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Italian ethnic identity and its relative impact on the consumption of convenience and traditional foods

Identifieur interne : 000803 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000802; suivant : 000804

Italian ethnic identity and its relative impact on the consumption of convenience and traditional foods

Auteurs : Michel Laroche ; Chankon Kim ; Marc A. Tomiuk

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:B8E4877E2E7BC62E97B8ED70309772661729B538

Abstract

Ethnic identity or the retention or loss of the attitudes, values and behaviours of ones culture of origin is presented as a multidimensional construct. It is further suggested that acculturation or the acquisition of traits of the dominanthost culture constitutes a separate yet correlated process. Initial exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were conducted on responses from ItalianCanadians to various items designed to tap Italian ethnic identity. These analyses revealed that ethnic identity did indeed constitute a multidimensional process. Specifically, three dimensions were identified Italian Social Interaction and Participation, Italian Language Use with Family Members, and Catholicism. A final CFA model incorporated the three ethnic identity dimensions and two dimensions of acculturation. Consistent with previous findings, LISREL VIII estimation resulted in significant negative correlations between some ethnic identity and acculturation dimensions. The discriminant validity of ethnic identity was also more thoroughly established visvis acculturation by computing 95 per cent confidence intervals for the parameter estimates. Finally, subsequent stepwise regression analyses showed that the three ethnic identity dimensions along with the two acculturation dimensions and three socioeconomic factors had differential impacts on the consumption of various convenience and traditional foods. A hypothesis holding that ethnic identity was negatively related to the consumption of convenience foods was partly confirmed. Another holding that it was positively related to the consumption of traditional Italian foods was better established.

Url:
DOI: 10.1108/07363769810210340

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:B8E4877E2E7BC62E97B8ED70309772661729B538

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<p>Ethnic identity or the retention or loss of the attitudes, values and behaviours of one’s culture of origin is presented as a multidimensional construct. It is further suggested that acculturation or the acquisition of traits of the dominant/host culture constitutes a separate yet correlated process. Initial exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were conducted on responses from Italian‐Canadians to various items designed to tap Italian ethnic identity. These analyses revealed that ethnic identity did indeed constitute a multidimensional process. Specifically, three dimensions were identified: Italian Social Interaction and Participation, Italian Language Use with Family Members, and Catholicism. A final CFA model incorporated the three ethnic identity dimensions and two dimensions of acculturation. Consistent with previous findings, LISREL VIII estimation resulted in significant negative correlations between some ethnic identity and acculturation dimensions. The discriminant validity of ethnic identity was also more thoroughly established
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<sec>
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<p>Some time ago, ethnicity was generally perceived as a slowly dissolving artefact (Glazer and Moynihan, 1970). This view typified the United States where many had predicted the assimilation of various ethnic groups. Assimilationism also pervaded public policy in Canada. However, a change in Canadian policy to multiculturalism has for some time actively promoted the survival and revival of ethnic distinctiveness (Berry and Laponce, 1994; Lambert and Taylor, 1990). Despite these differences, current evidence suggests that ethnicities have survived in both countries. In other words, ethnic diversity has persisted and immigrant groups have remained in some ways unmeltable (Novak, 1971). Rather than assimilate, members of ethnic groups have reportedly experienced a more complex and multifaceted form of adaptation. Some have thus not only acquired the skills and/or traits which have enabled them to function within a majority or host culture but have also retained aspects of their cultures of origin. The former facet has been referred to as acculturation and the latter has often been labeled ethnic identity. The study of changing ethnicity has tended to revolve largely around these two concepts (Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Mendoza, 1989).</p>
<p>Because immigrants in the USA and Canada participate in and experience attachment to multiple ethnic realities (Berry and Laponce, 1994), attempts at studying ethnic identity should take account of acculturation. The latter provides a context for change in the former and acknowledges that ethnic identity is a fluid occurrence (Phinney, 1990).</p>
<p>When viewed in this way, ethnic identity and its changing cultural components afford researchers a more realistic perspective on many issues in multicultural societies. Moreover, ethnic identity should be differentiated from ethnic origin. The latter implies nominal, often dichotomous, and rather vague categories traditionally used for gathering census data. Variations in the use of this construct have included classifying subjects based on researchers’ perceptions rather than those of ethnic group members (Hirschman, 1981). Ethnic identity, on the other hand, is a subjective and multidimensional construct. Such refinements allow for clearer explanations of behavioural patterns which may not only be the result of ethnic origin but also of changing cultural components in the self.</p>
<p>Two divergent models of immigrant adaptation underlie much measurement work in the field. They are, in turn, rooted in two different perspectives on the adaptation process. The most widely adopted has been a linear bipolar model (Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Phinney, 1990). It postulates that as one acquires aspects of a host culture one is also bound to lose aspects of one’s culture of origin. Use of this model indicates a tendency to confound ethnic identity with acculturation and to assume an assimilationist stance. The second holds that acquisition of dominant/host culture traits is not necessarily concomitant with loss of ethnic identity. Fewer studies exemplify this view by their use of independent measures of participation in dominant/host and ethnic cultures. This latter perspective is better suited to multicultural environments such as that of Canada where assimilation is not likely to occur.</p>
<p>The purpose of this study rests primarily in developing a multidimensional model of ethnic identity for Italian‐Canadians in Montreal. Our model of ethnic identity is based on a conceptualization which stresses the use of cultural components rather than that of feelings of belonging, distinctiveness, or shared ancestry. Second, we empirically establish the discriminant validity of ethnic identity with respect to acculturation. Finally, we examine the relative impact of ethnic identity on food consumption behaviour
<italic>vis‐à‐vis</italic>
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<italic>Ethnicity as ethnic identity</italic>
</p>
<p>Ethnicity has been defined in two distinct manners (Despres, 1975). Objective formulations of the concept have stressed cultural traits, national origin, wealth, social status, political power, and segregated neighborhoods (Bennett, 1975; Keefe and Padilla, 1987). Subjective definitions have, on the other hand, presented ethnicity as a “psychological phenomenon which can be expressed in any identity display” (Hraba, 1979, p. 83). This view has entailed various definitions of ethnicity based on the concept of “ethnic identity”. As such, ethnic identity represents something much more complex than ethnic or national origin. The latter has however often been used in some form or another in attempts at classifying subjects as either black, white, Chinese, Hispanic, etc... These classification schemes have been simplistic and have often been based on subject’s last name or the perceptions of researchers (Hirschman, 1981).</p>
<p>
<italic>Development of ethnic identity</italic>
</p>
<p>Development of ethnic identity in children seems to be rooted in contrasts made between their own group and other groups. Specifically, Lambert and Klineberg (1967) found that ethnic identity development in children of various ethnic origins was a function of “training in national contrasts”. Parents were presented as “contrast trainers” who served to erect boundaries in the minds of children. Once instilled, these boundaries permitted children to delineate ingroups from outgroups (Lambert, 1981). Such findings further reinforced the notion that individuals needed frames of reference which included groups and regions other than their own in order to develop an awareness of their own particular ethnic group (Piaget and Weil, 1951). As socializers, parents have also been presumed to instill in the child a sense of group membership (Rosenthal and Cichello, 1986). This, in turn, was said to be instrumental in facilitating the process of learning important cultural values and behaviours; and of making these a part of the child’s self‐definition (Harris, 1980).</p>
<p>The two processes of differentiation and integration have been presented as the underlying cognitive components of ethnic identity development (Aboud and Christian, 1979). Specifically implied by these concepts are the differentiation of oneself and one’s group from others and the integration of oneself with members of one’s own group and the integration of one’s group with other groups in the larger society. Moreover, one’s ability at differentiation (i.e. dissociation) and integration (i.e. association) has been found to develop between the ages of six to ten and to potentially increase with age (Aboud and Christian, 1979). Ethnic identity is therefore fluid and developmental. Accordingly, Phinney (1990, p. 500) states that: “It is achieved rather than simply given”.</p>
<p>“Differentiation” and “integration” are reminiscent of “distinctiveness” and “belonging”. The latter underlie many definitions of ethnic identity. They also imply that ethnic identity is meaningful and consequential only when two or more ethnic groups are in contact (Phinney, 1990). Ethnic identity is therefore a relational construct (Roosens, 1989).</p>
<p>
<italic>Definitions of ethnic identity</italic>
</p>
<p>Generally, identity is a concept rooted in answers to such questions as “What am I?” and “What am I not?” (Aboud and Christian, 1979; Brand,
<italic> et al.,</italic>
1974). It is used to refer to an individual’s sense of who she/he is (Dashefsky and Shapiro, 1974; Frideres and Goldenberg, 1982). Moreover, identity represents a higher order concept (Dashefsky, 1972). There are therefore many facets to identity. Ethnic identity is hence but one of its defining aspects (Frideres and Goldenberg, 1982).</p>
<p>The word “identity” is usually specified by a qualifier such as “social” or “ethnic”. When the latter is employed, identification is taken to occur with one’s ethnic group (Dashefsky and Shapiro, 1974; Driedger, 1978). Underlying this process is, for some authors, a sense of “common ancestry based on shared individual characteristics and/or shared sociocultural experiences” (Driedger, 1978, p. 15); or a sense of shared values and attitudes (e.g. White and Burke, 1987); or feelings of belonging and/or commitment (e.g. Masuda
<italic>et al</italic>
., 1970; Ting‐Toomey, 1981). Arguing from this rather common perspective, Frideres and Goldenberg (1982, p. 144) state for instance that: “In addition to creating a sense of common origin, ethnic identity also can establish the correctness of one’s behavior and at the same time allow one to assess the correctness of the outsider’s behavior”.</p>
<p>For others, the cultural components of ethnic identity are to be emphasized. For instance, Masuda
<italic> et al.</italic>
(1970, p.199) introduced ethnic identity as “the quality of Japaneseness”. Similarly, Garcia and Lega (1979) attempted to measure the degree of “Cubanness”. In both cases, fairly complex measures of ethnic identity were proposed. Underlying this latter perspective is the notion that ethnic identity is multidimensional and culturally constituted or bound (Christian
<italic>et al.</italic>
, 1976; Giles
<italic> et al.</italic>
, 1976; Rosenthal and Hrynevich, 1985). It is also evident that, in this case, ethnic identity generally refers to and has been conceptualized as the retention or loss of aspects of one’s culture of origin (Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Phinney, 1990). The fluidity of the concept is made apparent here by the fact that cultural components are amenable to change. When viewed in an acculturation framework, the meaningfulness and expression of ethnic identity becomes even more evident for it is only then that it properly becomes a function of two or more culturally distinct groups which are in contact.</p>
<p>
<italic>Dimensions of ethnic identity</italic>
</p>
<p>Various cultural dimensions of ethnic identity have been proposed. They tend to vary in type and number from one group to another and from one study to another. For a particular ethnic group, these dimensions represent a groups’s salient features which form the basis of identification with that group (Christian
<italic> et al.</italic>
, 1976). In other words, various cultural features of a particular ethnic group are assumed to contribute to an individual member’s sense of ethnic identity (Rosenthal and Feldman, 1992).</p>
<p>The most widely accepted dimensions of ethnic identity include:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1. </label>
<p>language;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2. </label>
<p>friendship networks;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>3. </label>
<p>religious affiliation;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>4. </label>
<p>participation in clubs and organizations;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>5. </label>
<p>endogamy;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>6. </label>
<p>food preferences; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>7. </label>
<p>traditional celebrations (Driedger, 1975; Phinney, 1990; Rosenthal and Feldman, 1992).</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
<p>Language has consistently emerged as the paramount dimension for a variety of ethnic groups (Aboud and Christian, 1979; Bergier, 1986; Felix‐Ortiz de la Garza
<italic>et al.</italic>
, 1995; Giles
<italic>et al., </italic>
1974; 1976; Saloutos, 1980; Taylor
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1973). Most measures have made use of language‐based items in a variety of contexts which have, in turn, included media consumption (e.g. Bergier, 1986; Garcia and Lega, 1979; Keefe and Padilla, 1987) and the family context (e.g. Connor, 1977; Garcia and Lega, 1979; Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Makabe, 1979; Masuda
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1970; Pierce
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1978; Teske and Nelson, 1973; Valencia, 1985). Ethnic social interaction has also been extensively presented as another important dimension of ethnic identity (Bergier, 1986; Connor, 1977; Dashefsky and Shapiro, 1974; Felix‐Ortiz de la Garza
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1995; Garcia and Lega, 1979; Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Makabe, 1979; Masuda
<italic>et al</italic>
., 1970; Pierce
<italic>et al</italic>
., 1978; Teske and Nelson, 1973; Valencia, 1985). Religious affiliation has emerged as an important aspect in some conceptualizations of the construct (e.g., Dashefsky and Shapiro, 1974).</p>
<p>Phinney (1990) has found that researchers reported differing results as to the number of factors in ethnic identity. It is argued that this was due to varying factor analytic procedures and to the types of items submitted to these procedures. For instance, a single factor was proposed by Garcia and Lega (1979); two were suggested by Constantinou and Harvey (1985) and Driedger (1976); three were proposed by Hogg
<italic>et al</italic>
. (1987); and four or more appeared in Caltabiano (1984), Driedger (1975), and Makabe (1979). Finally, Aboud and Christian (1979) have found that subjects have generally tended to use three to four dimensions when perceiving the ethnicity of stimulus‐persons in many previous studies which made use of multidimensional scaling procedures.</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Acculturation</bold>
</title>
<p>Acculturation is generally taken to indicate acquisition of host culture traits. It is worthwhile noting that all the ethnic identity dimensions mentioned above have clear analogs in acculturation scales. Like ethnic identity, acculturation has long been recognized as a multidimensional construct (e.g., Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Mainous, 1989). Moreover, Rogler et al., (1991), have argued that some ethnic identity measures were virtually identical in content to acculturation measures. Similarly, Phinney (1990, p. 501) has stated that “(the) term
<italic>ethnic identity</italic>
has sometimes been used synonymously with
<italic>acculturation</italic>
”. In fact, measures of the two constructs are quite similar except that ethnic identity measures have tapped maintenance/retention of the culture of origin whereas acculturation measures have focused on acquisition of a host or dominant culture.</p>
<p>The most widely used indicators of acculturation have been language‐based items (Olmedo, 1979). The primacy of language in the assessment of acculturation is stressed by the fact that a language dimension appears at the forefront of most measures (e.g. Burnam
<italic> et al.</italic>
, 1987; Caetano, 1987; Cuellar
<italic>et al., </italic>
1980; Franco, 1983; Rogler
<italic>et al.</italic>
, 1991). In addition to language, measures of acculturation have also included indicators of other conceptual dimensions. For instance, media‐type items (i.e. radio, newspapers, magazines, books, and television) have often been used by measure developers (e.g., Caetano, 1987; Garcia and Lega, 1979; Huhr and Kim, 1984; Kim, 1977, 1978). In some cases, validation of a proposed factorial structure of acculturation has revealed a clear media factor (e.g., Marin
<italic> et al.,</italic>
1987; Triandis
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1982). The use of a social interaction and participation dimension has also pervaded many attempts at measuring acculturation (e.g. Caetano, 1987; Campisi, 1947; Cuellar
<italic> et al., </italic>
1980; Franco, 1983; Keefe and Padilla, 1987). Such a dimension has accounted for a substantial amount of total variance in many factorial studies of the construct (e.g. Burnam
<italic>et al</italic>
., 1987; Cuellar
<italic> et al</italic>
., 1980; Franco, 1983; Marin
<italic> et al</italic>
., 1987; Mendoza, 1989; Szapocznik
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1980; Triandis
<italic> et al., </italic>
1982). The importance of media and social interaction dimensions in the process of acculturation is stressed in Weinstock (1964) who has reported that not language but rather the number of friends of the host culture and mass media preferences were the best indicators of acculturation. Similar results were reported in Garcia (1982) and Triandis
<italic> et al</italic>
. (1982).</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Ethnic identity and acculturation combined</bold>
</title>
<p>Attempts at associating the notion of ethnic identity to that of acculturation have resulted in differing perspectives. In fact, two distinct models of ethnic change appear in the literature. The most common is a linear bipolar model. Ethnic identity is conceptualized along a single continuum ranging from strong ethnic ties (low acculturation/high ethnic identity) at one end to strong mainstream ties at the other (high acculturation/low ethnic identity) (Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Phinney, 1990). Underlying this model is the assumption that “a strengthening of one requires a weakening of the other; that is, a strong ethnic identity is not possible among those who become involved in the mainstream society, and acculturation is inevitably accompanied by a weakening of ethnic identity” (Phinney, 1990, p. 501). This model is therefore rooted in assimilationist assumptions and has consequently resulted in the confounding of the acculturation construct with that of ethnic identity. This is particularly evident by the use of bipolar scales which mimic the model’s central assumption and thereby oppose participation in one culture to that in the other (e.g. Burnam
<italic>et al</italic>
., 1987; Caetano, 1987; Cuellar
<italic>et al.</italic>
, 1980; Faber
<italic>et al.</italic>
, 1987; Kim, 1978). Measures based on this approach usually result in a total score that is taken as indicative of “level of acculturation” or “level of identification with the majority culture”. This score is usually generated by summing individual item responses across correlated factorial dimensions (Olmedo, 1979).</p>
<p>An alternative and more complex model emphasizes that adaptation is a bi‐level or multicultural process (Mendoza, 1989). Underlying this approach is the notion that “both the relationship with the traditional or ethnic culture and the relationship with the new or dominant culture must be considered, and these two relationships may be independent” (Phinney, 1990, p. 501). This model depicts a multicultural perspective on immigrant adaptation which, in turn, acknowledges that it is possible for immigrants to maintain their ethnic identity while developing a strong sense of belonging in Canada (Goldlust and Richmond, 1977; Lambert and Taylor, 1990). This idea was embodied in McFee’s (1968) “150% man” where new culture traits are seen supplementing native ones. It also applies to Dohrenwend and Smith (1962) who postulated two dimensions or levels of cultural change:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1 </label>
<p> maintenance or loss of traditional culture; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2 </label>
<p>gain of new cultural traits.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
<p>Fewer measurement attempts are grounded in this alternative proposition. These measures tap acquisition of host culture and retention of culture of origin separately. For instance, the instrument proposed by Garcia and Lega (1979) reflects Cuban ethnic identity independently of a respondent’s acquisition of behaviours or skills characteristic of the dominant culture. This approach has therefore circumvented the tendency to confound the ethnic identity and acculturation constructs (Aboud, 1988; Rogler
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1991). Moreover, it has resulted in typologies rather than summated scores (e.g. Berry, 1980; Clark
<italic>et al</italic>
., 1976; Hutnik, 1986; Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Mendoza, 1989; Ting‐Toomey, 1981)
<italic>.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Italian ethnic identity and acculturation conceptualized</italic>
</p>
<p>The reliance by many researchers on approaches based on the single continuum or bipolar model is perhaps partly due to the confusion that surrounds the word “acculturation” (Keefe, 1980; Kim, 1977). Its classic formulations (Redfield
<italic> et al</italic>
., 1936; SSRC, 1954) are all but clear. Since then, the term seems to have taken on a variety of divergent and often confounded meanings. It is therefore necessary to clearly define and conceptualize ethnic identity and acculturation before going any further. It is also important to show the salience of the proposed ethnic identity and acculturation dimensions to Italian Canadians.</p>
<p>In this study, ethnic identity is broadly taken to indicate the retention or loss of attitudes, values, and behaviours of the culture of origin which, in this case, is the Italian culture. Moreover, it is conceptualized as multidimensional. Specifically, we propose a three‐dimensional structure which is, in turn, based on the following:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1. </label>
<p>Italian language use with family members;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2. </label>
<p>Italian social interaction and participation; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>3. </label>
<p>Catholicism.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
<p>In general, there is considerable evidence to indicate that Italians in Montreal have generally maintained their cultural heritage and that the dimensions proposed herein form salient aspects of their ethnic identity (Jansen, 1988; Ramirez, 1980; 1989). Specifically, language issues are of obvious importance to Italian ethnic identity. Jansen (1988) reports that few Italian immigrants on arrival in Canada spoke any English or French and that many still prefer to speak Italian at home despite the fact that more recent generations were educated in English or French. The importance of ethnic social interaction and participation is also stressed. Ramirez (1980) discusses the emergence of Italian churches/parishes; issues related to the formation of Italian schools; and the great number of Italian grocery stores, clubs, cafes, and community organizations. Moreover, research has shown a tendency among Italian immigrants from the same village or area in Italy to intermarry and to form residential clusters in Canadian cities (Ramirez, 1989; Zucchi, 1988). Finally, Catholicism is also presented as an important aspect of Italian ethnic identity (Fandetti and Gelfand, 1983; Jansen, 1988; Ramirez, 1980; 1989; Rotunno and McGoldrick, 1982).</p>
<p>Ethnic identity represents but one aspect of a broader multicultural process intimated by such terms as “culture change” (Keefe and Padilla, 1987) or “ethnic change” (Laroche
<italic> et al.</italic>
, 1996). The second facet of this process is acculturation. It is broadly taken to reflect the acquisition of traits of a dominant or host culture which, in this case, is the English‐Canadian culture. Acculturation is represented here by two dimensions:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1 </label>
<p>English‐Canadian mass media exposure; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2 </label>
<p>English‐Canadian social interaction and participation.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
<p>There is considerable evidence to indicate that Italians in Montreal have acculturated. In other words, they have not only maintained aspects of their ethnic identity, they have also acquired facets of the English culture (Jansen, 1988; Ramirez, 1980; 1989).</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Ethnic identity and food consumption</bold>
</title>
<p>Ethnic identity reflects the retention of behaviours and attitudes of the culture of origin. This retention should presumably be evident across many aspects of behaviour which include food consumption. Despite the pervasive lack of substantive theory on changing culture constructs and consumption, Italian traditional foods seem to be well suited for a test of this proposition because they tend not to be North‐American creations. On the other hand, convenience foods are North‐American creations and seem to be well suited for a test of the proposition that their consumption will be inversely related with level of ethnic identity. Moreover, there is also some evidence that as Italian immigrants participate more in the English‐Canadian culture, they tend to show a greater inclination for convenience seeking (Laroche
<italic>et al., </italic>
1993). We therefore hypothesized the following:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1. </label>
<p>
<italic>H</italic>
<sub>1</sub>
:Ethnic identity is positively related to the consumption of traditional foods.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2. </label>
<p>
<italic>H</italic>
<sub>2</sub>
<italic>:</italic>
Ethnic identity is negatively related to the consumption of convenience foods.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Goals of the study</bold>
</title>
<p>This study will first attempt to determine the underlying structure of Italian ethnic identity in Montreal. It is expected that ethnic identity will emerge as multidimensional. Next, we will formulate a model which will incorporate acculturation. Negative correlations are expected between ethnic identity and acculturation dimensions. This procedure will partly serve to demonstrate the discriminant validity of ethnic identity. It will be followed by a more stringent test involving confidence intervals which will be computed for each relevant parameter estimate. Finally, we will examine the impact of each dimension of ethnic identity and acculturation along with those of three socio‐economic variables on convenience and traditional food consumption variables. This will be performed via stepwise regression analyses. Differential impacts of these dimensions are expected to appear across products.</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Method</bold>
</title>
<p>
<italic>Data</italic>
</p>
<p>The data were obtained from a random sample of Italian‐Canadians residing in various districts of the Greater Montreal area. An area sampling procedure was used for reasons of expediency and cost. It involved numbering Montreal census tracts and randomly drawing a number of these original tracts. As they were drawn, some tracts exhibited high concentrations of industrial/commercial establishments and/or other ethnic groups. These were consequently eliminated. This process continued until a total of 15 viable tracts had been drawn. Next, a number of streets within each chosen tract were randomly selected. Every effort was made to survey as many households as possible on each of these streets. Following an initial introduction, bilingual interviewers used a filter question to screen out individuals who denied having an Italian origin (Alba and Chamlin, 1983). Specifically, each prospective respondent was asked to name his/her ancestors’ country or countries of origin. All those who qualified were given a choice between an English and an Italian version of the same questionnaire. They were told that it would be picked up at a later date or they were given the option of using a postage‐paid return envelope. A total of 469 usable questionnaires was collected.</p>
<p>Most respondents were female (67.8 percent) and a substantial portion was in the 20 to 29 years of age category (26.5 percent). A slightly lesser number appeared in the 40 to 49 years of age category (26.1 percent) and this was followed by the 30 to 39 years category (18.3 percent). When asked about their place of birth, 54.4 percent claimed that it was in Europe and 42.8 percent reported that they were born in Quebec, Canada. Finally, 71.2 percent of respondents indicated that they were first generation Canadians and 20.5 percent said that they were of the second generation.</p>
<p>
<italic>Measurement</italic>
</p>
<p>Ethnic identity was assessed with 12 items designed to tap three conceptual dimensions. Italian language use with family members was measured by asking respondents to estimate the percentage of times Italian and English were used when speaking to their spouse, children, and relatives. Respondents were told that for each context, the percentage scores were to add to 100.</p>
<p>Additional items were designed to tap Italian social participation/interaction. They consisted in the following six 10‐point Likert‐type scale statements:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1 </label>
<p>All my closest friends are Italians.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2 </label>
<p>All my neighbours are Italians.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>3 </label>
<p>I am very comfortable dealing with Italians.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>4 </label>
<p>I like to go places where I can be with Italians.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>5 </label>
<p>I often participate in the activities of Italian community or politicalorganizations.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>6 </label>
<p>I am strongly attached to all aspects of the Italian culture.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
<p>Three other items were designed to assess the level of Catholicism:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1 </label>
<p>I consider myself to be a strong Catholic believer.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2 </label>
<p>I had a strong Catholic childhood upbringing.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>3 </label>
<p>Catholic beliefs are an important part of my life.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
<p>A similar approach was used to assess acculturation. E‐C mass midia exposure was measured by asking respondents to estimate the percentage of times they used the Italian and English languages in the following four contexts:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1 </label>
<p>when watching television;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2 </label>
<p>when listening to radio;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>3 </label>
<p>when reading newspapers; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>4 </label>
<p>when reading magazines or books.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
<p>Respondents were once again told that for each context, the percentage scores were to add to 100. English‐Canadian social participation and interaction was assessed by the following six items:
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1 </label>
<p>All my closest friends are Anglophones.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2 </label>
<p>All my neighbours are Anglophones.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>3 </label>
<p>I am very comfortable dealing with Anglophones.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>4 </label>
<p>I like to go places where I can be with Anglophones.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>5 </label>
<p>I often participate in the activities of Anglophone community or political organizations.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>6 </label>
<p>I am strongly attached to all aspects of the English culture.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Results</bold>
</title>
<p>
<italic>Exploratory factor analysis of ethnic identity and reliability analyses</italic>
</p>
<p>Italian ethnic identity was conceptualized above as having three distinct dimensions. Maximum likelihood factor analysis was performed on the 12 identity items so as to ascertain the viability of the proposed structure. In accordance with the number of a priori dimensions, three factors were extracted. The ML solution accounted for 46.7 percent of the total variance in the data. Most of the variance (23.2 percent) was in fact explained by Factor 1, Italian language use with family members.</p>
<p>Next, oblique rotation of the factor structure was undertaken because some significant level of correlation was expected among the factors (Mendoza, 1989). The resulting pattern and factor correlation matrices appear in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203001">Table I</xref>
. Given the pattern of loadings, this procedure seems to have captured the proposed structure of Italian ethnic identity. In other words, all items designed to tap a particular conceptual dimension exhibited relatively higher loadings on only that respective factor for each of the three factors.</p>
<p>Correlations between factors were all positive and lesser than unity. We took this as an indication that the three factors represented distinct yet correlated aspects of ethnic identity and that they should not be summated into a single score. In sum, the EFA results provided some evidence that Italian language use with family members, Italian social interaction and participation, and Catholicism represented different dimensions of Italian ethnic identity.</p>
<p>Relatively lower loadings appeared on the Italian social interaction and participation factor. These apparent anomalies suggested that before going on to a more rigorous test of the proposed model, it would be wise to perform reliability analyses/item purifications for each of the three composite scales. Coefficient &agr; values were computed for each of the three ethnic identity scales. The three item composite which measured Italian language use with family members exhibited an initial value &agr; of 0.784. There appeared to be no advantage in discarding any of its items. The six item scale which was designed to assess Italian social interaction and participation resulted in an &agr; value of 0.700. Item‐to‐total statistics indicated that deleting any of its items would result in an alpha value below 0.7. None was therefore deleted for such a procedure would result in unacceptable levels of internal consistency. Finally, the three item scale which assessed Catholicism yielded an initial &agr; of 0.855. Item 2 of this dimension displayed a lower item‐to‐total correlation. It was also indicated that its deletion would result in a slight increase in &agr;. This item was therefore discarded and the coefficient was recomputed. This procedure resulted in an &agr; of 0.884.</p>
<p>
<italic>Exploratory factor analysis of acculturation and reliability analyses</italic>
</p>
<p>The ten acculturation items were also submitted to maximum likelihood exploratory factor analysis. As for ethnic identity, this procedure partly served to confirm that the two proposed conceptual dimensions were empirically viable. The results indicated that the items did indeed form the two hypothesized factors (see
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203002">Table II</xref>
). This solution accounted for 56.1 percent of the total variance in the data. A correlation of 0.524 appeared between the factors. This indicated that the factors formed somewhat distinct aspects of acculturation.</p>
<p>The E‐C mass media exposure factor exhibited loadings which ranged from 0.788 to 0.935. Reliability analysis of the composite scale revealed an &agr; of 0.935. Item‐to‐total statistics indicated no benefit in deleting any item from this scale. Some relatively lower loadings appeared on E‐C social interaction and participation. Reliability analyses resulted in the removal of items 2, 5, and 6 based on item‐to‐total statistics. This procedure yielded an &agr; of 0.735 for the final three item composite.</p>
<p>
<italic>Confirmatory factor analysis of ethnic identity</italic>
</p>
<p>CFA provided a more rigorous check of the proposed three dimensional model of ethnic identity. The CFA model shown in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203003">Figure 1</xref>
was submitted for analysis to LISREL VIII (Jöreskog and Sörbom, 1993). This model included the three items which tapped Italian language use with family members, the six Italian social interaction and participation items, and the two remaining Catholicism items.</p>
<p>Estimation of the model yielded a &khgr;
<sup>2</sup>
value of 82.7 with 41 degrees of freedom (
<italic>p </italic>
= 0.000). This indicated poor fit. It was deemed that this was due to the fairly large sample size (
<italic>n </italic>
= 347). In fact, the &khgr;
<sup>2</sup>
statistic is considered a poor measure of fit when sample size exceeds 200 (Bagozzi and Yi, 1988). On the other hand, the Normed Fit Index, the Comparative Fit Index, and the Adjusted Goodness of Fit Index are known to be less sensitive to sample size effects. Moreover, NFI, CFI, and AGFI values equal or greater to 0.9 are generally taken as indicative of a meaningful model (Bagozzi and Yi, 1988; Bentler, 1990). In this case, these indices equalled 0.93, 0.96, and 0.93, respectively. The CFA model therefore exhibited acceptable fit and seemed to adequately represent the variable structure in our data. Standardized parameter estimates of the model appear in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203004">Table III</xref>
.</p>
<p>
<italic>Confirmatory factor analysis of acculturation</italic>
</p>
<p>The two factor model of acculturation was also submitted to confirmatory factor analysis (
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203005">Figure 2</xref>
). It included the four E‐C mass media exposure items and the three remaining E‐C social interaction and participation items. LISREL VIII parameter and fit estimates appear in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203006">Table IV</xref>
. The NFI, CFI, and AGFI are once again indicative of acceptable levels of fit.</p>
<p>
<italic>Confirmatory factor analysis of ethnic change</italic>
</p>
<p>The next phase in the analysis consisted of an examination of the relationship between ethnic identity and acculturation. Based on our earlier discussion, these two processes should represent distinct yet correlated phenomena involved in a broader process referred to as “ethnic change”. A test of this proposition consisted of the estimation of a third CFA model which now included ethnic identity and acculturation. This model is depicted in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203007">Figure 3</xref>
.</p>
<p>LISREL VIII estimation of the five factor structure yielded slight decreases in fit over the previous CFA models. Specifically, estimation of the model generated NFI, CFI, and AGFI values of 0.90, 0.93, and 0.87, respectively. Its fit was nevertheless deemed acceptable. Standardized parameter estimates for this model appear in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203008">Table V</xref>
. The parameters on which we focused our attention were the estimated correlations between ethnic identity and acculturation dimensions. In four of the six cases they were negative and significant (&phgr;
<sub>4,1</sub>
; &phgr;
<sub>4,2</sub>
; &phgr;
<sub>4,3</sub>
; and &phgr;
<sub>5,1</sub>
). The remaining two were non‐significant (&phgr;
<sub>5,2</sub>
and &phgr;
<sub>5,3</sub>
) and indicated no relation between E‐C social interaction and participation and Italian social interaction and participation and between E‐C social interaction and participation and Catholicism. On the other hand, the four negative coefficients indicated that as Italian‐Canadians discarded some aspects of their culture of origin they were also subjected to some gains with respect to aspects of the host/dominant culture. These results are reminiscent of previous findings in the field (see Keefe and Padilla, 1987; Mendoza, 1989). They serve to reinforce the notion that ethnic identity is multidimensional and that acculturation does not result in equivalent adaptation across dimensions of ethnic identity.</p>
<p>
<italic>Discriminant validity of ethnic identity</italic>
</p>
<p>A more rigorous examination of the relationship between ethnic identity and acculturation rests in an assessment of the discriminant validity of one construct
<italic>vis‐à‐vis</italic>
the other. Specifically, a stringent test of discriminant validity involves testing whether the correlation between two constructs is significantly different from unity (+1 or ‐1) (Bagozzi
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1991). Accordingly, we computed 95 percent confidence intervals for each of the four parameter estimates. The intervals were of the following general form: ± 1.96 (SE). Standard error along with parameter estimates were provided in the LISREL VIII output. The resulting confidence intervals were [, .781, ‐0.899] for &phgr;
<sub>4,1</sub>
; [, .262,‐0.498] for &phgr;
<sub>4,2</sub>
; [, .032, ‐0.268] for &phgr;
<sub>4,3</sub>
; [, .452, ‐0.648] for &phgr;
<sub>5,1</sub>
; [.057, ‐0.217] for &phgr;
<sub>5,2</sub>
; and [.157, ‐0.117] for &phgr;
<sub>5,3</sub>
. In each case, the intervals did not include unity. In other words, these results clearly pointed to the fact that acculturation and ethnic identification were discriminant of each other and therefore constituted separate constructs.</p>
<p>
<italic>Food consumption</italic>
</p>
<p>The three ethnic identity dimensions and the two acculturation dimension were each collapsed into single unweighted average scores. Various convenience food and some traditional food products were then modelled individually as a function of Italian language use with family members, Italian social interaction and participation, Catholicism, E‐C mass media exposure, E‐C social interaction and participation, and three socioeconomic variables, namely: age, income, and family size. In order to place a product in either the convenience or traditional foods group, we exercised our judgment. When in doubt, we discussed the apparent nature of a food item with individuals of Italian origin at a local cafe owned by Italian‐Canadians and frequented by many compatriots. For instance, such discussions prompted us to classify frozen pizza as a convenience food item rather than a traditional food item. Despite its apparent Italian attributes, discussions with Italian‐Canadians indicated that frozen pizza (as opposed to the fresh or made‐from‐scratch variety) tended to be perceived in terms which indicated its American qualities (e.g. fast food) rather than its traditional ones.</p>
<p>The stepwise regression results appear in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203009">Table VI</xref>
. All but one reported
<italic>F</italic>
‐statistics were significant at the 0.05 level. The p‐value of the
<italic>F‐</italic>
statistics associated with regular pop was 0.052 and therefore significant at the 0.01 level. Adjusted
<italic>R</italic>
<sup>2</sup>
s appeared sometimes to be moderate (e.g. popcorn and sugarless gum) and often to be rather low (e.g. TV dinners and frozen pizza). Standardized regression coefficients rarely exhibited values greater than /0.2/. “Italian language use with family members” (ILUF) exhibited negative significant coefficients across some convenience foods items. Specifically, these appeared for two of the frozen foods (waffles and pizza), for canned soups, and for three of the junkfoods (chips, popcorn, and candy bars). On the other hand, ILUF positively impacted the consumption of two traditional food items (bottled spaghetti sauce and frozen lamb). Moreover, it was the variable which tended to display relatively larger beta coefficient estimates in absolute value in comparison to the other seven independent variables. “Italian social interaction and participation” (ISIP) appeared as the ethnic identity dimension which most often had a significant impact on product consumption. The impact of ISIP was particularly apparent in the frozen foods product category where it was significantly related to consumption frequencies of four of the seven products. The impact of this dimension was also significant on two of the six junk foods (potato chips and sugarless gum). The effects of “Catholicism” (CATH), when significant, were always positive across both product groups. It was significantly related to the consumption of only one frozen food (pies), of canned soups, of two junk foods (chips and sugarless gum), of the three frozen meats, and of canned tuna.</p>
<p>“E‐C mass media exposure” (ECMM) emerged as the dimension which was associated with the least number of significant coefficients. In fact, only one of the regression coefficients was significant at the 0.1 level (i.e. regular pop). A significant impact of “E‐C social interaction and participation” (ECSIP) on food items appeared always as positive across both product groups. Its effects were most numerous in the convenience foods group (orange juice, potato products, chips, popcorn, diet pop, frozen beef, frozen chicken).</p>
<p>Socioeconomic factors were associated with coefficients which were positive more often than not. This was especially true of “family size” which, when significant, was also always positive. The reverse was exhibited by “income” where three significant and negative coefficients appeared in the convenience food group (frozen waffles, frozen potato products, and popcorn). The effects of “age” were significant in only four cases. Its impact emerged as positive for two traditional foods (frozen beef and frozen chicken) and negative for two convenience foods (frozen vegetables and sugarless gum).</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<bold>Discussion and conclusion</bold>
</title>
<p>Considerable interest and attention have been given to ethnic identity both as a construct in its own right (Phinney, 1990) and as a correlate/determinant of a wide array of phenomena including those related to marketing (Hirschman, 1981; Valencia, 1985). One issue that has transpired has been its multidimensionality. The structure of the model proposed herein is generally quite consistent with past studies which have pointed toward the multidimensional nature of the construct and have stressed the primacy of language in the process of maintaining one’s culture of origin (e.g. Bergier, 1986; Christian
<italic>et al</italic>
., 1976; Giles
<italic>et al</italic>
., 1976; Keefe and Padilla, 1987;
<italic> </italic>
Rosenthal and Hrynevich,
<italic> </italic>
1985; Valencia, 1985). The results obtained here further hint at the need to take a multidimensional perspective on ethnic identity in marketing studies. It is quite evident that had we simply summated ethnic identity scores across the three proposed dimensions designed to tap different conceptual domains of the construct, this would have led to misleading results. The inadequacy of a unidimensional perspective becomes apparent when one examines the coefficients relating ethnic identity dimensions to consumption variables. In some cases, coefficients have signs which are reversed yet these dimensions are supposed to reflect different aspects of the same concept. This is particularly apparent for “Italian language use with family members” (ILUF) when compared to the effects of the other two ethnic identity dimensions (ISIP and CATH). The former is, more often than not, associated with negative coefficients. However, the latter two dimensions tend to be associated with a greater number of positive coefficients.</p>
<p>Ethnic identity when coupled with acculturation produced a model of ethnic change which boasted significant negative relationships between ethnic identity and acculturation dimensions in four of the six cases and non‐significant ones for the remaining two cases. Additional evidence indicating that ethnic identity was distinct or discriminant of acculturation was provided by 95 percent confidence intervals. These results are somewhat reminiscent of those of a few rigorous studies which have reported that cross‐cultural adaptation is more complex than the processes intimated by assimilation and Americanization (e.g. Laroche,
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1996; Mendoza, 1989; Keefe and Padilla, 1987). One implication of these findings is that Italian‐Canadians do reside in at least a two‐culture world. To paraphrase Ramirez (1989), they do in fact adopt the behaviours of the English‐Canadian culture and yet somewhat retain and/or lose aspects of their culture of origin. In sum, this study partly lends credence to a multicultural or bi‐level adaptation process for Italian‐Canadians in Montreal, Canada.</p>
<p>The complexity of this bi‐level process is made even more apparent by how its aspects impact food consumption variables. Each aspect of changing culture (i.e. ethnic identity and acculturation) should indeed be considered distinct and multidimensional in nature. These aspects are clearly related to consumption in differing ways. One need only examine the results in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203009">Table VI</xref>
to see that ethnic identity and acculturation dimensions each have differing impacts across food categories and across the two food groups (convenience and traditional). In some cases consumption appears as a bicultural phenomenon. This is particularly evident in the case of frozen orange juice, frozen beef, frozen chicken, frozen potato products, potato chips, and popcorn. In others, it is a monocultural occurrence. For instance, ethnic identity dimensions carry the only impact in the case of frozen TV dinners, frozen pies, and frozen pizza. In other cases, acculturation emerges as the more important factor. For example, the consumption of diet pop and that of regular pop are both a function of only acculturation dimensions.</p>
<p>Our first hypothesis was that ethnic identity is positively related to the consumption of traditional foods. Six traditional Italian foods appear in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203009">Table VI</xref>
. These include pasta, bottled spaghetti sauce, three frozen meats, and canned tuna. In each case, consumption was a positive function of ethnic identity. In the case of pasta and bottled spaghetti sauce, the only significant impact of ethnically‐laden variables was that of ethnic identity. In the case of pasta, ethnic identification (ISIP) carried the only impact attributable to cultural factors. In other words, consumption of this product was not related to acculturation. This is apparently due to the fact that pasta is an integral part of the Italian culture and diet and perhaps even an aspect of Italian identity. Consumption of bottled spaghetti sauce also appeared as a positive function of ethnic identity (ILUF). The consumption of beef and chicken emerged as a function of both ethnic identity and acculturation. They are however products common to both the Italian and English‐Canadian cultures. On the other hand, lamb and canned tuna appear as strictly a function of ethnic identity. They are considered as highly traditional foods, especially in the case of lamb. Our first hypothesis therefore appears to be supported based on the traditional food items presented in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203009">Table VI</xref>
.</p>
<p>Our second hypothesis suggested a negative relationship between ethnic identity and the consumption of convenience foods. It appears only partly supported. Negative ethnic identity coefficients emerged for the following convenience food items: frozen TV dinners, frozen waffles, frozen pizza, canned soups, potato chips, popcorn, and candy bars. None appeared for frozen orange juice, frozen vegetables, frozen potato products, sugarless gum, and both varieties of soft drinks.</p>
<p>However, the dimension “Italian language use with family members” (ILUF) accounted for the most variance in our three‐dimensional exploratory and confirmatory factor models of Italian ethnic identity. It emerges here as the best predictor of Italian ethnic identity. This is further reinforced by the fact that some form of a language dimension has consistently emerged as the most important dimension of changing identity for a variety of ethnic groups (see Bergier, 1986; Campisi, 1947; Mainous, 1989). In turn, the regression coefficients associated with ILUF, when significant, were also always negative in the case of convenience foods and always positive in the case of traditional foods. Accordingly, we feel that it would be unwise to dismiss our second hypothesis too quickly and that language use appears as the dimension which should be retained for future study of the effects of changing ethnicity on consumption variables. Its effects are clearly interpretable. Or at least much more clearly so than those exhibited by the other two dimensions of ethnic identity.</p>
<p>Socioeconomic variables have traditionally been used in studies as criterion variables involved in the validation of measures of changing ethnicity (e.g. Burnam
<italic>et al.,</italic>
1987; Garcia and Lega, 1979; Mainous, 1989; Szapocznik
<italic> et al.</italic>
, 1980). “Age” or “length of time in a host culture” are variables that appear often in such studies. One would normally expect a positive relationship between ethnic identity and age. In
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203009">Table VI</xref>
, it becomes quickly apparent that the direction of the effects of age are congruent with those of ILUF in the case of convenience foods. Accordingly, the effects of the socioeconomic factor age also lend support to our second hypothesis.</p>
<p>Moreover, it has been argued that consumption differences between ethnic groups may in fact not lie in different ethnic backgrounds but in socioeconomic factors. This study does not demonstrate the more important impact of ethnicity on consumption behaviour. It points to the often more important impact of aspects of changing ethnicity rather than such variables as income, age, and family size. This is generally evident for the consumption frequencies of the array of products included in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203009">Table VI</xref>
.</p>
<p>More generally, the results reported in
<xref ref-type="fig" rid="F_0770150203009">Table VI</xref>
imply differential consumption patterns which seem to be based on whether the products are more or less compatible with traditional Italian food consumption behaviours. They also suggest that acculturation and ethnic identity result in a complex ethnic change phenomenon. This complexity partly rests on the way its aspects impact food consumption. Nevertheless, no truly clear pattern appears which would lead to the deduction and formulation of an underlying principle in the impact of ethnically‐laden variables on food consumption. Nevertheless, it is quite apparent that acculturation and ethnic identification are related to consumption. In other words, consumption is ethnically bound. However, the question remains as to what underlies this relation. It seems that the answer rests partly within product attribute evaluation and the congruence of that evaluation with one’s level of ethnic identity and/or acculturation. In fact, aspects of both constructs seem to sometimes be confounded within the consumption of particular products. In other words, what seems to be suggested here is that we as marketers must look at a product and try to determine whether that product and its various attributes are congruent with traditional consumption patterns or whether they are a hybrid of such patterns (e.g. frozen pizza) or whether they are completely foreign to such patterns (e.g. frozen TV dinners). Once this is done in a systematic manner, the impact of acculturation and ethnic identification on consumption can be better explained and understood.</p>
<p>Finally, some sociological research findings have suggested that ethnic identity is only salient in certain conditions and is therefore transient. For instance, Frideres and Goldenberger (1982, p. 146) have concluded that “ethnicity is not as crucial a feature of Canadian life across the country as is often claimed.” They found that the salience or importance of ethnic identity reached its highest levels under specific conditions: travel, religious or secular holidays, and with family (Frideres and Goldenberger, 1982). Similarly, Breton (1978, p. 60) has reported that “(only) certain areas of a person’s life involve his or her ethnicity.” This perspective holds that ethnic identity is not a fixed process but rather an emergent and adaptive response to structural conditions (Yancey
<italic>et al.</italic>
, 1980). Perhaps a potential model of consumption and ethnic change lies not only in product attribute evaluation but also in the seemingly chaotic perspective on changing ethnicity that is held by these sociologists.</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203001">
<label>
<bold>Table I
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>Exploratory factor analysis of ethnic identity (ML)</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203001.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203002">
<label>
<bold>Table II
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>Exploratory factor analysis of acculturation (ML)</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203002.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203003">
<label>
<bold>Figure 1
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>CFA of ethnic identity</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203003.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203004">
<label>
<bold>Table III
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>Standardized estimates of confirmatory factor model with three ethnic identity dimensions</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203004.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203005">
<label>
<bold>Figure 2
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>CFA of acculturation</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203005.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203006">
<label>
<bold>Table IV
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>Standardized estimates of confirmatory factor model with two acculturation dimensions</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203006.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203007">
<label>
<bold>Figure 3
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>CFA of ethnic identity and accumulation</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203007.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203008">
<label>
<bold>Table V
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>Standardized estimates of confirmatory factor model with three ethnic identity and two acculturation dimensions</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203008.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203009">
<label>
<bold>Table VI
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>
<italic>Consumption of convenience and traditional foods as a function of ethnic identification, acculturation and three socioeconomic factors</italic>
</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203009.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
<sec>
<fig position="float" id="F_0770150203010">
<label>
<bold>Table VI
<x> </x>
</bold>
</label>
<caption>
<p>Element 10</p>
</caption>
<graphic xlink:href="0770150203010.tif"></graphic>
</fig>
</sec>
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<italic>Almost without exception Western nations are a pot pourri of different cultures, races and traditions. And, as we know, these ethnic and cultural differences can result in tensions, conflict and misunderstanding. Dealing with this diversity, from a business perspective, falls on the marketer. We have to walk the tightrope between stereotypes and positive imagery. And, to achieve this, we need to understand the relationship between ethnic and cultural minorities and the predominant race or tradition.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Laroche </italic>
et al.
<italic>, investigate the extent to which Canadian‐Italians are integrated into the host culture. For the purpose of the study, this host culture is English‐Canadian rather than (as one might initially expect in part of Quebec) French‐Canadian. The authors’ key contention is that integration and ethnic identity are not two ends of a single continuum but separate dimensions. Such a position is termed “multiculturalism”.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>We should, at this point, distinguish a marketing use of this term from the anthropological or sociological usage. Marketers are concerned with reality rather than any political construct ‐ we see that people can adhere to ethnic traditions at the same time as they embrace the mores of the majority culture. This is very different from the view of “cultural equity” that dominates sociologists’ understanding of “multiculturalism”.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Laroche </italic>
et al.
<italic> start from the premise that “ethnic identity is meaningful and consequential only when two or more ethnic groups are in contact”. In a (theoretical) monoculture there are no ethnic minorities so the issue of acculturation does not arise. Today, such monocultures only exist in the most isolated of communities. My local West Yorkshire village, for example, contains people of Chinese, south Asian, Polish, Ukrainian and Irish extraction all more or less integrated into the community.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Looking at Laroche </italic>
et al.’s
<italic> study we find that cultural identity comes from:</italic>
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<label>1 </label>
<p>
<italic>use of the original language (in this case Italian);</italic>
</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>2 </label>
<p>
<italic>social interaction limits;</italic>
</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>3 </label>
<p>
<italic>religious association;</italic>
</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<label>4 </label>
<p>
<italic>consumption patterns.</italic>
</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Each of these factors affects marketing communications with the ethnic community.</italic>
</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<italic>Language</italic>
</title>
<p>
<italic>At the most basic level we need to speak with our target audience in a way they understand. If the community do not speak English well or prefers to communicate in its own language, we must acknowledge that fact and seek to use the language.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>At the same time using the immigrant language can create problems with image and impression given to the community. Marketers must research what kind of communication the ethnic community prefers. For some products the preference may well be for English. One international business magazine found that some communications (letters, renewal notices) worked better in the foreign language while other material (sales leaflets, brochures) were more effective in English.</italic>
</p>
<sec>
<title>
<italic>Social interaction</italic>
</title>
<p>
<italic>Laroche </italic>
et al.
<italic> show that “…the number of friends of the host culture and mass media preference were the best indicators of acculturation”. Clearly social interaction makes the difference to individual attitudes and associations with the host culture. People whose social activity is non‐specific in cultural terms are more integrated since they associate with the host culture rather than their ethnic identity.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Marketers cannot ignore this variance ‐ above all it demonstrates that ethnic groups are not homogeneous. We need to understand the differences within a community and, if appropriate, segment accordingly. Such levels of integration should also warn us about using ethnic stereotypes in advertising and communications. Just because someone’s socially integrated it doesn’t mean they share prejudices about their original culture.</italic>
</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<italic>Religion and religious identity</italic>
</title>
<p>
<italic>The extent of identification with a religious faith varies enormously across cultures. A survey by health authorities in Bradford, UK, revealed that Pakistani Muslims placed religion above health in importance in contrast to the “native” population where religion came at the bottom of the list. And, we see from Laroche </italic>
et al.’
<italic>s study that Catholic identity mattered to many Italians in Montreal.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Marketers need to respect and understand these religious associations ‐ even when we don’t understand them. The typical vague belief in a god doesn’t prepare us for the significance of a real faith. For many, faith dictates a range of social activities and consumption preferences. Furthermore, religious leaders have an enormous influence over the actions of faithful followers. Failing to acknowledge religious considerations may cost sales or worse, result in public demonstrations of dissatisfaction.</italic>
</p>
</sec>
<sec>
<title>
<italic>Consumption patterns</italic>
</title>
<p>
<italic>Laroche </italic>
et al.
<italic> find that “…acculturation and ethnic identification are related to consumption”. Traditional eating patterns are sustained long beyond the point of social acculturation. Even where the direct association with country of origin lies far in the past the descendants of immigrants cling to traditional foods and drink. People of Italian extraction still eat panettone at Christmas and cheer Italian soccer teams.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Eating traditional foods represents one easy way for people to sustain links (albeit tenuous) with the culture of their ancestors. Such actions also help us define our personal image by giving a shorthand for cultural differences.</italic>
</p>
<p>
<italic>Ethnicity and cultural variation provides a dynamic in society which marketers must embrace. As international travel and business grows we will encounter more ethnic variety. Immigration and job mobility make for greater ethnic mix especially in our cities. The main message is to act with caution and respect for cultures. This means eschewing ethnic stereotypes while understanding how ethnic groups respond to the messages around them.</italic>
</p>
<p>(A précis of the article “Italian ethnic identity and its relative impact on the consumption of convenience and traditional foods.” Supplied by Marketing Consultants for MCB University Press)</p>
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<title>Italian ethnic identity and its relative impact on the consumption of convenience and traditional foods</title>
</titleInfo>
<name type="personal">
<namePart type="given">Michel</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Laroche</namePart>
<affiliation>Professor of Marketing at Concordia University, Montreal, Canada</affiliation>
<role>
<roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm>
</role>
</name>
<name type="personal">
<namePart type="given">Chankon</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Kim</namePart>
<affiliation>Assistant Professor of Marketing at Concordia University, Montreal, Canada and Visiting Professor at Saint Marys University, Halifax, Canada</affiliation>
<role>
<roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm>
</role>
</name>
<name type="personal">
<namePart type="given">Marc A.</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Tomiuk</namePart>
<affiliation>Doctoral Candidate in the Department of Marketing at Concordia University, Montreal, Canada</affiliation>
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<dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1998-04-01</dateIssued>
<copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">1998</copyrightDate>
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<abstract lang="en">Ethnic identity or the retention or loss of the attitudes, values and behaviours of ones culture of origin is presented as a multidimensional construct. It is further suggested that acculturation or the acquisition of traits of the dominanthost culture constitutes a separate yet correlated process. Initial exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were conducted on responses from ItalianCanadians to various items designed to tap Italian ethnic identity. These analyses revealed that ethnic identity did indeed constitute a multidimensional process. Specifically, three dimensions were identified Italian Social Interaction and Participation, Italian Language Use with Family Members, and Catholicism. A final CFA model incorporated the three ethnic identity dimensions and two dimensions of acculturation. Consistent with previous findings, LISREL VIII estimation resulted in significant negative correlations between some ethnic identity and acculturation dimensions. The discriminant validity of ethnic identity was also more thoroughly established visvis acculturation by computing 95 per cent confidence intervals for the parameter estimates. Finally, subsequent stepwise regression analyses showed that the three ethnic identity dimensions along with the two acculturation dimensions and three socioeconomic factors had differential impacts on the consumption of various convenience and traditional foods. A hypothesis holding that ethnic identity was negatively related to the consumption of convenience foods was partly confirmed. Another holding that it was positively related to the consumption of traditional Italian foods was better established.</abstract>
<subject>
<genre>keywords</genre>
<topic>Acculturation</topic>
<topic>Consumer behaviour</topic>
<topic>Ethnic groups</topic>
<topic>Food industry</topic>
</subject>
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<title>Journal of Consumer Marketing</title>
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<genre>Emerald Subject Group</genre>
<topic authority="SubjectCodesPrimary" authorityURI="cat-MARK">Marketing</topic>
<topic authority="SubjectCodesSecondary" authorityURI="cat-MRCB">Market research/consumer behaviour</topic>
</subject>
<identifier type="ISSN">0736-3761</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID">jcm</identifier>
<identifier type="DOI">10.1108/jcm</identifier>
<part>
<date>1998</date>
<detail type="volume">
<caption>vol.</caption>
<number>15</number>
</detail>
<detail type="issue">
<caption>no.</caption>
<number>2</number>
</detail>
<extent unit="pages">
<start>125</start>
<end>151</end>
</extent>
</part>
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<identifier type="istex">B8E4877E2E7BC62E97B8ED70309772661729B538</identifier>
<identifier type="DOI">10.1108/07363769810210340</identifier>
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<identifier type="original-pdf">0770150203.pdf</identifier>
<identifier type="href">07363769810210340.pdf</identifier>
<accessCondition type="use and reproduction" contentType="copyright">© MCB UP Limited</accessCondition>
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