera approach in its agenda setting efforts gauges Arab opinion in advance. The translator's accuracy in translating her responses. Hughes spoke in English, which shows the linguistics limitations and the impediments of her televised Al-Jazeera interview. The translation was at times monotonous but tried to drape her words in a more culturally Arab fashion. The translation was not literal but helped to present her as a genuine and trustworthy human being. One of the featured guests, a former American diplomat who spoke Egyptian dialect, made a good impression on the audience, according to the reactions on the Web page after the program. Perhaps Hughes needs to add some Arabic words to her performance. The reaction of Hughes herself to the questions. The majority of the reactions in the Arab media and the blogosphere recognized that Hughes seemed “very comfort- able, charming,” and “charismatic” in her televised performance on Al-Jazeera. She came across as “very approachable and generous.” She was also very genuine in showing her astonishment and disbelief when the journalist of Al-Jazeera, citing the British Daily Mirror, accused the Bush administration in the last minute of the program of planning to bomb Al-Jazeera. Hughes ended on a positive note and smiled throughout her interview. Hughes remained on point. She tried to formulate the same message time and again. Her message was clear and well articulated: The United States wants to help you; tell us how. The form and style of her performance were widely praised and applauded, but what about the content of her message? In regard to content, although some of the responses led to a few instances of polemical exchange between the pre- senter of From Washington on Al-Jazeera and Hughes, she acknowledged some mistakes of the United States and justified them as normal phenomena in accountable democracies. 768 Conclusion To paraphrase its news analysis coverage of the new turn in American public diplomacy, this approach constitutes a rupture of the forceful and hard approach that characterized the United States and its policy after 9/11. The new approach aims to brush away the “hawkish” image abroad and seeks to present an understanding of the Middle East with its cultural and social complexities. The shock-and-awe poli- cies that characterized the military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq have to make room for a more human and gentle approach led by media experts and diplo- mats. Especially in the Middle East, according to Al-Jazeera, the polls by Zogby, Shibley Telhamy, CNN, Newsweek, and others show the disappointment, disap- proval, and dissatisfaction in Arab public opinion toward U.S. policy in the region. Al-Jazeera concludes that it is in the interest of the United States to win the hearts and the minds of the Arabs to achieve stability and minimize the hostility. In that light, we can consider the interview or debut of Karen Hughes on Al-Jazeera as what Edward Said would describe as “performance in an extreme occasion” (as cited in Bayoumi & Rubin, 2000, p. 317). This extreme occasion on Al-Jazeera to a less favorable Arab public and specifically watched by an intellectual segment of that public generated sufficient publicity. This study of the fields of public diplomacy and media shows that the state department, by choosing to plan the first trip of Hughes to the Middle East to only three countries—Turkey, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia—has created the equivalent of a highly visible event. The three countries have significant symbolic meaning. Saudi Arabia is the holy land of Muslims and millions of Arabs (Muslim and Arab are used often interchangeably; Bayoumi & Rubin, 2000; Kayyali, 2006) and has religious capital and symbolic religious power in the imagination of the Muslim world. Egypt is seen as the Bollywood of the Arab world with its film and music industries and as the birth place of Arab nationalism with Nasser, but it also represents the big strug- gle for an Arab population between modern democratization and Islamic fundamen- talism. Even if Turkey is not an Arab country, it remains the first Muslim nation that succeeded in establishing a secular state as strong as any other. Turkey also domi- nated the Arab world for centuries during the Ottoman Empire. Hughes's visit to two cities, Istanbul and Ankara, is significant as well. Historically, Istanbul is the loca- tion of fusion between East and West and, contemporarily, between Europe and the Islamic world. Ankara is the symbol of modernity, where the parliament has been built higher than the mosque next to it to show that secularism and democracy are higher than religion (personal communication with Mohammed Arkoun, June 2002). This highly reported event has a very high symbolic function. It is intended to have an impact on a broad, “hostile” Arab audience by creating new forms of cul- tural goods. Those cultural goods include an enchanting image of the United States and the construction of meaning to affect social reality and subsequently the social representation of Arab publics. 769 The critique of U.S. foreign policy and public diplomacy can be found not only on Al-Jazeera but also in the United States. Those commonalities can be summarized in the need for a radical change in approach toward the Muslim world. An approach that can build on facts that grow confidence, or at least eradicate the mistrust that most polls (above) have signaled, is needed. Frank Rich (2006) joins Al-Jazeera'ss critique: Our public diplomacy efforts were deaf to Iraqis and their neighbors. In the early going, the state department hired a Madison Avenue whiz who made sunny TV testimonial about America's love of Muslims. These ads won no hearts or minds, but wasted tons of money and even more valuable time. Now this job belongs to Karen Hughes, the presidential flake, whose patronizing photo-op tour of the region last year earned mostly ridicule. (p. 12) Frank Rich explains the failure of public diplomacy efforts by using a confidential Pentagon survey that shows a growth in support of the Sunni insurgency, 75%, in comparison with only 14% in 2003. Even if Al-Jazeera's nonconfidential surveys show even higher numbers of support of the insurgency (www.Al-Jazeera.net), and Al-Jazeera refuses to run U.S. ads (Online NewsHour, 2003), Frank Rich cannot dis- miss that Karen Hughes's appearance on Al-Jazeera promoted positive spin and goodwill in other Arab media outlets (in terms of goodwill for her personality). She succeeded despite her very brief visit to the Arab world in part because the media showed her aide to be a veiled Muslim woman. This demonstrated a positive differ- ence between the United States and France in that Muslims are allowed to go to school and work with their headscarf or veil. This demonstrates that Hughes has the political acumen to understand that the French decision to ban the veil from schools was widely and negatively covered in the Arab and Islamic world and mainly on Al-Jazeera. This was a good start but requires follow-up. This beginning was jeop- ardized by a number of structural problems: the lack of synchronization between dis- course and practice in the U.S. foreign policy, a negative Arab street and Arab media, and contingencies in world affairs. First, the lack of synchronization between discourse and practice means that despite a very positive and understanding tone toward the Arab world, the U.S. for- eign policy does not succeed in communicating why the administration says “A” and does “B.” Second, a negative Arab street and Arab media toward the U.S. adminis- tration results from a lack of tangible results when it comes to vital issues of the Arab world. Third, contingencies in world affairs, such as the Lebanon war and the con- tinuous insurgency in Iraq, make it difficult to achieve the goals of public diplomacy. They cast a shadow on any serious effort to reach the masses through the media. These three problems are interconnected and show the complexity of the field of public diplomacy as a subfield of foreign policy. Its dependency on the field of the media, given its own dynamic and relative autonomy, makes itself more vulnerable 770 to the dominant field of foreign policy and its discretionary power. This leads to a game of shaming and blaming that Al-Jazeera and Arab media can exploit to a max- imum and that caters to the hungry Arab masses for recognition and respect. Recognition and respect are served every day by Al-Jazeera and other Arab outlets to the “oppressed” Arab masses that are being improperly led by “toothless” Arab government in the pocket of American “imperialism.” In an evaluative article on the Web site of Al-Jazeera, the writer made a clear distinction between the “simplistic” view of the administration and that of the Undersecretary of State Karen Hughes, who tried without results to change Bush's choice of words and his policy. The writer continues that President Bush clearly chose “war above diplomacy” and “the appointment in every Arab country of a Hamid Karzai.”6 Finally, Karen Hughes's outreach effort to market and rebrand the image of America in the Arab world, although announced proudly on Al-Jazeera before it spread to other Arab media outlets, ultimately fails in its long-term and short-term goals. In making Al-Jazeera the television station of choice for her first appearance to launch the campaign to win the hearts and minds of Arab publics, Karen Hughes implicitly and explicitly endorses or subscribes to parts of Al-Jazeera's agenda. Through the choice of Al-Jazeera as gateway to the Arab public, Karen Hughes has watered down her own wine. In this case, it meant making concessions regarding vital policy issues of the U.S. administration. But the continuous insurgency in Iraq, the Lebanon war, and the multitude of unsolved problems in the Arab and Muslim world do not help in achieving her mission. She is seen as gracious, amicable, and strong, but the sea of negative publicity regarding U.S. foreign policy makes her efforts just a small “calm” in the history of relations in the Middle East. Al-Jazeera and other Arab media outlets are critical and judgmental vis-à-vis U.S. foreign pol- icy and the “impasse” reached in the Middle East. Notes 1. From Hughes's biography (no longer available) on the U.S. Department of State Web site: www.state.gov. 2. See Note 1. 3. Arab News. Jeddah. September 29, 2006. 4. Author's translation from http://www.alghad.jo/?article=3291. 5. Author's translation from http://www.alarabonline.org/print.asp?fname=/data/2005/03/03-17/886.htm. 6. Author's translation from http://www.AlJazeera.net/NR/exeres/EC4ACF61-AC78-4589-8D2A-916AF7065E0B,frameless.htm?NRMODE=Published. References Bayoumi, M., & Rubin, A. (2000). Edward Said reader. New York : Vintage. Bourdieu, P. (1990). The logic of practice. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. 771 Bourdieu, P. (1998). On television and journalism. London: Pluto. Bourdieu, P., & Johnson, R. (1993). The field of cultural production. New York: Columbia University Press. Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology. Chicago: University Of Chicago Press. Cherribi, S. (2006). From Baghdad to Paris: Al-Jazeera and the veil . The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics , 11, 121-138. Elias, N. (1978). The civilizing process. Urizen. Foreign Policy Research Institute. (2005). Retrieved from http://www.fpri.org/enotes/20050512. middleeast.schleifer.arabsatellitetvdemocracy.html Kayyali, R.A. (2006). The new Americans: The Arab Americans. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Kepel, G. (2004). The war for Muslim minds: Islam and the West. Cambridge, MA: Belknap. Luhmann, N. (1995). Social systems. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. The media in Egypt. (2005, September 2). BBC News. Available from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/ middle_east/4199054.stm Online NewsHour. (2003). Mamoun Fandy [Transcript]. PBS. Available from http://www.pbs.org/ newshour/media/public_diplomacy/fandy_1-03.html Online NewsHour. (2005). Marketing America [Transcript]. PBS. Available from http://www.pbs.org/ newshour/bb/media/jan-june05/Hughes_3-16.html Rich, F. (2006, September 24). Stuff happens again in Baghdad. The New York Times, p. 12. Schleifer, S.A. (2005). The impact of Arab satellite television on the prospects for democracy in the Arab world. YaleGlobal. Available from http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/display.article?id=5716 Thompson, J. (1995). The media and modernity: A social theory of the media. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. UN report slams Arab education. (2003, October 23). Al-Jazeera.net. Available from http://www.aljazeera.net Sam Cherribi is a senior lecturer in sociology at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, where he also directs the Emory Development Institute. He received his PhD in sociology from the University of Amsterdam in 2000 and was an elected member of parliament in the Netherlands from 1994 to 2002. His current research interests include European politics and public policy; Islam in Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East; development in low-income countries; and European Union governance.</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes>
<p><list list-type="order">
<list-item><p>1. From Hughes's biography (no longer available) on the U.S. Department of State Web site: www.state.gov.</p></list-item>
<list-item><p>2. See Note 1.</p></list-item>
<list-item><p>3. Arab News. Jeddah. September 29, 2006.</p></list-item>
<list-item><p>4. Author's translation from http://www.alghad.jo/?article=3291.</p></list-item>
<list-item><p>5. Author's translation from http://www.alarabonline.org/print.asp?fname=/data/2005/03/03-17/886.htm.</p></list-item>
<list-item><p>6. Author's translation from http://www.AlJazeera.net/NR/exeres/EC4ACF61-AC78-4589-8D2A-916AF7065E0B,frameless.htm?NRMODE=Published.</p></list-item>
</list></p>
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</ref-list></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab World</title><subTitle>Responses to Al-Jazeera's Interview with Karen Hughes</subTitle></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Arab World</title><subTitle>Responses to Al-Jazeera's Interview with Karen Hughes</subTitle></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Sam</namePart><namePart type="family">Cherribi</namePart><affiliation>Emory University</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre><originInfo><publisher>SAGE Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage CA: Los Angeles, CA</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2009-01</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2009</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><abstract lang="en">This article explores the ways in which the debut of Undersecretary for State and Public Diplomacy Karen Hughes was covered in the Arab media. Her outreach efforts to market and rebrand the image of America in the Arab world were announced proudly on the Arab satellite television network Al-Jazeera before the news spread to other Arab media outlets. In making Al-Jazeera the preeminent choice for her first appearance to launch the campaign to win the hearts and minds of Arab publics, Karen Hughes implicitly and explicitly endorses or at the very least subscribes to part of Al-Jazeera's agenda. Through the choice of Al-Jazeera as gateway to the Arab public, Karen Hughes waters down her own opinions and in this case made concessions regarding vital policy issues of the U.S. administration.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>Al-Jazeera</topic><topic>Arab media</topic><topic>Karen Hughes</topic><topic>public diplomacy</topic><topic>symbolic power</topic><topic>U.S. policy</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>American behavioral scientist (Beverly Hills)</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0002-7642</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1552-3381</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">ABS</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spabs</identifier><part><date>2009</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>52</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>5</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>755</start><end>771</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-F483GZ14-R</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/0002764208326521</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_0002764208326521</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/582E8AD6D9373624104C8E9F348B75569F0F6DF5/metadata/json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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