François Habert. Le songe de Pantagruel Published with an Introduction by John Lewis
Identifieur interne : 001935 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001934; suivant : 001936François Habert. Le songe de Pantagruel Published with an Introduction by John Lewis
Auteurs : Michael A. ScreechSource :
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Screech</editor></titleStmt><editionStmt><edition n="1">édition</edition></editionStmt><publicationStmt><publisher>Librairie Droz</publisher><pubPlace>Genève</pubPlace><date when="1985"></date><idno type="ISBN-10">2-600-03117-0</idno><idno type="ISBN-13">978-2-600-03117-2</idno><idno type="EAN-13">9782600031172</idno></publicationStmt><seriesStmt><title type="main">Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance</title><title type="num">CCVI</title><title type="sub">Etudes rabelaisiennes</title><title type="sub-num">XVIII</title><idno type="ISSN">0082-6081</idno></seriesStmt></biblFull><biblStruct type="inbook"><monogr><imprint><biblScope unit="page" from="103" to="162"></biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><abstract xml:lang="fr"><p>M.A. SCREECH, Préface; Edwin M. DUVAL, Interpretation and the "Doctrine Absconce" of Rabelais's Prologue to Gargantua; Richard M. BERRONG, The Presence and Exclusion of Popular Culture in Pantagruel and Gargantua (or, Bakhtine's Rabelais revisited); John PARKIN, Comic Modality in Rabelais: Baisecul, Humevesne, Thaumaste; John LEWIS, Towards a Chronology of the Chroniques gargantuines; François HABERT, Le Songe de Pantagruel, published with an introduction by John Lewis; Paul SMITH, Ambroise Paré lecteur de Rabelais; Marcel FRANÇON, Derniers mots sur la nomenclature guidonienne et la littérature; Jean DUPÈBE, La Date de la mort de Rabelais (suite); Trevor PEACH, Boccace, Panurge-Poireau et Ronsard; Tonino TORNITORE, Interpretazioni novecentesche dell'episodio delle "paroles gelées".</p></abstract><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>M.A. SCREECH, Préface ; Edwin M. DUVAL, Interpretation and the "Doctrine Absconce" of Rabelais's Prologue to Gargantua ; Richard M. BERRONG, The Presence and Exclusion of Popular Culture in Pantagruel and Gargantua (or, Bakhtine's Rabelais revisited) ; John PARKIN, Comic Modality in Rabelais : Baisecul, Humevesne, Thaumaste; John LEWIS, Towards a Chronology of the Chroniques gargantuines ; François HABERT, Le Songe de Pantagruel, published with an introduction by John Lewis ; Paul SMITH, Ambroise Paré lecteur de Rabelais ; Marcel FRANÇON, Derniers mots sur la nomenclature guidonienne et la littérature ; Jean DUPÈBE, La Date de la mort de Rabelais (suite); Trevor PEACH, Boccace, Panurge-Poireau et Ronsard ; Tonino TORNITORE, Interpretazioni novecentesche dell'episodio delle "paroles gelées".</p></abstract><creation></creation><langUsage><language ident="fr">France</language></langUsage><textClass></textClass></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="2018-01-26" who="Librairie Droz"></change></revisionDesc></teiHeader><text><body><div type="chapter" xml:id="Zsec_12"><head><pb facs="9782600031172_p0115.tif" n="103" xml:id="op103"></pb>François Habert.<lb></lb>Le songe de Pantagruel<lb></lb>Published with an Introduction by<lb></lb>John Lewis</head><div type="section" xml:id="Zsec_40"><head>1.<lb></lb>FRANÇOIS HABERT,<lb></lb> <hi rend="i">LE SONGE DE PANTAGRUEL</hi>, AND RABELAIS’S CHRONICLES</head><p>The « Privilège » to the only surviving copy of François Habert’s <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> was granted on September 9th, 1542. To judge from those collections of his verse which appeared at or about the same time, Habert seems to have been widely known as a writer of rather outmoded allegorical verse, after the manner of the « Grands Rhétoriqueurs ». But in many respects the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> is very different from all his other work ; it is unique in being cast as a dream ; it is the only one of his works which uses the already well-known characters of Gargantua, Pantagruel and Panurge ; it presents in embryonic form some episodes later familiar from Rabelais’s <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> ; and in it Gargantua appears in dream before his son to offer views which seem to support the facultative marriage of the clergy.</p><p>The <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> is a work of 682 lines of decasyllabic rhyming couplets, divided into three main sections which correspond to the three dreams of Pantagruel. The basic outline of the work is as follows :</p><p><lb n="Lines 1-17"></lb> An introductory passage in which Pantagruel invites several wise men to a banquet to discourse upon the nature of Truth.</p><p><lb n="Lines 18-472"></lb> The discussion impresses Pantagruel to such an extent that that night he dreams of his dead father, Gargantua. Gargantua advises his son that the way to true wisdom lies in following the teachings of the Gospels. Pan, the great Shepherd (an allegory of Christ) left a book in which Man can find the way to true happiness. Human wisdom is <pb facs="9782600031172_p0116.tif" n="104" xml:id="op104"></pb>vanity, worldly wealth empty of all true value. The son must become a « berger » after the example of Tityre (St. Peter) and the other Disciples, and shun the contemporary practices of corrupt lawyers and ecclesiastics.</p><p><lb n="Lines 477-590"></lb> Gargantua vanishes ; in his stead Panurge appears. He describes how he was imprisoned by the Turks, and how with the help of Melusine (the Sultan’s daughter) he escaped with a ring of great value. The adventures of Panurge are loosely based on those described in <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (ch. X)<note n="1" place="foot" xml:id="N104-1"><p>All references to the various works of Rabelais are based on the following editions : <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi>, ed. V. Saulnier (<hi rend="i">Textes Littéraires Français</hi>, 2nd ed., Geneva, 1965) ; <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi>, ed. R.M. Calder and M.A. Screech, (TLF, Geneva, 1970) ; <hi rend="i">Le Tiers Livre</hi>, ed. M.A. Screech (TLF, Geneva, 1964) ; <hi rend="i">Le Quart Livre</hi>, ed. R. Marichal (TLF, Geneva, 1947).</p></note> and are, to a large extent, intended as comic relief between the two gravely pronounced discourses of Gargantua.</p><p><lb n="Lines 595-676"></lb> Gargantua appears for a second time. He expands his earlier advice that his son should become a « berger », that is to say a priest living and teaching after the manner of the priests of the primitive Church. Just as those priests were able to marry if they so wished — though they did not have to — so the contemporary « berger » should be allowed the same option. His son should choose a virtuous and pious woman for a wife.</p><p><lb n="Lines 677-682"></lb> A conclusion in which the poet asks the reader to judge whether he has been telling the truth.</p><p>Despite important differences from his other collections of verse, the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> does contain a note of marked moral didacticism which echoes the tone and, in part at least, the themes of those collections. To that extent, a brief resume of the life and works of this relatively unknown poet might further understanding of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> and its place in the general field of para-Rabelaisian literature.</p><p>François Habert is a poet whose accomplishments were overshadowed by the rise of the Pléiade. Under his pseudonym of the « Banny de Lyesse », Habert published in 1541 <hi rend="i">La Jeunesse du Banny de Lyesse</hi>, quickly followed by his other major collections : <hi rend="i">Le Philosophe parfaict</hi> (1542), <hi rend="i">Le Temple de Vertu</hi> (1542), <hi rend="i">La Nouvelle Pallas</hi> (1545), <hi rend="i">La Nouvelle Juno</hi> (1545) and <hi rend="i">Le Temple de Chasteté</hi> (1547). Under the same pseudonym, Habert was attacked by Du Bellay in the <hi rend="i">Deffence et Illustration de la Langue Françoyse</hi> for having composed verse which was completely out of date :</p><quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0117.tif" n="105" xml:id="op105"></pb>O combien je désire voir… châtier ces petites <hi rend="i">Jeunesses…</hi> Je ne souhaite moins que… ces <hi rend="i">Banniz de Lyesse…</hi> soient renvoyés a la Table Ronde (II, 11).</p></quote><p>That Du Bellay mentions Habert at all is a surprise ; that he does it so vehemently and so precisely may testify to the success of the « Banny de Lyesse ».</p><p>Biographical facts about Habert are scarce. Two critics, Auguste Théret and Henri Franchet<note n="2" place="foot" xml:id="N105-1"><p>A. Théret, <hi rend="i">La littérature du Berry</hi> (Paris, 1900), pp. 9-147 ; H. Franchet (ed.), <hi rend="i">Le Philosophe parfaict et le Temple de Vertu</hi> (Paris, 1923). Franchet has based his chronology upon Colletet, <hi rend="i">Vie des poëtes françois</hi> (B.N. ms. n.a.fr. 3073-74, vol. I, fol. 230a).</p></note>, have attempted to construct a chronology of his life, but differ as to the date of Habert’s birth. Théret suggests 1520, Franchet 1508. The second date would seem to be more plausible, as the earliest — and relatively minor — work attributable to the young poet is dated 1529<note n="3" place="foot" xml:id="N105-2"><p>The <hi rend="i">Passetemps et Songe du Triste</hi> was printed in 1535 but bears a « Privilège » granted in 1530. Emile Picot attributes the work to Habert in vol. IV of the <hi rend="i">Catalogue des livres composant la bibliothèque de feu M. le Baron J. de Rothschild</hi> (Paris, 1884).</p></note>. At Issoudun his father at first attempted to orientate François towards a legal career, and to that end sent him to Paris and later to Toulouse. In both Universities Habert does not seem to have been happy with his lot. Later poetic reminiscences tell us that he abhorred the aridity of the law, and constantly felt himself drawn towards the study of both classical and contemporary literature.</p><p>The Habert household at Issoudun was a large one ; Francois was one of seven children. On the death of his father he felt himself obliged to maintain the household, and from 1541 onwards his poetry is full of the energy which he put into finding secure patronage :</p><quote><p>Pendant plusieurs années ce furent des offres de service à droite et à gauche, des envois de vers, des protestations de dévouement et de sympathie, des demandes de recommandation, des allées et venues…<note n="4" place="foot" xml:id="N105-3"><p>A. Hulubei, <hi rend="i">L’Eglogue en France au XV<hi rend="sup">e</hi> siècle (1515-1589)</hi>, (Paris, 1938), p. 231.</p></note> </p></quote><p>The large quantity of encomiastic verse which Habert produced during the early years of the 1540’s testifies to the many attempts made during his years as a Secretary at Court to procure a patron. At first he tried to gain the protection of various members of the clergy<note n="5" place="foot" xml:id="N105-4"><p>For example, see <hi rend="i">La Jeunesse du Banny de Lyesse</hi>, épître XIII « A Monseigneur l’Evesque & Comte de Noyon, pour estre à son service » ; épître XVII « A Maistre Charles Billon ».</p></note>, but succeeded in becoming Secretary to the Duke of Nevers, who introduced him to François I<hi rend="sup">er</hi>, to the evident satisfaction of the poet. Habert now saw his opportunity to rid himself of the financial burden of maintaining himself and, to some extent at least, his family. He attracted</p><quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0118.tif" n="106" xml:id="op106"></pb>l’attention bienveillante du dauphin Henri lui-même. Puis l’ascension devint calme et normale qui devait lui gagner plus tard le titre de « poète de Cour » sous Henri II<note n="6" place="foot" xml:id="N106-1"><p>Hulubei, <hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>, p. 231.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>From 1542 onwards Habert was free to compose the pastoral and Biblical allegories which mark his poetic output : that output was considerable, though not always of an even quality. He seems to have been a respectful Court poet, very conscious of the traditions which he attempted to uphold. His work is noticeably free from personal invective — a quality which Du Bellay himself advocated but could not always practise. Small wonder, then, that Habert’s poetry could not survive the artistic and social turbulence of later years.</p><p>As in the case of the date of his birth, confusion and obscurity surround the date of Habert’s death. Franchet suggests 1561, Colletet 1574 and Théret 1576<note n="7" place="foot" xml:id="N106-2"><p>Perhaps a date later than 1561 is more plausible, as in that year Habert published the <hi rend="i">Métamorphose de Cupido</hi> ; consequently, the dedicatory Epistle to Henry II in the 1573 edition of his <hi rend="i">Métamorphoses d’Ovide</hi> is identical to the corresponding Epistle in the 1549 edition of the same work.</p></note>. The name of Habert does not fade with his death ; his nephew Isaac (also a poet, though not a very good one) was the father of Bishop Isaac Habert who was to achieve some fame in the middle years of the seventeenth century.</p><p>François Habert seems almost to have written about anybody and anything. Cioranescu lists forty-eight works, twenty-nine of which were composed in a period of ten years from 1541 to 1551<note n="8" place="foot" xml:id="N106-3"><p>A. Cioranescu (with V. Saulnier), <hi rend="i">Bibliographie de la littérature française du XVI<hi rend="sup">e</hi> siècle</hi> (Paris, 1959), pp. 360-61.</p></note>. These years show a poetic output marked in varying ways with the same concern for moral and religious zeal. But it is rather the form of Habert’s poetry which first strikes the modern reader. He makes only slight concessions to the metrical practices of the younger generation<note n="9" place="foot" xml:id="N106-4"><p>For example, the regular alternance of rhyme and the exploitation of the alexandrine.</p></note>, and then only in his later works. His poetic model is always Clément Marot. Many other writers, notably Mellin de St Gelais, Bonaventure des Périers and Charles Fontaine, had praised Marot in the highest terms, yet Habert’s frequent eulogies of him are singularly warm and consistent. His « Epître a Mme Gilberte Guérin » is only one of the many examples which testify to Habert’s admiration of Marot as a poet :</p><quote><lg><l>Marot qui tous excelle</l><l>Comme en latin Virgille aultres precelle<note n="10" place="foot" xml:id="N106-5"><p><hi rend="i">La Jeunesse du Banny de Lyesse</hi>, fol. 16 v°.</p></note>.</l></lg></quote><p>But Habert’s early tears as a poet were precisely those during which Marot <pb facs="9782600031172_p0119.tif" n="107" xml:id="op107"></pb>was imprisoned or in exile over his religious beliefs. Habert himself has until now never been suspected of any leanings towards the Reform ; in the majority of his collections that view is justified, but where the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> is concerned, it is perhaps time to re-evaluate his religious stance and ask whether Habert shared Marot’s schismatic tendencies — or at least some of them and perhaps only for a short time (see below pp. 108-111).</p><p>The enthusiasm which Habert shows for the world of learning is manifested on the most obvious level in his translations of the Classics. Those translations and editions of Horace, Ovid, Cato and Zoroaster seem to have earned him some renown amongst his contemporaries, although it might equally be said that this enthusiasm for the New Learning of the Renaissance is apparent only from his interest in Zoroaster ; all of the works of the other authors might equally have been translated or edited by a specifically « Mediaeval » author.</p><p>At much the same time as Habert was engaged upon his translations and editions, he was composing the moralising collections of verse for which he remains best known. The <hi rend="i">Temple de Vertu</hi> (1542) describes the truly wise man, who bases his behaviour on the teachings of Christian writers such as Jerome, Origen, Lactantius and Theophylact (ll. 238-44)<note n="11" place="foot" xml:id="N107-1"><p>That is, Theophylact the mediaeval Bulgarian Bishop of Ochrida, whose writings exerted some influence on Erasmus. See M.A. Screech, <hi rend="i">Ecstasy and the Praise of Folly</hi> (London, 1980), p. xxi.</p></note>. The truly wise Christian sage should not prefer to live according to the precepts of Classical authors, some of whose works Habert was at the time translating :</p><quote><lg><l>Non point Virgile aux fables de Priam,</l><l>Non point Ovide aux amours impudicques,</l><l>Non d’Alexandre ou de Daire Roy de Perse</l><l>Faictz vertueux, non Catule ou Properse,</l><l>Encores moins le Romant de la Rose</l><l>Où il n’y a que vanité enclose. (ll. 244-50)</l></lg></quote><p>Cicero and Aristotle are the only Ancients who may gain entry to the Temple of Virtue, as servers in the cult.</p><p>The <hi rend="i">Philosophe parfaict</hi>, which appeared in the same year, proposes to the reader a moral system which may lead to the attainment of Philosophy, wherein lies true perfection ; that desired state is achieved by impregnating the heart with Virtue ; hence the principal occupation and concern of the truly virtuous man should be</p><quote><p>ne nuyre à ceulx qu’on peult blesser. (l. 171)</p></quote><p>There follows a catalogue of the offices of the true Philosopher, the works suitable for his education, and the ways in which he may mortify the flesh to <pb facs="9782600031172_p0120.tif" n="108" xml:id="op108"></pb>overcome the evils of this world. The culminating point in the work is reached with the advice given on the role of Christian faith (« Sans foy Chrestienne on ne peult estre parfaict Philosophe »). Habert seems in this to have shared with other Renaissance writers the belief that the Classical world enjoyed only imperfect wisdom, wisdom which could be perfected only with the advent of Christianity. For this reason, Habert’s Philosopher needs the wise counsels of Jerome, Origen and their like more than the pleasing but ultimately useless offerings of Classical poets.</p><p>With the mention of « foy Chrestienne », Habert’s poetry may be read with reference to religious matters of some moment. The <hi rend="i">Temple de Vertu</hi>, for example, contains numerous expressions of the poet’s predilection for the practices of the early Church, his hatred of the luxury of some contemporary ecclesiastics, and of their mechanical piety. But to have criticised abuses of the Church which were as evident to orthodox Catholics as to those in favour of external Reform does not make Habert’s position unusual, or indeed any clearer. He never mentions any specifically justificatory rôle for faith alone ; furthermore the following lines from the <hi rend="i">Jeunesse du Banny de Lyesse</hi> (fol. 45 v°-46 r°) allude explicitly to one of the great Scriptural commonplaces often used by Catholics to support a view of salvation which assigned a role to good works :</p><quote><lg><l>Semblablement couché par ton escript</l><l>Qu’elle a son cueur tout mis en Jesus-Christ</l><l>Aimant sa loy, qui tousjours se descoeuvre,</l><l>Ferme en la foy qui est morte sans l’œuvre.</l></lg></quote><p>This final line refers to James II, 17 (« Even so faith, if it hath not works, is dead, being alone ») which, as a Scriptural quotation, is reconciliable with any form of Christianity which accepts the New Testament. When cited alone, this verse is less « Lutheran » than Roman Catholic ; but it does not in any way necessarily imply a profession of Catholicism. For Protestant theologians were wont to argue that a faith which did not produce good works as a result was not a true faith ; hence they were able to deny that good works in any way contributed to salvation. Luther himself, in the Preface to the Epistles of St James and Jude<note n="12" place="foot" xml:id="N108-1"><p>See Luther’s German Bible in vol. VII of the <hi rend="i">Werke</hi> (ed. J. Knaake <hi rend="i">et al.</hi>, Weimar, 1883-), esp. pp. 384-86.</p></note>, does not hold the Epistle of St James to be of apostolic authorship because, in direct opposition to St Paul, it apparently ascribes justification to works. Elsewhere, in the <hi rend="i">De votis monasticis Martini Lutheri iudicium</hi>, Luther glosses the verse with Matthew XIX, 16-18 :</p><quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0121.tif" n="109" xml:id="op109"></pb>Yet they (the works of the divine law commanded in the Decalogue are) necessary… Nor can these works be set aside even where faith, which alone justifies, is present, since they are the fruits of a justifying faith<note n="13" place="foot" xml:id="N109-1"><p><hi rend="i">Luther’s Works</hi> (ed. Atkinson, Washington, 1966), vol. XLIV, p. 298.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>In the same vein, Martin Bucer argues in the <hi rend="i">Epistola apologetica</hi> that a faith which does not produce good works is sterile :</p><quote><p>Fide Justus vivit, vivam igitur et ipsam esse oportet, hoc est bonorum operum foecundam, non mortuam, horum sterilem (Iac. II, 14-16)<note n="14" place="foot" xml:id="N109-2"><p><hi rend="i">Martini Buceri Opera Latina</hi> (ed. C. Augustijn, P. Fraenkel & M. Lienhard, Leiden, 1982), vol. I, p. 187.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>Both Melanchthon and Calvin go to great lengths to accommodate this verse of St James with the great verses from Paul’s Epistles to the Romans and the Galatians which ascribe a justificatory role to faith alone<note n="15" place="foot" xml:id="N109-3"><p>See especially Romans I, 17 ; III, 28 ; V, 1 ; Galatians II, 16 ; III, 11.</p></note>. As Paul does, both Reformers use the example of Abraham to illustrate what James and Paul really mean by faith. In the fourth section of the <hi rend="i">De justificatione</hi> (Cologne ? , 1531) where he attempts to counter arguments put forward by those who would give works a role in the scheme of salvation, Melanchthon states that the Epistle of St James has been misinterpreted ; James speaks of faith as the historical knowledge of Christ, whereas Paul defines true faith as a certain confidence and trust that God’s promises will be fulfilled. When Paul says that Abraham was justified by his works, he means in one sense only, namely that Abraham’s works are reconciled to God by his faith, for his works are a certain outward justice of the Law, but they do not deserve remission of sin or acceptation to eternal life.</p><p>In discussing the same problem of Abraham’s justification, Calvin<note n="16" place="foot" xml:id="N109-4"><p><hi rend="i">Institution de la Religion Chrestienne</hi> (ed. J. Pannier, Paris, 1936-39), vol. II, ch. VI, « De la justification de la foy », pp. 339-43.</p></note> argues that Abraham was justified through his solid faith that his marriage would not be barren and that his descendants would be the inheritors of nations, which took place long before Isaac was conceived. He then paraphrases what he thinks James actually meant :</p><quote><p>En somme, il ne dispute point par quel moyen nous sommes justifiez ; mais il requiert des fidèles une justice qui se declaire par œuvres. Et comme Sainct Paul afferme que l’homme est justifié sans ayde de ses œuvres, aussi Sainct Jacques ne concède pas que celuy qui se dit juste soit despourveu de bonnes œuvres… Parquoy, comment qu’ilz (nos adversaires) tournent et revirent les parolles de Sainct Jaques, ilz n’en pourront tirer que ces deux sentences : c’est qu’une vaine imagination de Foy ne nous justifie pas. Item, que le fidèle, n’estant point content d’une telle imagination, declare sa justice par bonnes œuvres<note n="17" place="foot" xml:id="N109-5"><p><hi rend="i">Ibid.</hi>, pp. 342-43.</p></note>.</p></quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0122.tif" n="110" xml:id="op110"></pb>In the light of Protestant as well as Catholic exegesis of James II, 17, it is clearly impossible to speculate with any degree of certainty about the religious stance of any author at a particular time if he does not also use less ambiguous sources. In the case of Habert, we know that it is only with the publication of the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> that he enters the debate on a matter of genuine religious controversy. Can this work supply those further, and perhaps more reliable, indications ?</p><p>Most of the lengthy speech which Gargantua makes upon his first appearance to his son is taken up with a catalogue of social and ecclesiastical abuses which are traditional rather than particularly attributable to Habert, or indeed to any one of his contemporaries. Satire of corrupt lawyers and judges, of the cruelties of war, of the breaking of monastic vows or the accumulation of priestly benefices is a literary commonplace. Yet one image in Habert’s poem demands attention due to its tone, which is at the very least highly evangelical. Line 235 contains the first mention of a book which Pan (Christ) left on earth ; Christ himself is the author of that book, and it is against its teachings — and those of its author — that the contemporary Church must be judged<note n="18" place="foot" xml:id="N110-1"><p>The image of the « livre deificque » (l. 299) recalls to some extent the « Livre de Jupiter » stolen by Byrphanes and Curtalius in the first Dialogue of the <hi rend="i">Cymbalum Mundi</hi>. See also the <hi rend="i">Epîtres</hi> of Clément Marot (ed. C.A. Mayer, London, 1958, n° 36, l. 15).</p></note>. The image of the book — by which Habert means at least the Gospels and possibly the whole of the New Testament — occurs twelve times between ll. 235 and 670 ; in the majority of these cases there is an associated prohibition placed upon any additions to or subtractions from the book (see especially ll. 279-80). In this respect what Habert says is clearly similar to what Rabelais says in <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (XIX, 81-86) ; there Pantagruel makes the vow that if God should see fit to spare him in the coming battle against Loupgarou, then he will preach the Gospel whole, in all its purity and simplicity, and uncorrupted by human notions and additions (« constitutions humaines et inventions depravées »). The <hi rend="i">Songe</hi>, through the importance which Habert places in the « livre deificque », underlines his attachment to the primacy of Scriptural authority. This emphasis on « Scriptura sola » is not enough in itself to warrant our viewing Habert as a schismatic, yet taken together with Habert’s criticism of contemporary clergy, his urgent wish to see Pantagruel embrace a revitalised ecclesiastical career, and his support for the facultative marriage of the clergy, it may be sufficient to cause us to wonder whether Habert underwent in 1542 or thereabouts a period of support and enthusiasm for the Reform, even if only short-lived. It is, of course, impossible to be certain or dogmatic about such possibilities, especially since they necessarily have to be counterbalanced by the statement (l. 213) that <pb facs="9782600031172_p0123.tif" n="111" xml:id="op111"></pb>Pantagruel should not seek « ung scisme d’heresie ». In spite of that, it does seem that Habert is some way removed in 1542 from the very pious Catholic whom Franchet and Théret have described : if Habert did espouse the Reformation for a short period, within the overall context of an otherwise orthodox life, he would certainly not have been the only writer to have done so during such eventful times.</p><ab rend="center" type="ornament">*</ab><p>In a typical and earlier <hi rend="i">Temple de Cupido</hi> Habert might have emphasised the sweet aspects of love and described a place in which the traditional writings on love (for example, the <hi rend="i">Roman de la Rose</hi>, <hi rend="i">Ovid’s Ars Amatoria</hi>, the poems of Alain Chartier and Petrarch) were the favoured works<note n="19" place="foot" xml:id="N111-1"><p>See M.A. Screech, <hi rend="i">The Rabelaisian Marriage. Aspects of Rabelais’s Religion, Ethics and Comic Philosophy</hi> (London, 1958), p. 35.</p></note>. In reality, with the appearance of the <hi rend="i">Temple de Chasteté</hi> in 1547 Habert concentrates upon the more serious aspects of love, where the distinctions between chastity and celibacy assume much greater importance. Chastity is still the path to Virtue, but it is now married chastity which is pleasing in this world and the next (B7 r° and C2 v°). The <hi rend="i">Temple de Chasteté</hi> is forthright in its condemnation of virginity and celibacy. Of course, celibacy as such is not at all a vice, but St Paul had recognised<note n="20" place="foot" xml:id="N111-2"><p>I Corinthians VII, 7-9 ; see also <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> XXX, l. 25 note.</p></note> that perfect celibate chastity was a gift from God, the « don et grâce spéciale de continence » as Rabelais calls it in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> (XXX, 24-25). But celibacy may justifiably have been regarded as a vice when maintained by vows or when considered as a matter of course as to be preferred to the chastity of marriage. Therefore the paean in favour of marriage that we find promoted by Gargantua in the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> is as strongly emphasised five years later in the <hi rend="i">Temple de Chasteté</hi>, and in its second edition of 1549. It may well be the case that Habert thought he recognised a similar enthusiasm for married chastity in Rabelais’s description of the Abbaye de Thélème (<hi rend="i">Garg.</hi>, L-LV), hence one possible reason for Habert’s adoption of Rabelaisian characters in the Songe. But on this subject Rabelais is less dogmatic than Habert ; the Thelemites may indeed marry, but if they choose to do so they must then leave the Abbey. There is no place for marriage within its walls.</p><p>Habert’s <hi rend="i">Temples</hi> are centred upon a collection of allegorical personification of the various Virtues and Vices, and the action usually concerns the attainment of a particular mountain-top Temple. The <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> is also an allegorical work, though of a different type. In this work the principal <pb facs="9782600031172_p0124.tif" n="112" xml:id="op112"></pb>concession made to allegory is its casting as a dream. The dream convention is, of course, widely found in European literature of differing genres, but many would argue that dream-literature reached its apotheosis in mediaeval France and England. In France, the two poems which might well be considered as the finest examples of Epic and Romance respectively both contain important dream sequences. In the <hi rend="i">Chanson de Roland</hi> (ll. 717-36), Charlemagne dreams prophetically of the coming battle of Roncevaux, whilst the <hi rend="i">Roman de la Rose</hi> actually opens with a defence of the prophetic powers of dreams (ll. 1-20), and its description of the way in which Love personified appears to the dreamer (ll. 21-44). These opening lines of the Romance are justly important in that they make specific mention of both the author and the work which exerted perhaps the greatest influence upon the various theories of dream literature found throughout Europe in the Middle Ages and beyond :</p><quote><lg><l>si en puis bien traire à garant</l><l>un acteur qui ot nom Macrobes,</l><l>qui ne tint pas songes à lobes,</l><l>ançois escrit l’avision</l><l>qui avint au roi Scypion<note n="21" place="foot" xml:id="N112-1"><p>G. de Lorris & J. de Meung, <hi rend="i">Le Roman de la Rose</hi>, ed. F. Lecoy, 2 vols, (Paris, 1965-66), ll. 6-10.</p></note>.</l></lg></quote><p>Macrobius’ commentary on Cicero’s <hi rend="i">Somnium Scipionis</hi> describes five types of dreams, three of which are veridical and two which have no divination (« nihil divinationis ») in them. In the <hi rend="i">Discarded Image</hi><note n="22" place="foot" xml:id="N112-2"><p>C.S. Lewis, <hi rend="i">The Discarded Image</hi> (Cambridge, 1964), pp. 63-4.</p></note>. C.S. Lewis describes in some detail these types of dream ; the three veridical dreams are the <hi rend="i">somnium</hi> (in which truth is veiled to the dreamer in an allegorical form), <hi rend="i">visio</hi> (in which the dreamer is given a direct, pre-literal vision of the future) and <hi rend="i">oraculum</hi> (in which one of the dreamer’s parents or « some other grave and venerable person » (« parens vel alia sancta gravisque persona ») appears and openly declares the future or gives the dreamer some advice). Hence the two occasions upon which Gargantua appears to Pantagruel in the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> are examples of the <hi rend="i">oraculum</hi>, whilst in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> (XIV) Panurge’s dream is a <hi rend="i">somnium</hi> correctly interpreted by Pantagruel.</p><p>In examples of the <hi rend="i">oraculum</hi>, it is frequently the case that the « grave and venerable person » is a personification of some superior wisdom ; « Philosophia », « Raison », « Sapience » and « Grace Dieu » are some of its common and transparent identifications. Where the parent, another person, or an allegorical personification appears to the dreamer, the <hi rend="i">oraculum</hi> is commonly <pb facs="9782600031172_p0125.tif" n="113" xml:id="op113"></pb>framed as a debate between dreamer and vision<note n="23" place="foot" xml:id="N113-1"><p>See the extremely useful study of F.X. Newman, <hi rend="i">Somnium : mediaeval theories of dreaming and the form of vision poetry</hi> (Princeton University Ph. D. thesis, 1963). See also K.J. Steinmeyer, <hi rend="i">Untersuchungen zur allegorischen Bedeutung der Traume in altfranzösischen Rolandslied</hi> (Munich, 1963).</p></note>. Even if the dream-poem is not framed as a debate, then the vision may still be didactic in so far as the narrator is often described as being in a state of intellectual or moral disorder ; his subsequent vision is an insight aimed at clarifying his mind and renovating his spirit<note n="24" place="foot" xml:id="N113-2"><p>Newman, <hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>, p. 360.</p></note>. That is true of the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi>, where the perplexity of the son is resolved by the appearance of the father ; or rather, the son is satisfied with the arguments and definitions put to him by wise men (ll. 10-16) only until he can see the superior arguments put by Gargantua in the course of his two appearances.</p><p>Macrobius himself states that the <hi rend="i">oraculum</hi> is characterised by the imparting of advice to the dreamer, who may or may not be in a dilemma. That advice may apply to a particular course of action or to the general principles governing one’s conduct (« faciendum, vitandumve denuntiat »). In the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi>, the catalogue of ecclesiastical abuses given by Gargantua certainly leads to advice on how to live in harmony with God’s will as revealed in the Bible. The appearance of Gargantua, the father, is particularly relevant, because in Cicero’s original <hi rend="i">Somnium Scipionis</hi> Paulus and Africanus both appear to Scipio (the younger) ; both were termed his father, one by nature and the other his grandfather by adoption :</p><quote><p>qui Paulus & Africanus uterque parens, sancti gravesque ambo, nec alieni a sacerdotio. (III, 12)</p></quote><p>We do not know if Habert was directly influenced by contemporary editions of Macrobius’ commentary ; he could easily have had access to recent Latin editions produced at Paris (Ascensius 1515, 1519), or at Lyons (S. Gryphius 1532, 1538, 1542). Or indeed he may simply have assimilated received ideas about Macrobius’s views on dreams, transmitted from the Middle Ages. Habert may also have been influenced by some memorable visions and apparitions in the Classics. One such instance, particularly appropriate in a poet who entertains such a high regard for Virgil, is seen in the <hi rend="i">Aeneid</hi> (II, 772-789) where Aeneas is told of his mission by the shade of his wife Creusa ; in Book VI (689-702) Aeneas speaks to the ghost of his father in the Underworld.</p><p>Comparison is also possible between the account Habert gives of the appearance of Gargantua and the account Ronsard gives of the appearance <pb facs="9782600031172_p0126.tif" n="114" xml:id="op114"></pb>of Du Bellay to him, long after his death<note n="25" place="foot" xml:id="N114-1"><p><hi rend="i">Elegie à Louis des Masures, Tournisien</hi> in P. de Ronsard, <hi rend="i">Œuvres Complètes</hi>, ed. P. Laumonier, 20 vols (Paris, 1914-75) ; vol. X (1939), pp. 362-70.</p></note>. In addition, Ronsard’s account has in common with Virgil’s description (of the appearance of Anchises to Aeneas) the fact that the ghost cannot be touched :</p><quote><lg><l>Trois frois je le voulu en songes embrasser,</l><l>Et trois fois s’enfuyant ne se voulut laisser</l><l>Presser entre mes bras (II. 75-77)</l></lg></quote><p>Du Bellay’s ghost goes on to give Ronsard advice on the most appropriate way to live one’s life, loving and fearing God, obeying one’s Prince, and being content with one’s lot ; and in this at least Ronsard’s poem echoes the rather moralising precepts offered by Habert during the course of Gargantua’s first appearance (see especially ll. 36-90). For example, both Ronsard and Habert stress the uselessness of striving after worldly advantage, and after the wealth that accompanies it. Both authors stress that nothing is unchanging in this world except God’s bounty, and that the truly wise man never ceases to cultivate a detachment from this world. But Ronsard is able to convey all this advice in some twenty lines ; Habert takes a great deal longer.</p><p>After the publication of his <hi rend="i">Temples</hi> and other collections in the tradition of the « Grands Rhétoriqueurs », Habert preserves his fondness for allegorical poetry, but in his later works that allegory is sometimes cast in a pastoral guise. The <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi>, with its descriptions of shepherds, sheep and wolves, is a Christian pastoral allegory ; but none of Habert’s other pastorals is concerned with either historical or contemporary Christian dogma. Those other pastorals include the <hi rend="i">Eglogue pastorale sur l’union nuptiale de Philippes roy d’Hespagne et de Madame Elisabeth</hi> (1559), <hi rend="i">L’histoire de Titus et Gisippus</hi> (1551) and <hi rend="i">Les Metamorphoses de Cupido</hi> (1561). Habert adopts the pastoral principally to</p><quote><p>relever (la poésie) par le contact avec la nature, par l’infusion des pensées morales et religieuses<note n="26" place="foot" xml:id="N114-2"><p><hi rend="i">Hulubei, op. cit.</hi>, p. 228.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>Certainly in the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> he takes advantage of traditional pastoral conventions, and imbues them with rather overt Christian symbolism. The most obvious example is the equation of Pan, the « prince des bergiers », with Christ. But this equation has none of the moving syncretism of Rabelais’s narration of the Death of Pan (<hi rend="i">QL.</hi> XXVIII) ; nor does it contain in any way Rabelais’s pun on the Greek noun and adjective ; in Habert’s equation we are simply left to associate the god of shepherds with the Christian Redeemer. Pan is not, however, the only pastoral and allegorical representation in the <pb facs="9782600031172_p0127.tif" n="115" xml:id="op115"></pb>work ; Habert relates (ll. 266 ff.) how, after the death of Pan, care of the flock was left in the hands of Tityrus, who clearly represents St Peter ; his name is familiar from Virgil’s <hi rend="i">Eclogues</hi>, but also figures quite largely in the poetic works of many of Habert’s contemporaries<note n="27" place="foot" xml:id="N115-1"><p>Since Tityrus is the shepherd of Virgil’s <hi rend="i">Eclogues</hi>, there is an abundance of references to him. See, for example, the references which Alice Hulubei gives to the works of Crétin (pp. 170, 172), Desportes (p. 645) and Jean Lemaire de Beiges (pp. 157-61).</p></note>. Habert had himself earlier used the name of Tityrus in one of his lesser-known works :</p><quote><p>Habert fait cadeau de sa flûte a un « prothenotaire ». « Je comprends », écrit-il à son ami, « que vous aimiez ma flûte, car je la tiens de Pan lui-même. Comme je pleurais Tityre qui était mort, le dieu des bergers vint me consoler et me promit de descendre soir et matin pour chanter avec moi sous les ormeaux »<note n="28" place="foot" xml:id="N115-2"><p>Hulubei, <hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>, p. 230. See also <hi rend="i">La Jeunesse du Banny de Lyesse</hi>, fol. 38 r°.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>The equation of Tityre with St Peter is, needless to say, valid only in the case of the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi>. In all other works which mention the character, he is simply the shepherd of Virgil’s <hi rend="i">Eclogues</hi>.</p><ab rend="center" type="ornament">*</ab><p>There are two areas in which Rabelais’s work and the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> overlap : the precise reasons why Habert chose to utilise known Rabelaisian characters in his work, and in what ways do the episodes of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> anticipate familiar themes from the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> (and, to a lesser extent, the 1552 <hi rend="i">Quart Livre</hi>). Habert has undoubtedly received scant critical attention, but what attention there is has focussed primarily upon this second aspect. For example. Alice Hulubei views the equation of Pan with Christ as one possible source of the moving narration from chapter XXVIII of the <hi rend="i">Quart Livre</hi> :</p><quote><p>Est-ce cette figuration de Christ et Pan due à Habert qui a donné l’idée au Pantagruel de Rabelais d’identifier Pan, le mystérieux personnage dont la terre plaint la mort, avec Jesus-Christ ?<note n="29" place="foot" xml:id="N115-3"><p>Hulubei, <hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>, p. 237, note 3.</p></note> </p></quote><p>Abel Lefranc goes further ; he views the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> as the work which suggested to Rabelais the general future orientation of the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi><note n="30" place="foot" xml:id="N115-4"><p><hi rend="i">Les Œuvres de François Rabelais. Edition Critique publiée sous la direction de Abel Lefranc</hi> (Paris, 1912-31) ; vol. V, pp. LVII-LXIV.</p></note>. In this connection, the « Eloge des dettes » in the first five chapters of Rabelais’s work is prefigured by Panurge’s narration upon the nature of debts and debtors (<hi rend="i">Songe</hi>, ll. 556-86) ; the long list of consultations in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> (IX-XXVIII) is prefigured by the opening lines of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi>, where the « espris bien nez » are invited to a banquet to discourse upon the real nature of Truth ; the evangelical nature of Judge Bridoye’s legal practices <pb facs="9782600031172_p0128.tif" n="116" xml:id="op116"></pb>(<hi rend="i">TL</hi>, XXIX-XLIIII) is anticipated by the general satire of contemporary legists (<hi rend="i">Songe</hi>. ll, 91 ff.) ; and most important of all is the advice given in the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> to Pantagruel during the second apparition of Gargantua, upon the correct sort of woman to take as a wife (ll. 613-38). In Lefranc’s opinion, these lines echo the advice given to Panurge by Hippothadée in chapter XXX of the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi>, although it must be said that Habert defines rather the sort of woman whom it is not appropriate for his « berger » to marry.</p><p>These similarities between the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> and the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> lead inevitably to the examination of the way in which Habert used Rabelais’s characters, as he interpreted their roles from <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> and <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi>. In the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi>, Pantagruel plays only a passive role, twice dreaming that his father Gargantua is speaking to him and once dreaming that Panurge is recounting his escape from the hands of the Turks. He is in no way the stoic sage which he was to become for Rabelais four years later in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi>, though neither can he be described as the jolly giant of <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (the only authentic work in which Pantagruel had appeared by 1542). On the other hand, Habert portrays Gargantua as the teacher, imparting to his son a series of moral attitudes and advice on how best to live one’s life. In this connexion, the Gargantua of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> is the wise father familiar to Rabelais’s readers from his famous letter in <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (VIII). Panurge is based on the character as he appears in <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi>, still revelling in the practical jokes and humorous stories which delighted Rabelais’s readers ten years earlier.</p><p>The rôles played by these characters in the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> imply that it is initially to <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> that one might look for the essence of Rabelais’s influence upon Habert. That is true, but only partially so. For the evangelism of <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> also runs strongly throughout Habert’s poem ; lines 48-50 of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> echo the advice given in chapter XLIII of <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> to the pilgrims eaten in the salad to shun purely earthly values and to live one’s life according to the teachings of the Gospels ; in lines 183-199 Habert, in rejecting the institutional and ritualistic elements in organised religion, echoes Rabelais’s view that the ultimate aim of the Abbaye de Thélème is realised only after the innates leave their refuge to preach the Gospel in the outside world (<hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> LII, 74-81). Habert may well have thought that he had siezed the « substantificque mouelle » of Rabelais’s work, and could sympathise with much of what Rabelais seemed to be advocating.</p><p>It is also virtually certain that Rabelais’s own comparative silence after the publication of <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> created a situation in which other authors felt more at liberty to utilise known Rabelaisian themes and characters to their own particular ends<note n="31" place="foot" xml:id="N116-1"><p>Characters and episodes from <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> had been imitated virtually since Rabelais’s work had come off the presses. The earliest extant but undated work of the comic <hi rend="i">Disciple de Pantagruel</hi> was probably published in 1533 ; this tale of burlesque geography in which Panurge and his fellow travellers land at a series of islands went through seventeen editions before 1562. In a more serious vein, Antoine Marcourt’s <hi rend="i">Livre des Marchans</hi> (1533) contains satire of pilgrimages and of the cult of saints echoing some of the doctrinal concerns of <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> ; but if the content of Marcourt’s work at times recalls the satire of <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi>, then its title-page betrays at once the influence of <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> :</p><quote><p>Le livre des marchans, fort utile à toutes gens ; nouvellement composé par le sire Pantapole, bien expert en tel affaire, prochain voysin du seigneur Pantagruel.</p></quote><p>Panurge is also mentioned in the text at B2 r°.</p><p>The most important fact about Antoine Marcourt is that he was responsible, with others, for the « Affaire des Placards » : Rabelais himself may not have known this, as indeed most people were unaware of Marcourt’s involvement. But Marcourt was a committed and enthusiastic Reformer who was in constant contact with Pierre de Vingle (the son-in-law of Claude Nourry, Rabelais’s own publisher). With the deterioration of religious tolerance as a direct consequence of the « Affaire des Placards », subsequent editions of the <hi rend="i">Livre des Marchans</hi> suddenly assume a more urgent tone ; in the second edition of 1534 all mention of Pantagruel and Panurge is suppressed to be replaced by the austere and threatening tone of the colophon :</p><quote><p>« Percutiet dominus omnia regna Canaan » (Psalm 134)</p></quote><p>In this more polarised climate, the liberal Catholicism of some parts of <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> — notably the hero’s prayer before the battle with Loupgarou (XIX, 58-89) — may have seemed to Marcourt to be inappropriate to his work.</p><p>More detailed information on Marcourt’s work can be found in : G. Berthoud, « Le <hi rend="i">Livre des marchans</hi> d’Antoine Marcourt et Rabelais », in <hi rend="i">Francois Rabelais. Ouvrage publié pour le IV<hi rend="sup">e</hi> centenaire de sa mort</hi> (Geneva, 1953), pp. 86-93 ; G. Berthoud, <hi rend="i">Antoine Marcourt : du « Livre des marchans » aux placards de 1534</hi> (Geneva, 1973).</p><p>A third work which attempts to take advantage of previously published Rabelaisian works is the <hi rend="i">Louenge des femmes</hi> (J. de Tournes, Lyons 1551), a small collection of antifeminist poems probably composed by Thomas Sébillet (see M.A. Screech, « An interpretation of the ‘Querelle des Amyes’ », BHR, vol. XXXI (1959), pp. 104-30). The « Rabelaisian » connections of this work are immediately obvious from its subtitle, <hi rend="i">Invention extraicte du Commentaire de Platon sus l’Androgyne de Platon</hi>, and from the liminary epistle which paraphrases at length the consultation with Doctor Rondibilis (TL, XXXII). In all probability, Rabelais did not share Sebillet’s antifeminism ; such Rabelaisian associations as exist in Sébillet’s work are therefore occasioned by a desire to be read by Rabelais’s own wide audience, or at least to have one’s work associated with a known and successful author. For further information on th <hi rend="i">Louenge des femmes</hi>, see R. Calder (ed.), <hi rend="i">La Louenge des femmes</hi> (Johnson Reprint, New York, 1967) ; D. Wilson, « Quatre exemplaires de la <hi rend="i">Louenge des femmes</hi>, dont deux à la Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal », <hi rend="i">Etudes rabelaisiennes</hi>, vol. IX (1971), pp. 93-97.</p></note>, in spite of the evident exception (expressed in the <pb facs="9782600031172_p0129.tif" n="117" xml:id="op117"></pb>« Ancien Prologue » to the 1548 <hi rend="i">Quart Livre</hi> and in the « Epistre Liminaire » to Odet de Châtillon in the 1552 <hi rend="i">Quart Livre</hi>) which Rabelais himself took to such use by comic and serious authors in search of a ready audience. If the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> admits consideration in this particular light, consequently the allusion to Panurge’s marriage in the revised 1542 edition of <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (XXIII, l. 73 <hi rend="i">var.</hi>) assumes more importance, because Rabelais would have broached the subject of marriage — albeit in a relatively light-hearted way — in the same year that the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> appeared.</p><p>But perhaps both that silence and the earlier success of <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> and <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> help only in part to explain Habert’s sudden and unexpected use <pb facs="9782600031172_p0130.tif" n="118" xml:id="op118"></pb>of Rabelais’s characters. We may remember that in 1540 Habert was Secretary to the Duke of Nevers, and very shortly afterwards became « poète de cour ». This relatively privileged position at Court would no doubt have enabled him to assess a political and religious situation in which the convocation of a General Council of the Church by Paul III seemed no more than a matter of time. In that respect, it may be possible to attach the debate on the advantages of clerical marriage which Habert put into the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> to the wider contemporary debate upon the topic. In 1542 Habert may have felt that the time was right to urge any Frenchmen due to attend the forthcoming Council to think afresh about the question of the facultative marriage of the clergy. If that is the case, then Habert may be interpreting Rabelais a little idiosyncratically. Before comparing the views of Habert and Rabelais on marriage in general and on the marriage of the clergy in particular, perhaps it is relevant at this point to examine the wider social and religious context in which these questions were discussed.</p><p>All the major figures of the Reformation discussed the marriage of the clergy ; many were married men themselves. For example, Zwingli had married Anna Reinhardt in 1524 and Luther had married Catherine von Bora the following year. These Reformers supported the facultative marriage of the clergy on the grounds that there was absolutely no Scriptural evidence to prohibit such marriage<note n="32" place="foot" xml:id="N118-1"><p>The question of the marriage of the clergy is a vast one ; the literature to which the question has given rise is no less vast. The following works give a useful historical outline of the problem : H. Bettenson (ed.), <hi rend="i">Documents of the Christian Church</hi> (Oxford reprint, 1979) ; J. Stevenson (ed.), <hi rend="i">A New Eusebius</hi> (SPCK, London, 1957) ; <hi rend="i">The New Catholic Encyclopaedia</hi>, 17 vols, (New York, 1967-79) esp. vol. III, pp. 369-74 ; <hi rend="i">Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique</hi>, 15 vols (Paris, 1923-50) ; H.C. Lea, <hi rend="i">A History of Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church</hi>, 2 vols (3rd ed., London, 1907) ; E.V. Telle, <hi rend="i">Erasme de Rotterdam et le septième sacrement</hi> (Geneva, 1954).</p></note>. Erasmus admits in some early letters<note n="33" place="foot" xml:id="N118-2"><p>Lea, <hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>, vol. II, p. 62 cites the following letters :</p><quote><p>« Vehementer laudo coelibatum, sed ut nunc habet sacerdotum ac monachorum vita, praesertim apud Germanos, praetaret indulgeri remedium matrimonii. »</p><p rendition="#right">(Oct. 1525 ; Lib. XVIII, Ep. 9).</p></quote><quote><p>« Ego nec sacerdotibus permitto conjugum, nec monachis relaxo vota, ne id fiat ex auctoritate Pontificum, ad aedificationem ecclesiae non ad destructionem… In primis optandum esset sacerdotus et monachos castitatem ac coelestem vitam amplecti. Nunc rebus adeo contaminatis, fortasse levius malum erat eligendum. »</p><p rendition="#right">(1526 ; Lib. XVIII, Ep. 4)</p></quote></note>that he can find no such evidence, although he also admits that he prefers priests and ministers to be free from the cares of marriage and thus able to devote themselves entirely to the love and service of God. It was generally known that St Paul had specifically mentioned the great contribution made by women to the early Church, and in particular the work of Phoebe, a deaconess at <pb facs="9782600031172_p0131.tif" n="119" xml:id="op119"></pb>Cenchrea<note n="34" place="foot" xml:id="N119-1"><p>Romans XVI, 1.</p></note>. In the years before the Council of Nicaea, the vow of continence was voluntarily taken by priests, but with the rise of Western ascetic communities the views of Jerome — who held that the cornerstone of the Church was its emphasis on virginity — came to dominate.</p><p>In Habert’s estimation, the facultative marriage of the clergy was an inte gral part of that purity and simplicity of the early Church ; he shares that view with other thinkers, writers and theologians who retained the priesthood as a holy order, set aside. The essential point about the early Church for Habert was not that it was free from its own heresies and wrangling — sixteenth-century writers knew that almost as well as we do today — but that it was closer to Christ ; it was thus believed by many Evangelicals to hold the essence of their faith in a purer form. Anything added since that time might well be, and probably was, considered by Evangelicals to be an example of those « constitutions humaines et inventions depravées » (<hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi>, XIX, 84). Indeed, far from simply claiming that there was no actual Scriptural prohibition on the priesthood from marrying if they so wished, some Reformers actually claimed that in parts Scripture positively supported such marriage in certain cases. That support was deemed to come from St Paul’s statement to the effect that each man has his proper gift of God, one after this manner and another after that<note n="35" place="foot" xml:id="N119-2"><p>I Corinthians VII, 7.</p></note>. Anyone, including priests, who found that they did not possess the gift of perfect celibate chastity could and should accept the divinely ordained remedy for lust, which was marriage.</p><p>Melanchthon’s conciliatory Confession of Augsburg of 1530 uses such verses from Paul’s Epistles to provide authority for his own defence of the marriage of the clergy :</p><quote><p rendition="#center">De Coniugo Sacerdotum</p><p>Publica querela fuit de exemplis sacerdotum qui non continebant… Primum, quia Paulus dicit : « Unusquisque habeat uxorem suam propter fornicationem » ; item : « Melius est nubere quam uri. » Secundo Christus inquit : « Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc » : ubi docet non omnes homines ad coelibatum idoneos esse, quia Deus creavit hominem ad procreationem, <hi rend="i">Genes. I, 3…</hi> Igitur qui sunt non idonei ad coelibatum, debent contrahere matrimonium<note n="36" place="foot" xml:id="N119-3"><p>Part II, n° 2. Quoted in B.J. Kidd (ed.), <hi rend="i">Documents Illustrative of the Continental Reformation</hi> (Oxford, 1911), pp. 271-72.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>Luther himself had earlier written on sacerdotal celibacy in his <hi rend="i">De Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae</hi>, where once again the words of St Paul on the contemporary Church are used as a yardstick against which sixteenth-century practices are to be judged :</p><quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0132.tif" n="120" xml:id="op120"></pb>Ego quidem de sacerdotii ordine non iudico, qualis hodie est, sed video Paulum iubere, Episcopum unius uxoris virum esse, ideo non posse dirimi matrimonium Diaconi, Sacerdotis, Episcopi, seu cuiuscunque ordinis, quamque hoc genus sacerdotum & eos ordines non noverit Paulus, quod hodie habemus<note n="37" place="foot" xml:id="N120-1"><p>M. Luther, <hi rend="i">Opera Omnia</hi>, 4 vols (Rhodius, Iena, 1557) ; vol. II, fol. 296a.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>For Luther and Melanchthon, then — as for Habert — the legitimacy of priestly marriage lay not in contemporary edicts or habits, whatever their source, but in the immesureably more authoritative statements of St Paul and other Scriptural sources.</p><p>Closer to the year in which the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> appeared (1542), in 1540 Melanchthon published at Strasbourg his <hi rend="i">Defensio conjugii sacerdotum pia et erudita</hi>, a handy summary of the authorities and arguments used since pre-Nicene days in favour of the facultative marriage of the clergy. Melanchthon also catalogues the movers of the various decrees in favour of priestly celibacy throughout the centuries ; he outlines the major Councils and Popes during whose Pontificates the question of prietly marriage was most frequently debated. But always he remains indignant that priests have been forced to obey, since the 11th century, a law for which there was no Scriptural justification. Further editions of Melanchthon’s little treatise were published at Strasbourg in 1542 and at Wittenberg in 1549. His views had, of course, been known in France since at least the early 1530’s, but none of the Scriptural references associated with Luther or Melanchthon are found in Habert’s poem ; it would therefore seem unjustifiable to see any direct influence from these writers on Habert. But the question of sacerdotal celibacy was one still widely debated in theological works written after the appearance of Habert’s poem. For example, in 1558 Martin Bucer devoted chapter 23 of the second book of his <hi rend="i">De regno Christi</hi> to a discussion of the fact that « The Ancient Fathers allowed marriage even after the vow of celibacy »<note n="38" place="foot" xml:id="N120-2"><p>M. Bucer, <hi rend="i">De Regno Christi</hi> (J. Rivery, Lausanne, 1558). Translated in a modern English edition by Pauk and Larkin for the Library of the Christian Classics, vol. XIX (London, 1969).</p></note>.</p><p>In any discussion of the contribution to this debate which Habert made in 1542, it is not inappropriate to mention a noted follower of Luther like Melanchthon, or a noted moderate like Bucer ; both men were present at the promisingly conciliatory but ultimately abortive series of Colloquies aimed at achieving a compromise out of the immense theological struggles of the previous twenty-five years ; the failed conferences at Hagenau (12 June-16 July 1540) and at Worms (14-18 January 1541) were a prelude to the Colloquy of Ratisbon (27 April-22 May 1541). At Ratisbon, for the Catholics, Cardinal Contarini, Eck, Pflug and Gropper and, for the Protestants, Melanchthon, Bucer and Pistorius reached an agreement by 10 May on the <pb facs="9782600031172_p0133.tif" n="121" xml:id="op121"></pb>crucial point of Justification, and the prospects of re-uniting the Church must for a short time have seemed real and bright. But such prospects came to nothing ; the agreement was rejected by Luther and in Rome by Carraffa and Cervino, because mention of the rôle of merit was omitted. Nevertheless, the Colloquy of Ratisbon may be seen as one of the most important of the political and theological events of 1541 ; Habert may have been encouraged during that year that the promise which it seemed to hold might be later recoverable.</p><p>Following the ultimate failure of that Colloquy, the convocation of a General Council seemed increasingly likely ; Paul III, alarmed at the failure of repeated attempts at compromise and at the progress of Calvinism in Italy, acted independly and on 6 June 1542 called an assembly at Trent for All Saints’ Day of that year. In his Bull of Convocation, Paul recalled the attempts already made at compromise, resolved to wait no longer for the consent of any particular party, but to consider only the « will of God and the weal of Christendom ».</p><p>Thus the Council of Trent finally assembled on 15 March 1545, but long before that date pressure may have been applied by writers, politicians and theologians, in various countries to persuade the Council to debate particular aspects of dogma. Habert’s contribution to that process may have been the composition of the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi>.</p><p>The Council of Trent did not debate the question of marriage until 1563, in its twenty-fourth session<note n="39" place="foot" xml:id="N121-1"><p>Details in P. Sarpi, <hi rend="i">Histoire du Concile de Trente</hi>, translated from the Italian by P.F. Le Courayer, 3 vols (Amsterdam, 1751) ; see especially vol. III, pp. 134-54. See also H. Jedin, <hi rend="i">Geschichte des Konsils von Trient</hi> (2nd ed., Freiburg, 1951).</p></note>. The outcome of that debate, on 11 November, may be found in the ninth canon upon the sacrament of matrimony, where the marriage of priests is firmly and finally declared anathema if undertaken on their own authority :</p><quote><p>Si quis dixerit, clericos in sacris ordinibus constitutos, vel regulares, castitatem solemniter professos, posse matrimonium contrahere, contractumque validum esse non obstante lege ecclesiastica vel voto, et oppositum nihil aliud esse quam damnare matrimonium, posseque omnes contrahere matrimonium, qui non sen-tiunt se castitatis, etiamsi eam voverint, habere donum : anathema sit, cum Deus id recte petentibus non deneget, nec patiatur nos supra id, quod possumus, tentari<note n="40" place="foot" xml:id="N121-2"><p>H. Schroeder, <hi rend="i">Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent</hi> (St Louis, 1941), p. 453.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>The final phrases of this canon emphasise that in opposition to I Corinthians VII, 7 — so often cited in favour of clerical marriage — the assembled delegates expressed the view that priests would not be allowed by God to be tempted above that which they are able — a view based on I Corinthians <pb facs="9782600031172_p0134.tif" n="122" xml:id="op122"></pb>X, 13 — although this canon was greeted by Pallavicino with the very objection used by earlier Reformers, to the effect that each man has his own particular gift of God<note n="41" place="foot" xml:id="N122-1"><p>See Sarpi, <hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>, vol. III, p. 152 note 86.</p></note>.</p><p>So in the light of the general debate upon the marriage of the clergy and of the events surrounding the year in which the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> was published, is the adoption by Habert of Rabelais’s three major characters any the more understandable ? In reading <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> and <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi>, Habert — like many of Rabelais’s other readers — would have sympathised with much of the evangelical satire of the abuses of religion and also with what he imagined were Rabelais’s views on marriage. Possibly the best example of Rabelais’s praise of marriage before 1546 is found in Gargantua’s letter to Pantagruel (<hi rend="i">Pant.</hi>, VIII), where marriage — although an honourable estate and a source of happiness in itself — is viewed primarily as the legitimate means of fulfilling one’s Christian duty to beget children. Such a duty is not fulfilled simply in order to perpetuate the human species as such, but rather to preserve the « good name » of the father through the correctly educated son of a Christian marriage<note n="42" place="foot" xml:id="N122-2"><p>See M.A. Screech, <hi rend="i">The Rabelaisian Marriage</hi>, p. 16.</p></note>.</p><p>Rabelais himself apparently lived as though he were legitimately married, begetting children who bore his family name. Two children who survived were granted a papal legitimation in 1540. If indeed he regarded his marriage as legitimate, he may also have acknowledged that his Church did not, and so felt the necessity of taking steps not to offend the standards of the Church, and thus be able to continue to draw his stipend. But it remains true to say that in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> Rabelais is opposed to many traditional « catholic » attitudes to marriage, particularly in the consultation with Hippothadee (XXX), the consultation with Trouillogan (XXXV), and the satire of clandestine marriages (XLVIII). But as far as clerical marriage is concerned, Rabelais never discusses the question. That is the fundamental difference between Habert and Rabelais where marriage is concerned — Habert, in the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> at least — writes only of the marriage of the clergy.</p><p>For a work concerned with a question of genuine moment, and using the well-known characters of a major writer, it is curious that the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> survives only in one copy of one edition. Various possible explanations may be suggested ; for example, the « Privilege » granted to the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> on September 19, 1545 may have inhibited Habert, and other authors, from treating Rabelais’s works in such a cavalier fashion. Another serious possibility exists that no new editions of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> were produced after 1542 as a result of a wave of religious intolerance reflected in much harsher censorship <pb facs="9782600031172_p0135.tif" n="123" xml:id="op123"></pb>of printing. With regard to this intolerance, Professor Higman has concluded that</p><quote><p>From the arrival of the new wave of Genevan printing (around 1540)… a polarisation took place within a short period… From then on censorship can be described as systematic and based on an officially agreed definition of orthodoxy<note n="43" place="foot" xml:id="N123-1"><p>F.M. Higman, <hi rend="i">Censorship and the Sorbonne : A bibliographical study of books in French censured by the Faculty of Theology of the University of Paris, 1520-1551</hi> (Geneva, 1979), p. 70.</p></note>.</p></quote><p>Higman also states<note n="44" place="foot" xml:id="N123-2"><p><hi rend="i">Ibid.</hi>, pp. 47-49.</p></note> that before 1540, considerable radicalism in demands for reform was acceptable to a significant and influential section of the hierarchy of Church and State — though not to the Sorbonne. From 1540 censorship evolved into a systematic attempt to record the full range of heretical material in France. On 1 July 1542 the « Parlement » promulgated an edict, designed primarily against Calvin’s <hi rend="i">Institution de la religion chrestienne</hi>, in which the first major provision was that all books « contenans aulcunes doctrines nouvelles, luthériennes et aultres contre la foy catholique et doctrine de nostre mère saincte eglise » must be handed in within three days<note n="45" place="foot" xml:id="N123-3"><p>The full text of this edict can be found in : N. Weiss, « Un Arrêt inédit du Parlement contre l’<hi rend="i">Institution chrestienne</hi> », <hi rend="i">Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme français</hi>, n° 33 (1884), pp. 16-21.</p></note>. Whilst the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> bears a « Privilège » dated 9 September 1542 — that is, two months after the promulgation of this edict — Habert’s work appears nowhere in the extensive lists of those works censored by the Sorbonne. Of equal interest is the fact that on 31 July 1543 the « Parlement » registered and published the Sorbonne’s « Twenty-six Articles of Faith », which defined a yardstick by which heresy could be judged and stated that only the Church has the right to judge and interpret controversial points of Scripture. But one notable question escaped definition altogether — the marriage of the clergy. Whilst the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> seems to have had something of a charmed life, Rabelais’s own works cannot be said to have enjoyed the same good fortune : the <hi rend="i">Grandes Annales tresveritables des gestes merveilleux du grand Gargantua et Pantagruel Roy des Dipsodes</hi> appears on the list of censured books of 2 March 1542 (but never published) and upon the list drawn up in 1544 and published in August of that year.</p><p>In conclusion, the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> is a relatively minor work which was influenced by and then, in its turn, influenced the composition of Rabelais’s Chronicles. The Gargantua, Pantagruel and Panurge who appear there are unlike Rabelais’s own characters ; they are wooden and lack the comic philosophical depth of their namesakes. For all that, the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> is capably <pb facs="9782600031172_p0136.tif" n="124" xml:id="op124"></pb>composed and produced, and it differs quite markedly from Habert’s other work in its commitment to a point of view which runs counter to established orthodoxy. Habert has been accused of having written pious platitudes, but in 1542 there is nothing platitudinous in advocating as a Catholic or a Protestant, the marriage of the clergy. We may suspect Habert — unfortunately without concrete proof — of feeling that in the light of the optimism generated at the Colloquy of Ratisbon a change in the Church’s attitude to such marriage was foreseeable ; such optimism was to prove groundless. He was perhaps very lucky that his work was not censored by the Sorbonne, but, as far as we can tell, the fresh intolerance did not permit the reprinting or re-editing of the work. In any case, the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> was not able to compete with the appearance in 1546 of Rabelais’s comic masterpiece, and has lapsed into near total obscurity. That obscurity may indeed be lessened by a deserved interest in a work which sought, at a particular moment, to involve Rabelais’s characters — and perhaps, by extension, Rabelais himself — in a serious contemporary debate.</p></div><div type="section" xml:id="Zsec_42"><head><pb facs="9782600031172_p0137.tif" n="125" xml:id="op125"></pb>2.<lb></lb>A NOTE ON THE TEXT</head><p>The transcription is based upon the only surviving copy of the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi>, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (Rés. Y<hi rend="sup">e</hi> 1688) ; its bibliographical description is as follows :</p><p>LESON- || ge de Pãtagruel || AVEC LA DEPLO = || ration de feu messire An = || thoine du Bourg, cheualier, chan = || cellier de France. || * || Auec Priuilege. || Imprimé a Paris, par || Adam Saulnier.</p><p>4°, 24 unnumbered leaves in Italic letters, A-F<hi rend="sup">4</hi>. The text is signed on the recto of each leaf except the title-page and F4 r°. The text is undated, but the title-page bears a manuscript date of 1542. There are no page headings and no catchwords.</p><p>The <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi> occupies A1 r°-E2 r° ; the <hi rend="i">Deploration</hi>, which in no way complements it, begins at E2 v° and ends at F4 v° with the « Dixain dudict Chancellier ». The verso of the title-page contains the « Privilège » ; three « Epistres » occupy A2 r°-A4 v°. The text of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> proper begins on B1 r°.</p><p>Page size : 85 x 138 mm.</p><p>Print size : 58 x 102 mm.</p><p>The works in the volume contain no colophon ; individual works end « Fin du songe Pantagruel » (<hi rend="i">sic</hi>) and « Fin de la deploration ». After the « Dixain » on F4 v° the word « Finis ».</p><ab rend="center" type="ornament">*</ab><p>In the transcription, an acute accent has consistently been added to tonic final « e » (« verité », « parlé »), and a grave accent to « a » (= « ad »), « ou » (= « ubi »), and « la » (= « illac »). The punctuation and use of capitals in the original have been modernised so as to conform to contemporary usage. I have also observed without exception and without further indication the differentiation between i-j and u-v, following common usage. All other changes from the original are shown in the « Departures from A ».</p><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0138.tif" n="126" xml:id="op126"></pb></p></div><div type="section" xml:id="Zsec_44"><head><pb facs="9782600031172_p0139.tif" n="127" xml:id="op127"></pb>3.<lb></lb>Le Songe de Pantagruel : Avec la deploration de feu messire Anthoine du Bourg, chevalier, chancellier de France.<lb></lb>*<lb></lb>Avec Privilège<lb></lb>Imprimé à Paris, par Adam Saulnier.</head><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0140.tif" n="128" xml:id="op128"></pb>Supplie humblement Anthoine de Chanteaulx, qu’il luy soit permis de faire imprimer ce present livre intitulé <hi rend="i">Le Songe de Pantagruel, avecques la deploration de feu monsieur Bourg, Chancellier de France</hi>, par tel imprimeur que bon luy semblera. Et deffence à tous aultres de non imprimer ledict livre jusques à deux ans & Privilège expiré, sur peine de amende arbitraire & confiscation des livres.</p><p>* Soit faict ainsi qu’il est requis. Faict le. ix. jour de Septembre, Mil cinq cens. xlii.</p><p rendition="#right">I. I. De mesmes.</p><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0141.tif" n="129" xml:id="op129"></pb>A messire Françoys du Bourg, evesque de Rieulx, conseiller du Roy nostre sire, & maistre des requestes ordinaire de son hostel : François Habert, son humble serviteur, salut.<note n="*" place="foot" xml:id="N129-1"><p><hi rend="i">Departures from A in the transcription :</hi> D || Bourg</p></note> </p><quote><lg><l>Considerant que Nature, parente</l><l>De toute chose, a mise son entente</l><l>A te pourveoir d’une felicité</l><l>Par ton esprit, qui est exercité</l><l n="5">En bon sçavoir, j’ay bien pris ceste audace</l><l>De presenter cest escript à ta face ;</l><l>Oeuvre petit, où Pantagruel songe</l><l>Mille propoz, soubz couleur de mensonge,</l><l>Dont la matiere assez me semble avoir</l><l n="10">De jugement, pour ton cueur esmouvoir,</l><l>Bien cognoissant que tu t’esjoyras</l><l>Quand ton regard au songe appliqueras.</l><l>Oultre, verras la deploration</l><l>De feu ton pere, où mon invention</l><l n="15">(Comme on sçait bien) trouvoit assez matiere</l><l>Pour extoller personne si entiere</l><l>Dont la Vertu qui Chancellier l’a faict<note n="17" place="foot" xml:id="N129-2"><p>la faict</p></note> </l><l>Luy done loz acomply & parfaict.</l><l>Apres sa mort, mesmes sa geniture</l><l n="20">N’a derogé à sa noble nature,</l><l>Voyant en toy desja ung bruit florir,</l><l>Qui apres mort ne pourra deperir.</l><l>Dont je diray, O divine Clemence,</l><l>Qui as produict si heureuse semence,</l><l n="25">Si tu nous fais deuil de ravir le pere,</l><l>Tu laisses au filz sçavoir grand & prospere.<note n="26" place="foot" xml:id="N129-3"><p>laisse</p></note> </l><l>En ce vouloir, de plume bien hardie</l><l>Cest euvre mien petit je te dedie :</l><l>Te suppliant en gré le recepvoir,</l><l n="30">Et à jamais pour serviteur m’avoir.</l></lg></quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0142.tif" n="130" xml:id="op130"></pb>* Epistre à dame Henard, Veufve de feu messire Anthoine du Bourg Chevalier, Chancellier de France.</p><quote><lg><l>Je pense bien (ma dame) qu’en lisant</l><l>Cest œuvre mien, vostre œil esconduisant</l><l>Ne fera pas plusieurs foys la lecture,</l><l>Quant vostre honneur gist en mon escripture,</l><l n="5">Au moins de cil qui à l’escript est joinct</l><l>Par mariage à vous jadis conjoinct,</l><l>Dont le sçavoir qui l’a tant ennobly</l><l>Apres la mort, ne le mect en obly.</l><l>Ains ses honneurs qu’il avoit merité<note n="9" place="foot" xml:id="N130-1"><p>qu’ilz avoit</p></note> </l><l n="10">Laisse amplement à sa posterité,</l><l>Si qu’il n’y a ville, cité, ne bourg</l><l>Qui n’ait au cueur le Chancelier du Bourg.</l><l>C’estoit ung bourg trop plus resplendissant</l><l>Qu’une cité, ung bourg si florissant</l><l n="15">Qu’il n’y a cil qui le loz ne regarde</l><l>D’ung esprit tel estant en sa bourgade.</l><l>* Or la cruelle & despiteuse mort</l><l>En ung moment a rendu ce bourg mort.</l><l>Mais dans ce bourg de tous biens exorné</l><l n="20">Esté n’a point vostre heur infortuné,</l><l>Car en soulas & liesse infinie</l><l>Produict avez une heureuse mesgnie</l><l>De vostre sang, qui a les sans vestus</l><l>De bonnes meurs, & louables vertus.</l><l n="25">Puis en vous gist constance feminine,</l><l>Face tranquille, aymable & benigne,</l><l>Dont on cognoist vostre mary present</l><l>En vous voyant, combien qu’il soit absent.</l><l>Si que la mort par son cruel oultrage</l><l n="30">N’a pas du tout estainct le personnage,</l><l>Puis que ses meurs en vous sont apparens</l><l>Autant qu’en tous ses amys & parens.</l><l>En cest heur là tousjours Dieu vous maintienne,</l><l>Et ce pendant toute la Muse mienne</l><l n="35">Prompte sera soubz vostre obeissance,</l><l>Dont vous pourrez aymer la congnoissance.</l></lg></quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0143.tif" n="131" xml:id="op131"></pb>* Aultre Epistre à noble homme Anthoine du Bourg, Baron de Sainct Sulpice.</p><quote><lg><l>Long temps y a que ta vertu louable,</l><l>Treschier Seigneur, m’a semblé tant aymable</l><l>Qu’en te voyant aymer la poesie</l><l>J’ay bien voulu mectre ma fantaisie</l><l n="5">A ce petit œuvre, que tel je pense</l><l>Qu’aux bons espritz peult donner allegence.</l><l>Entre lesquelz te reputant compris</l><l>Par ton sçavoir, j’ay soubdain entrepris</l><l>De t’envoyer en grand celerité</l><l n="10">Le livre où gist trop plus de verité</l><l>Qu’on n’y verra de fable ou de mensonge</l><l>Combien qu’il a le seul tiltre de songe.</l><l>En le lisant je croy qu’il adviendra</l><l>Que quelque foys de cil te souviendra</l><l n="15">Qui te crea, où ma Muse se renge</l><l>A declarer son bruit & sa louenge</l><l>En vers piteux, pour te complaire mieulx :</l><l>Le tout par moy se presente à tes yeulx</l><l>Si clair voyans que s’il est mal rimé,</l><l n="20">En ung instant, par toy sera limé.</l><l>Et ce pendant je seray mieulx apris</l><l>Te dediant œuvre de quelque pris,</l><l>Pour ton esprit bien souvent contenter,</l><l>Où tu verras charités frequenter</l><l n="25">Avec amours de si bel ornement</l><l>Que ton esprit aura contentement.</l></lg></quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0144.tif" n="132" xml:id="op132"></pb>* Aultre Epistre à une dame de Paris, scavante & de bone grace.</p><quote><lg><l>Le bon receuil de vostre grace vive</l><l>Faict que vers vous ce mien escript arrive</l><l>Pour satisfaire au desir qui me presse</l><l>En saluant ma dame & ma maistresse :</l><l n="5">Je dis maistresse & dame tout ensemble,</l><l>Qui le vouloir de maint regardant emble,</l><l>Entre lesquelz ma personne est captive</l><l>Pour vostre grace en ce cas attractive,</l><l>Mais il n’y a grand esbayssement</l><l n="10">Si j’ay de vous ung amoureulx tourment :</l><l>Transportee est la mienne affection</l><l>Considerant vostre parfection,</l><l>Vostre maintien, vostre ris tant honneste,</l><l>Et ceste main trottant sur l’espinete,</l><l n="15">Le doulx parler, le regard sçavoureulx,</l><l>(Helas) me font de vous estre amoureux,</l><l>Puis ceste amour faict que si fort je pense</l><l>A vous servir, que sans la recompense</l><l>Je croy que deuil & desplaisir amer</l><l n="20">Viendra du tout mon esprit consumer ;</l><l>Mais je ne croy que vous soyes rebelle</l><l>En ceste endroict, puis que tant estes belle.</l><l>Ceste beaulté ne nourrist cruaulté,</l><l>Et cruaulté ne gist en privaulté.</l><l n="25">Or recepvez de vostre humble servant</l><l>Le cueur navré, vostre amour poursuyvant :</l><l>Si à ce bien le recepvez ainsi</l><l>Il s’attendra d’avoir grace & mercy :</l><l>Et du mercy apportant joyssance</l><l n="30">Ne s’estaindra jamais la souvenance.</l></lg></quote><p rendition="#center">FIN.</p><p rendition="#center"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0145.tif" n="133" xml:id="op133"></pb>PANTAGRUEL<note n="*" place="foot" xml:id="N133-1"><p>PANTAGREL</p></note><lb></lb>En songeant.</p><quote><lg><l>Estant ung jour en mon palays Royal,</l><l>Accompaigné de maint servant loyal,</l><l>Voire de ceulx qui par leur grand sçavoir</l><l>Aux ignorans faisoient leur bruit sçavoir,</l><l n="5">Je feis dresser ung banquet de grand pris,</l><l>Ce que j’avois (des long temps) entrepris,</l><l>Pour recepvoir en bon contentement</l><l>Tous ceulx en qui estoit bon jugement</l><l>Et qui avoient les espris si bien nez,</l><l n="10">Qu’à verité ilz estoient destinez.</l><l>En ce convy sur ceste verité</l><l>En ma presence ilz ont tous disputé,</l><l>Si qu’en brief temps ilz m’ont faict cognoissable</l><l>La Verité, & le Dieu veritable.</l><l n="15">Leurs argumens par moy bien estimez,</l><l>En mon cerveau furent tant imprimez</l><l>Que sur la nuict qui ce jour ensuyvoit,</l><l>Ung songe creulx mon esprit poursuyvoit.</l><l>Advis me fut de veoir Gargantua</l><l n="20">Mon pere mort, qui lors s’esvertua<note n="20" place="foot" xml:id="N133-2"><p>c’esvertua</p></note> </l><l>De m’appeler de voix haulte qui tonne,</l><l>En me disant, « Mon filz, point ne t’estonne</l><l>D’oyr ma voix aspre & espoventable :</l><l>Elle sera pour toy fort profitable.</l><l n="25">Comme ainsi soit, que ma mort avancee</l><l>A empesché de ne t’estre annoncee</l><l>Ma volunté, pour instruire tes sens</l><l>Et divertir le plaisir que tu sens</l><l>Comme charnel, au territoire bas</l><l n="30">Rempli d’erreur, de noyses, & debatz :</l><l>Ores entends mon document utile,</l><l>Qui te sera copieulx & fertile.<note n="32" place="foot" xml:id="N133-3"><p>Que te</p></note> </l><l>Je croy qu’au vray, tu n’as pour incongneu</l><l>Qu’il t’est laissé par moy grant revenu,</l><l n="35"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0146.tif" n="134" xml:id="op134"></pb>Dont ung chascun voyant ton opulence,</l><l>Te faict honneur, & humble reverence.</l><l>Mais pour cela ung lieu tu n’auras pas</l><l>Lassus au ciel, apres le tien trespas :</l><l>Car les thresors mondains sont dangereux</l><l n="40">Si les humains en sont trop amoureux.</l><l>Et me sembloit, quand au monde j’estoye,</l><l>Que possesseur si grand je ne doubtoye</l><l>Aulcun danger, tant fut aigre ou cuysant.</l><l>Certes, croy moy, le thresor est nuisant</l><l n="45">Aux possesseurs pleins de desloyaulté,</l><l>Qui sont sans foy, sans loy, & charité.</l><l>Las, j’en ay veu aux enfers martyrer,</l><l>D’avoir voulu biens mondains preferer</l><l>A ceulx qui sont de plus grand efficace,</l><l n="50">Et qui font veoir de Dieu vivant la face.</l><l>Le juge grand, apres la mort, mesure</l><l>Le bien & mal d’une esgalle mesure.</l><l>* Doncques je veulx qu’en ta mortelle vie</l><l>Ne soit de biens ta pensee asservie :<note n="54" place="foot" xml:id="N134-1"><p>ta penser</p></note> </l><l n="55">Non toutesfoys qu’il te soit de mestier</l><l>Que sans estat soys, ou sans mestier.</l><l>Car à bon droict & raison Dieu ordonne</l><l>Que pour manger à labeur on se donne.</l><l>Mais quel estat penses tu que j’entends,</l><l n="60">Qui tes espritz doibt rendre plus contens ?</l><l>Est ce gendarme à porter braquemars,</l><l>Lances, harnoys, soubz la lice de Mars,</l><l>Pour mettre à mort ton frere, & consumer</l><l>Celluy que Dieu commande d’aymer ?</l><l n="65">Certes nenny, cest estat ne plaist point</l><l>Au vray Chrestien, que l’amour de Dieu poingt.</l><l>* Seroit ce point de vivre sans rien faire,</l><l>Pour mieulx au gré de ton corps satisfaire ?</l><l>Vivre en soulas, faire du gentillastre,</l><l n="70">Pour contenter cest appetit follastre :</l><l>Nuire aux petits, les grands entretenir</l><l>Pour son credit accroistre & maintenir<note n="72" place="foot" xml:id="N134-2"><p>maintenirl</p></note> ?</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0147.tif" n="135" xml:id="op135"></pb>Non, ce mestier est convenable à ceulx</l><l>Qui à la loy de Dieu sont paresseulx.</l><l n="75">* Seroit ce point estre gros marchant</l><l>Pour eviter la povreté, marchant</l><l>Par mer, par feu, qui pour l’amour qu’il porte</l><l>Aux biens mondains, aux Indes se transporte ?</l><l>Encores moins : car tout leur soing & cure</l><l n="80">Ne tend sinon qu’à rapine & usure :</l><l>Et la pluspart sont (pour moins de deux pommes)</l><l>Mis en proces, au jugement des hommes.</l><l>En voiez vous par qui soiez vestus</l><l>Par Charité, si estes devestus ?</l><l n="85">En voiez vous ung seulement qui preste,</l><l>Si vous n’avez en main la somme preste ?</l><l>Certes nenny, si vous ne laissez gage,</l><l>Où profiter il puisse d’advantage.</l><l>Dont je ne veulx à cela te lier,</l><l n="90">Si tu ne veulx mon precepte oblier.</l><l>Quel estat donc entends je, où tu t’applique ?</l><l>Seroit ce point les droictz, & la pratique</l><l>Qui les proces gouvernent cautement ?</l><l>Certes nenny, car tout publiquement</l><l n="95">Tu voys assez la malice & la ruse</l><l>Dont procureur & dont l’advocat use :</l><l>Qui, ressemblans aux faiseurs de pipee</l><l>Soubdain qu’ilz ont la personne grippee,</l><l>Qui veult plaider, si sa bourse est fornye,</l><l n="100">Jusques à ce qu’elle soit degarnie,</l><l>Ne cesseront si bien la manier,</l><l>Qu’elle n’aura ne maille ne denier.</l><l>A tout le moings, les plus fins ainsi font</l><l>Si aultrement, aussi on se morfond.</l><l n="105">Croy pour certain que ceste legion</l><l>Souffrir ne peult la saincte region :</l><l>Car Dieu voyant que c’est leur propre cas</l><l>D’entretenir noyses, & altercas,</l><l>Il les envoyst au siege stigial</l><l n="110">Devant Minos le grand juge infernal :</l><l>Pensent sur ce qu’on dict communement,</l><l>Qu’ung advocat est saulvé seulement</l><l>Par ce que si Dieu plus en eust receu,</l><l>Tousjours proces au ciel eust apperceu.</l><l n="115"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0148.tif" n="136" xml:id="op136"></pb>Je ne dy pas pourtant & ne conclus</l><l>Que tous plaidans soient des sainctz cieulx exclus.</l><l>Estime doncq combien est dommageable</l><l>L’estat, qui est à Dieu abominable,</l><l>Veu qu’il est plein de querele & proces,</l><l n="120">Qu’on ne verroit sinon par noz exces.</l><l>Et si vouliez si bien vous dominer,</l><l>Qu’au droict sentier vous puissiez cheminer,</l><l>Que Jesuchrist vous mect davant les yeulx,</l><l>En fin iroient voz ames droict es cieulx.</l><l n="125">C’est le sentier anguste, estroict & court</l><l>Pour aspirer à la caeleste court</l><l>Promis à ceulx qui ces thresors mondains</l><l>Delaisseront, & revenus soubdains</l><l>Qui voz espritz du certain divertissent,</l><l n="130">Et vostre cueur à soubhetz convertissent :</l><l>Non pas soubhetz où le sage se fonde,</l><l>Qui en oubly a du tout mis le monde :</l><l>Mais à soubhetz pleins de concupiscence,</l><l>Pour demonstrer une magnificence,</l><l n="135">En quoy ne gist qu’humaine vanité,</l><l>Contraire au bien où gist divinité.</l><l>Ainsi n’ont faict les bons apostres sainctz,</l><l>Car delaissez ces thresors tres malsains,<note n="138" place="foot" xml:id="N136-1"><p>tresmal sains</p></note> </l><l>Ont suyvi Christ en tribulations,</l><l n="140">En fain & soif, loing de possessions.</l><l>Quand Magdelaine eut eu la congnoissance</l><l>De Dieu, qui est la supernelle essence,</l><l>Incontinant les sumptuositez</l><l>Elle delaisse, & prodigualitez :</l><l n="145">Ses vestemens, qui au corps donnoient lustre,</l><l>Elle abandonne, & au Saulveur illustre</l><l>En simple habit, & povrement vestue</l><l>Elle se rend, toute pompe abbatue.</l><l>A son exemple ont vecu bien souvent<note n="149" place="foot" xml:id="N136-2"><p>ont veu bien</p></note> </l><l n="150">Sainctes, qui ont mis ces thresors au vent</l><l>Pour suyvre Christ, & apres luy porter</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0149.tif" n="137" xml:id="op137"></pb>Sa croix, ainsi qu’il nous veult exhorter.<note n="152" place="foot" xml:id="N137-1"><p>nous veulx</p></note> </l><l>* Depuis ce temps ceste loy de grand pris</l><l>Est abolie, & pour elle on a pris</l><l n="155">La vanité d’ignorans Pharisees,</l><l>Dont ames sont & seront accusees.</l><l>Mondanité par Apostres laissee</l><l>A de rechef la personne embrassee.</l><l>Vous avez beau la verité prescher</l><l n="160">Autant que l’eaue en ung crible pescher.</l><l>Ha, ce seroit deroger à noblesse :</l><l>Habitz de soye ont bien plus de largesse,</l><l>Chaisnes, carquars, dorures, passemens,</l><l>N’ont ilz pas plus de grace & fardemens</l><l n="165">Qu’ung habit gris, où l’on ne peult choisir</l><l>Aucun regard pour vous donner plaisir ?</l><l>L’une dira, « Ceste façon me plaist</l><l>D’ung tel habit, & l’aultre me deplaist. »</l><l>« Ha », (dira l’aultre) « ung beau tanné veloux</l><l n="170">Fera de moy ton œil estre jaloux. »</l><l>L’autre dira, « Les marques d’or me plaisent,</l><l>En les portant mes grands douleurs s’apaisent.<note n="172" place="foot" xml:id="N137-2"><p>portanr</p></note> </l><l>Il appert bien, voyant telle richesse,</l><l>Qu’extraicte suis de haulte gentilesse. »</l><l n="175">L’autre tiendra à ses comptes si elle a</l><l>Grand revenu apte à cest estat là :</l><l>Et ce pendent l’amour de Dieu est mise</l><l>Dessoubz les piedz, par personne de mise</l><l>D’entendement, loing de chrestienne foy,</l><l n="180">Et ensuyvant les Scribes & leur loy :</l><l>Ce qu’il te fault du tout habandonner.</l><l>A quel estat te veulx tu adonner ?</l><l>Seroit ce point prendre ung lieu solitaire</l><l>Dedans le boys d’ung recluz monastere,<note n="184" place="foot" xml:id="N137-3"><p>la boys</p></note> </l><l n="185">Pour divertir du monde ta pensee,</l><l>Par le regard des hommes offensee ?</l><l>Certes nenny. Raison me faict penser</l><l>Qu’en ce lieu trop tu pourroys engresser.</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0150.tif" n="138" xml:id="op138"></pb>Jadis on veid bastir ces aedifices</l><l n="190">Pour eviter les dangers & malices</l><l>Des ennemis de la foy, qui confondre</l><l>Vouloient Chrestiens, encor en petit nombre,</l><l>Qui se cachoient en ces lieulx pour refuge,</l><l>En attendant qu’apres ce grand deluge</l><l n="195">Par leur moyen ilz peussent faire entendre</l><l>La verité, & peu à peu l’espendre.</l><l>Or maintenant qu’assez est estendue,</l><l>Et par le monde amplement espandue,</l><l>Je ne veulx point qu’en ung lieu tu t’enferme,</l><l n="200">Ains que par tout avec une foy ferme</l><l>Soys cheminant, pour en faire apparence</l><l>A ceulx qui ont vescu en ignorance.</l><l>En ce faisant, il fault que tu labeure,</l><l>Que pour bien vivre ung estat te demeure,</l><l n="205">Non d’advocat, non point de procureur,</l><l>Non de gendarme où gist tant de fureur,</l><l>Non de marchant où gist tant de mensonge,</l><l>Et qui à rien fors qu’à tromper ne songe :</l><l>Non à l’estat de conseiller ou juge</l><l n="210">Qui les proces des hommes veoit & juge :</l><l>Non en portant les chordes & les noudz,</l><l>Pour contrefaire ung bigot à genoux :</l><l>Ne pour chercher ung scisme d’heresie<note n="213" place="foot" xml:id="N138-1"><p>ung seisme</p></note> </l><l>Et pallier la claire hypochrisie.</l><l n="215">Ains en l’estat de belle bergerie,</l><l>Estant berger pour toute seigneurie.</l><l>De cest estat je veulx que soys pourveu</l><l>Sans avoir honte. Helas, on a bien veu</l><l>Maintz gros seigneurs jadis, voyre les roys,</l><l n="220">Estre bergers, pour leurs plus beaulx arroys.</l><l>Mais tout ainsi que tu es opulent</l><l>En grands troppeaulx, tu seras vigilant</l><l>Sur tous pasteurs, qui leurs troppeaulx tiendront<note n="223" place="foot" xml:id="N138-2"><p>tiendro</p></note> </l><l>De toy, apres Pan, qui Dieu maintiendront.<note n="224" place="foot" xml:id="N138-3"><p>que Dieu</p></note> </l><l n="225"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0151.tif" n="139" xml:id="op139"></pb>En ce faisant, sur eulx le soing auras,</l><l>Et la façon tu leur enseigneras</l><l>De bien garder leurs troppeaulx florissans</l><l>De la fureur des grands loups ravissans.</l><l>Si quelque Loup une Brebis errant</l><l n="230">Veult devorer, puis l’autre va querant,</l><l>Laisse soubdain ton beau verdoyant siege,</l><l>Pour promptement prendre le Loup au piege.</l><l>Puis aux bergers de toute nation</l><l>Que tient liez ta jurisdition,</l><l n="235">Fais publier par tout ce petit livre,</l><l>Qu’entre tes mains presentement je livre,</l><l>Pour observer ce qui est contenu,</l><l>Affin qu’il soit tousjours entretenu,</l><l>Ainsi que Pan des bergers le grand Dieu</l><l n="240">A commandé de l’espendre en tout lieu.</l><l>C’est luy qui a ce livre composé,</l><l>Et pour bergers le precepte apposé :</l><l>Auquel ne fault quelque chose adjouster,</l><l>Duquel aussi rien ne convient oster.</l><l n="245">Tu y verras la maniere & la sorte</l><l>Comment il fault qu’à son honneur on sorte</l><l>Pour bien garder ses troppeaulx de danger,</l><l>Si le farsin sur eulx se vient renger,</l><l>S’ilz ont le col de travers, si le tac</l><l n="250">Les vient saisir pour le mener à sac :</l><l>Ce livre là t’en donne intelligence,</l><l>Mais il te fault employer diligence</l><l>En les gardant, que tes sens endormis</l><l>Jamais ne soient : ains que le temps soit mis</l><l n="255">A retenir ce livre par memoire,</l><l>Pour aux bergers le rendre tout notoire :</l><l>A celle fin qu’apres ceste notice,</l><l>De l’annoncer soit tout leur exercice.</l><l>Et toutesfoys n’estimes pas pourtant</l><l n="260">Que comme toy, chascun en face autant.</l><l>Car les bergers ont changé de nature</l><l>Depuis le temps que par triste avanture</l><l>Pan deceda, & en grand melodie</l><l>Monta au ciel, laissant en Archadie</l><l n="265">Troppeaulx errans, dessoubz le soing & cure</l><l>De Tityrus, pour leur donner pasture</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0152.tif" n="140" xml:id="op140"></pb>En ensuyvant le regime & la lettre<note n="267" place="foot" xml:id="N140-1"><p>regime & lettre</p></note> </l><l>Qu’es cieux montant, où livre voulut mettre.</l><l>* Quand Tityrus, par le Dieu Pan choisi</l><l n="270">Pour grand berger, fut par la mort saisi,</l><l>Certainement, aulcuns leurs successeurs</l><l>N’ont esté telz, ains malins transgresseurs</l><l>De ce livret, car pour deux bons trouvez</l><l>Y en a mille faulx reprouvez</l><l n="275">Qui transgressoient le livre qu’il laissa.</l><l>Depuis ce temps maint grant berger passa</l><l>Le contenu au livre amoureulx</l><l>Qui ne contient que propoz savoureulx.</l><l>Car ou il a voulu diminuer,</l><l n="280">Ou augmenter ; or pour continuer</l><l>Le propos mien : quand Tityrus vivoit,</l><l>Bien aultrement le soing & cure avoit</l><l>De ses troppeaulx que ceulx de maintenant.</l><l>Sur eulx estoit tous jours la main tenant,</l><l n="285">Bien les gardoit de fain ou de soif mourir,</l><l>Et ne povoient d’aulcun farsin perir.</l><l>Car l’aliment en bon lieu estoit pris,</l><l>Dont il avoit sur tous bergers le pris.</l><l>Moindres bergers que luy il contentoit,</l><l n="290">Car tant vers eulx charitable il estoit,</l><l>Que bien souvent il leur estoit baillé</l><l>Pommes, ou noix, ou formage caillé</l><l>Pour sustenter leur souffreteux mesnage,</l><l>Et augmenter le povre labourage.</l><l n="295">Et non enflé du souverain pouvoir</l><l>Que le Dieu Pan luy avoit faict avoir</l><l>De son labour, & de son revenu,</l><l>Maint berger povre a tousjours soustenu</l><l>En observant le livre deificque</l><l n="300">De Pan, duquel le contenu explique,</l><l>Puis qu’il avoit eu gratuitement</l><l>Ce grand pouvoir, que liberalement</l><l>De son labour il debvoit departir</l><l>A tous bergers, & puis les advertir</l><l n="305"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0153.tif" n="141" xml:id="op141"></pb>Du contenu en ce livre compris :</l><l>Car Pan l’avoit en cela bien apris.<note n="306" place="foot" xml:id="N141-1"><p>Pan l’uoit</p></note> </l><l>Dont Tityrus soubz cases & logettes</l><l>Faictes de feuille & herbe maisonnettes</l><l>Se retiroit, où en toute saison</l><l n="310">Pan escoutoit du ciel son oraison,</l><l>Mesme oraison que Pan luy aprenoit</l><l>Quand d’enseigner bergers entreprenoit</l><l>A prier Dieu, propre oraison couchee</l><l>En ce livret, par Pan mesme preschee.</l><l n="315">Mais par bergers, de ce temps où tu vis,</l><l>Sont gouvernez troppeaulx d’ung aultre advis.</l><l>Povres bergers en povrecté delaissent,</l><l>De fain & soif mourir brebis ilz laissent,<note n="318" place="foot" xml:id="N141-2"><p>soif mouris</p></note> </l><l>Et les font paistre en maulvais pasturage</l><l n="320">Où bien souvent de venimeulx herbage</l><l>Une brebis qui aura peu gouster,</l><l>Tout le troppeau commence de gaster.</l><l>Brif, il n’y a berger qui ne s’estrange<note n="323" place="foot" xml:id="N141-3"><p>с’estrange</p></note> </l><l>De Tityrus, & le livre ne change</l><l n="325">Que Pan laissa aux bergers pour ensuyvre.</l><l>Car chascun d’eulx veult mondainement vivre,</l><l>De ce livret preceptes qui sont bons</l><l>Il abandonne, il laisse vagabonds</l><l>Petis troppeaulx, il laisse la houlete,</l><l n="330">Compte ne faict de pomme ne noysette,</l><l>Ains entretient estat plus sumptueulx :</l><l>Il faict le grand, il est presumptueulx,</l><l>Il change habitz, son aulbergeon rustique</l><l>Il mue en beau vestement Italique</l><l n="335">De veloux cher, il devient fier & grave</l><l>D’aultant qu’il est plus sumptueulx & brave.</l><l>Ses chaulces ont mille deschiquetures,</l><l>Il a chevaulx exornez de dorures :</l><l>Chaisnes au col d’ung or clair & luysant,</l><l n="340">Qui à l’estat (ce me semble) est duisant.</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0154.tif" n="142" xml:id="op142"></pb>Nouveaulx esbas jour en jour il pourchasse,</l><l>Il entreprent le deduict de la chasse,</l><l>Faisant son dieu de mondaine plaisance :</l><l>Il a oyseaulx & chiens en abondance,</l><l n="345">Folle despence avecques luy demeure :</l><l>Ambition en luy faict sa demeure :</l><l>Et tant plus a de vaches & de veaulx,</l><l>Tant plus en luy sont appetis nouveaulx</l><l>De posseder terres & aedifices,</l><l n="350">Où au Dieu Pan il ne faict sacrifices<note n="350" place="foot" xml:id="N142-1"><p>facrifices</p></note> </l><l>De l’oraison au livre contenue :</l><l>Elle n’a plus envers luy de tenue :</l><l>Et laissant Pan, qu’il deust seul adorer,</l><l>Plus tost s’applicque autres dieux venerer</l><l n="355">Qui ne sont rien, sinon que creatures,</l><l>Et du dieu Pan les petites factures.</l><l>* Si la Brebis commence de beler,</l><l>Comme voulant son meffaict reveler,</l><l>Soubdainement elle sera choisie</l><l n="360">Dans le troppeau, aux quatre piedz saisie,</l><l>Puis mis en lieu où elle ne veoit gouste,</l><l>Et de la mort ayant grand peur & doubte,</l><l>Alors sa langue est close ou arrachee.</l><l>Voyla comment la malice est cachee</l><l n="365">Des faulx bergers, ennemys de la loy,</l><l>Et transgresseurs de la chrestienne foy,</l><l>Qui non contens de petites casetes</l><l>Par Tityrus d’herbe & de feuilles faictes,</l><l>Haultes maisons ilz font aedifier,</l><l n="370">Cuydans ainsi à Pan gratifier</l><l>Qui a esleu dedans noz cueurs son temple</l><l>Où il convient que sa grace on contemple.</l><l>Car le dieu Pan ne veult telle despence</l><l>Dont on pourroit supporter l’indigence</l><l n="375">D’aucuns bergers, que povreté menace</l><l>De jour en jour, & leur faict grimace.</l><l>Las, qu’il seroit plus idoine & propice</l><l>Du revenu de si grand aedifice,</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0155.tif" n="143" xml:id="op143"></pb>Tant de bergers qui sont pleins d’ignorance</l><l n="380">Endoctriner, & mettre en apparence</l><l>Ce beau livret illustre & precieulx,</l><l>Dont la leçon vous peult mener es cieulx.</l><l>Mais la malice en ces bergers qu’on voit</l><l>A ce bien là, ne regarde, ou pourvoit.</l><l n="385">Plus tost mettront le temps à divers jeulx,</l><l>Plus tost seront en proces courageulx,</l><l>Et pour ung mot qui leur ressemble amer,</l><l>S’efforceront le povre consumer</l><l>Pour reparer le dommage à eulx faict :</l><l n="390">Donc tu en voys maint povre home de faict</l><l>Qui par pecune & thresor infini</l><l>Est aux despens condamné ou puni,</l><l>Sans prendre esgard à Pan ou à son livre</l><l>Qui vray bergers d’une doulceur enyvre</l><l n="395">Plaine d’amour, de charité fulcie,</l><l>Qui de proces oncques ne se soulcie.</l><l>Le grand berger Tityrus n’estoit tel,</l><l>Ne des bergers le dieu Pan immortel,</l><l>Car bien souvent lors qu’on leur faict injure,</l><l n="400">Aulcun d’iceulx vengence ne procure.<note n="400" place="foot" xml:id="N143-1"><p>Aulcum</p></note> </l><l>Regarde donc la doctrine estrangee</l><l>Par ces bergers qui ainsi l’ont changee.</l><l>Certainement si tu les veulx ensuyvre</l><l>Tu ne pourras apres le trespas vivre.</l><l n="405">Tu me diras que Pan donna puissance</l><l>A Tityrus, pour selon sa plaisance</l><l>Comme il vouldroit, toute chose lier</l><l>Entre bergers, & soubdain deslier.</l><l>Il est certain, mais la chose lyee</l><l n="410">Par Tityrus, & aussi deslyee,</l><l>Estoit selon le livre & ordonnance</l><l>Que Pan laissa pour faire demonstrance.</l><l>Et ces bergers ne se veullent renger</l><l>A ceste chose, ains plus tost deroger.</l><l n="415">Car le plus grand d’iceulx une loy lie</l><l>Toute contraire, & mesme la deslie,</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0156.tif" n="144" xml:id="op144"></pb>Non comme Pan ou Tityrus faisoit</l><l>Entre bergers : ce qui me desplaisoit</l><l>Quant je vivoys au monde, où n’ay veu rien</l><l n="420">Entre bergers que jugement terrien,</l><l>Dont ilz faisoient ordonnances & loix</l><l>Tant seulement yssues de leur voix :</l><l>Et ce pendent en mondaines delices</l><l>Ilz dedaignoient de Pan les sacrifices</l><l n="425">Que bien souvent sur le beau mont archade</l><l>Faisoit Tityre, en chantant une aulbade</l><l>De sa musete, où non pas sans raison</l><l>Faisoit à Pan priere & oraison.</l><l>Mais des bergers qui suyvent aultres meurs</l><l n="430">Pan ne veult pas escouter les clameurs,</l><l>Considerant leur faulse intention,</l><l>Dont son livret vient à perdition</l><l>En leur endroict, & de turbe infinie</l><l>A faulx bergers servant de compaignie :<note n="434" place="foot" xml:id="N144-1"><p>foulx bergers</p></note> </l><l n="435">Où il s’ensuyt que tropeaulx esgarez</l><l>Soient de l’herbage utile separez.</l><l>* Tu diras donc, « Helas, je m’esmerveille</l><l>Que cest estat prendre tu me conseille<note n="438" place="foot" xml:id="N144-2"><p>ces estat</p></note> </l><l>Où il y a tant d’abus & malice. »</l><l n="440">Mais je respons, « Il est apte & propice</l><l>A ceulx qui ont une volunté ferme,</l><l>Qui en leur cueur l’amour de Pan enferment<note n="442" place="foot" xml:id="N144-3"><p>enferme</p></note> </l><l>Pour le tenir des troppeaulx gouverneur,</l><l>Roy des bergers, conducteur, enseigneur :</l><l n="445">En observant en tout le petit livre</l><l>Qui peult chascun berger mettre à delivre,</l><l>Non comme ceulx qui prescherent jadis</l><l>Que par argent on gaignoit paradis,</l><l>Et qui disoient que sans merite ou œuvre</l><l n="450">Pan pour argent son paradis nous euvre</l><l>En recepvant grande somme d’argent ;</l><l>Dont y a eu maint povre homme indigent</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0157.tif" n="145" xml:id="op145"></pb>Qui pour tirer bergers de purgatoire,</l><l>Vaches & veaulx mectoient en inventoire</l><l n="455">Pour appaiser ces prescheurs amassez,</l><l>Pour alleger ames des trespassez ;</l><l>Dont ilz tiroient biens de tout le plus chiche,</l><l>Mais Pan n’en est pour ce venu plus riche.</l><l>Car il n’en a (rien ne sert le nyer)</l><l n="460">Encore receu, que je sache, ung denier.</l><l>Le vray berger de cela ne s’empesche,</l><l>Car aultrement aux ignorans il presche,</l><l>Et ne veult point chercher inventions</l><l>Pour vers le peuple user d’extortions.</l><l n="465">* Mon filz, voila l’estat qui t’appartient</l><l>De vray berger, qui tant d’honneur contient.</l><l>Soys donc berger suyvant Pan & Tityre,</l><l>Non comme cil qui à l’estat se tire</l><l>Pour posseder trop de troppeaulx ensemble :</l><l n="470">Car son amour de Pan se desassemble,</l><l>Dont en la fin il se verra puny</l><l>De tout l’abus duquel il s’est muny. »<note n="472" place="foot" xml:id="N145-1"><p>c’est muny</p></note> </l><l>* Ainsi disoit Gargantua mon pere.</l><l>« Ce me sembloit songe tresprospere »,</l><l n="475">Disois je lors, puis en tournant le chef</l><l>Ung songe grand m’a saisi de rechef :</l><l>Advis me fut voir Panurge venant</l><l>De Babylone, ung lis en main tenant,</l><l>Qui me comptoit ung tournoy de grand pris</l><l n="480">Par le Souldan & ses gens entrepris.</l><l>« Pantagruel » (dist il en soubzriant)</l><l>« J’ay l’occident passé & l’orient</l><l>Depuis six moys, sans craindre la grimace</l><l>Des Turcs felons, non point tant par audace</l><l n="485">Que par moyens & subtile finesse</l><l>Qui en ces lieux me donnoit seure addresse.<note n="486" place="foot" xml:id="N145-2"><p>liuex</p></note> </l><l>Le grand Souldan en mars sur le printemps,</l><l>Pour rendre plus ses subjectz contens,</l><l>Feit ung tournoy excellent publier</l><l n="490"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0158.tif" n="146" xml:id="op146"></pb>Dont je ne puis l’excellence oblier.</l><l>Je l’ose bien preferer aux tournoys</l><l>Du Roy Artus, ou d’Oger le Dannoys,</l><l>Voyre à ceulx là du grand Roy Charlemaigne</l><l>Roy des Françoys, semblablemens d’Espaigne.</l><l n="495">Car le dieu Mars, pour au Souldan complaire,</l><l>Luy mesme y vint, pour à tout satisfaire,</l><l>Et amena avecques luy Mercure</l><l>Qui de sa verge adonc print soing & cure Ressusciter Hercules de Lybie,<note n="499" place="foot" xml:id="N146-1"><p>Hrcules</p></note> </l><l n="500">Giglan, Jourdain, Tristan, & Isaye,</l><l>Perceforest, Lancelot, & Gauvain,</l><l>Le Roy Artus, Roland & Baudoin, Le preux Regnault de Montauban venu,</l><l>Huon aussi de Bordeaulx pourvenu,</l><l n="505">Et Valentin, & Dolin de Maience,</l><l>Qui tous marchoient en tres belle ordonnance,</l><l>Fifres & cors sonnoient de telle sorte</l><l>Que le grand bruyt jusqu’au ciel se transporte.</l><l>Puis commençoient à rudement jouxter,</l><l n="510">L’un contre l’autre asprement se porter,</l><l>Faire voler boys de lance rompue.</l><l>Mais Hercules avecques sa massue</l><l>Demonstre bien qu’il est exercité</l><l>Et que sur tous a le bruit merité.</l><l n="515">Brief, à chascun il faict ses coups sentir,</l><l>Dont j’apperceus chevaliers consentir</l><l>De luy donner la louenge condigne,</l><l>Et qu’il estoit des aultres le plus digne.</l><l>L’esbat fini, le Souldan commanda</l><l n="520">De les traicter, puis leur nom demanda</l><l>Au dieu Mercure. Adonc tout resjoy,</l><l>Et de leur grand’hardiesse esbay,</l><l>A leur depart leur donne l’accollee,</l><l>Puis hors des corps l’ame s’en est volee.</l><l n="525">Or en ce lieu qui vivre me faisoit</l><l>Et sans danger par tout me conduisoit,</l><l>C’estoit ung art dont la subtilité</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0159.tif" n="147" xml:id="op147"></pb>Sembloit aux Turcs de grand’utilité :</l><l>Car je sçavoys les perles enfiller,</l><l n="530">Semblablement soye & laine filer,</l><l>Forger monnoye, & en oster à ceulx</l><l>Qui la garder estoient trop paresseulx.</l><l>Mais tel bonté dont j’estois à mon aise,</l><l>Au long durer leur ressembla maulvaise,</l><l n="535">Dont le Souldan je veis se despiter,</l><l>En protestant Mahon & Juppiter</l><l>Que j’estois trop d’enrichir curieulx.</l><l>Puis se monstra prompt & labourieulx</l><l>De m’enfermer en estroicte prison</l><l n="540">Pour me punir de telle mesprison.</l><l>Mais nostre Dieu, qui a plus de puissance</l><l>Que ceulx desquelz il avoit congnoissance,</l><l>Ne voulut pas mes jours estre si cours :</l><l>Ains m’envoya reconfort & secours.</l><l n="545">Car Melusine, illustre damoyselle,</l><l>Fille au Souldan, qui avoit de moy zelle</l><l>Et qui alloit mon amour poursuyvant,</l><l>Me delivra celle nuict ensuyvant.</l><l>Je luy avoys aprins nostre language</l><l n="550">Et d’enfiller perles le vray usage,</l><l>Qui la rendit de moy si amoureuse</l><l>Que de ma vie elle fut curieuse.</l><l>Dont au depart d’ung baiser m’a pourveu,</l><l>Et d’ung anneau, plus beau qui onc fut veu</l><l n="555">De par de ce, voire en pays estrange.</l><l>J’en ay depuis eu sur le Pont au Change</l><l>Deux mil escus : mais de tous ces escus</l><l>J’ay faict ung prest à Ceres & Bacchus,</l><l>Dont Genius le contract a passé.</l><l n="560">Si vous diray comme il est compassé :</l><l>Ilz sont tenus de me rendre la somme</l><l>Quant on verra content estre tout homme</l><l>Et quant mourra du monde l’heresie</l><l>Ou bien d’ung gras moyne l’hypocrisie,</l><l n="565">Ou quant prelatz n’auront qu’ung benefice</l><l>Et que puny sera tout malefice,</l><l>Quant on verra mettre fin aux proces,</l><l>Et qu’on verra sans querelle & exces Vivre le monde, & en tranquillité</l><l n="570"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0160.tif" n="148" xml:id="op148"></pb>Quictes debteurs, & estre en liberté :</l><l>Ou que tous ceulx qui ont des thresors maintz</l><l>S’esforceront en descharger leurs mains.</l><l>Le temps escheu qu’on verra charité</l><l>Ressusciter, ou quant la verité</l><l n="575">(Qui est par tout si bien preschee)</l><l>Sera en nous fermement cachee,</l><l>Et qu’on verra toute humaine pasture</l><l>Croistre & venir sans soing d’agriculture.</l><l>A vostre advis ce contract est il seur</l><l n="580">Si que je soys en brief temps possesseur</l><l>De ce thresor qui est presté par moy,</l><l>Dont le default me mect en grand esmoy ?</l><l>Je croy que non : car Genius s’en mocque</l><l>Et ung chascun pour s’en rire il provoque.</l><l n="585">Mais en despit de Bacchus & Cerés</l><l>Chappons, perdrix, connilz vous en aurés.</l><l>Puis si la trongne en vient faire Bacchus,</l><l>Venez flaccons, & mettez à bas culz :</l><l>Car à grands coups de lances de Fougeres,</l><l n="590">Vous ne pourres contre moy durer gueres. »</l><l>* De ces propos que Panurge comptoit<note n="591" place="foot" xml:id="N148-1"><p>Pamirge</p></note> </l><l>Mon travaillant esprit se contentoit.</l><l>Mais tout soudain en aultre frenaisie</l><l>Descendre vint la mienne fantaisie.</l><l n="595">Advis il m’est de rechef que je voys</l><l>Gargantua, & que j’entends sa voix</l><l>Si hault crier que de ce bruit qui sonne,</l><l>L’air (tout ainsi que je songepys) resonne :</l><l>« Mon filz » (dist il) « l’amour que je te porte</l><l n="600">Faict de rechef qu’à toy je me transporte,</l><l>Voulant du tout que de la bergerie</l><l>(Dont tu prendras l’estat) Pan ne s’en rie. En premier lieu que tu soys adverty</l><l>Au monde bas de prendre ung bon party,</l><l n="605">Et te lier par loyal mariage</l><l>Multipliant la terre davantage,</l><l>Comme jadis les bergers que j’ay dict :</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0161.tif" n="149" xml:id="op149"></pb>Les commandemens vers Pan avoient credit.<note n="608" place="foot" xml:id="N149-1"><p>Le commandans</p></note></l><l>Mais sur ce cas, il fault bien adviser</l><l n="610">Le Dieu auquel te convient amuser.</l><l>Ne cherche point en ce monde une femme</l><l>Dont à jamais tu puisse avoir diffame.</l><l>Ne cherche point une femme lubricque</l><l>Tant seulement apte au jeu venericque,</l><l n="615">Aymant plaisirs qui sont desordonnez,</l><l>Cherchant esbatz à malheur adonnez,</l><l>Et qui n’a rien en sa simple cervelle</l><l>Qu’abitz nouveaulx, pour estre, ou sembler belle.</l><l>Ne cherche point une faulse hypocrite,</l><l n="620">Railleuse (à part) plus fort que Democrite,</l><l>Malicieuse, ou celle qui a cure,</l><l>Si tu luy fais du mal, te faire injure,</l><l>Ne celle en qui gist faulse affection,</l><l>Suyvant le monde & son ambition,</l><l n="625">Pleine d’erreur & de concupiscence,</l><l>De jalousie & de folle insolence :</l><l>Ne celle aussi qui d’autant qu’elle est belle</l><l>Est contre toy furieuse & rebelle :</l><l>Car son esprit tu ne verras capable</l><l n="630">A retenir document proffitable.</l><l>Les roys jadis voulans multiplier</l><l>La terre ainsi, ne faisoient publier</l><l>Qu’on leur trouvast femmes de grand value,</l><l>Que pour les biens le monde sot salue :</l><l n="635">Ains bien souvent à femmes d’abject lieu</l><l>Se sont conjoinctz suyvant la loy de Dieu,</l><l>Si que vertu estoit en plus grand pris</l><l>Qu’honneur mondain, que les humains ont pris.</l><l>* En ce lieu la vertu est deprisee ;<note n="639" place="foot" xml:id="N149-2"><p>En ce lieu vertu</p></note> </l><l n="640">Si femme n’est de biens mondains prisee</l><l>On s’en recule, en vain elle labeure,</l><l>Et sans mаrу en tristesse demeure.</l><l>Mais si elle a des richesses autant</l><l>Que Darius, elle faict si content</l><l n="645"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0162.tif" n="150" xml:id="op150"></pb>Ung amoureulx qu’il propose richesse</l><l>Aux dons de l’ame, où gist plus de noblesse.</l><l>Puis Volupté le contract vient passer,</l><l>Et de ces biens mondains le compasser :</l><l>Lubricité employe son office,</l><l n="650">Leurs enfans sont gouvernez par Malice ;</l><l>Malice prend le soing, la peine & cure</l><l>De les conduyre à mortelle adventure,</l><l>Leur presentant le monde & ses delices,</l><l>Charnalité, avecques ses complices.</l><l n="655">Ainsi conduictz (mise raison au bas)</l><l>Ilz ont au cueur du monde les esbas :</l><l>Simplicité leur est abominable,</l><l>Dol & cautele ilz ont pour agreable :</l><l>Et du dieu Pan ne tiennent aucun compte,</l><l n="660">Ne de tout ce que son livre racompte.</l><l>Malice a tant leurs cerveaulx empeschez<note n="661" place="foot" xml:id="N150-1"><p>empcschez</p></note> </l><l>Que si de Pan les faictz leur sont preschez,</l><l>Ilz n’ont esgard à cela qu’on leur presche :</l><l>Dont sans cesser Malice les empesche</l><l n="665">De cheminer en l’amoureuse voye</l><l>Où Pan reçoit le berger qui forvoye</l><l>S’il se reduict, & s’il a repentance</l><l>D’avoir esté berger plein d’ignorance.</l><l>Donc en gardant Beufz, Veaulx, Brebis & Vaches</l><l n="670">Il fault de Pan que le livre tu saches.</l><l>En le sachant faire le contenu,</l><l>En le faisant n’estre circumvenu<note n="672" place="foot" xml:id="N150-2"><p>circunvenu</p></note> </l><l>De fraude & dol : ains que ceste science</l><l>Lye ton cueur de pure conscience</l><l n="675">Pour aspirer comme le bon Tityre</l><l>Au lieu auquel Pan ses bergers retire. »</l><l>* Ainsi disant Gargantua m’accole,</l><l>Puis (comme esprit invisible) s’envole.</l><l>Amys, voyla la teneur de mon songe ;<note n="679" place="foot" xml:id="N150-3"><p>tenuer</p></note> </l><l n="680"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0163.tif" n="151" xml:id="op151"></pb>Jugez si c’est verité ou mensonge.</l><l>Quant est de moy, j’ay veu choses songer<note n="681" place="foot" xml:id="N151-1"><p>est d moy</p></note> </l><l>Dont le songeur n’estoit point mensonger.</l></lg></quote><p rendition="#center">Fin du Songe de Pantagruel.<note n="*" place="foot" xml:id="N151-2"><p>songe Pantagruel.</p></note> </p><p rendition="#center"><pb facs="9782600031172_p0164.tif" n="152" xml:id="op152"></pb></p></div><div type="section" xml:id="Zsec_46"><head><pb facs="9782600031172_p0165.tif" n="153" xml:id="op153"></pb>4.<lb></lb>LE SONGE DE PANTAGRUEL<lb></lb>NOTES TO THE TEXT</head><p>All Biblical quotations are from the Authorized Version.</p><div type="ssection"><head>A MESSIRE FRANÇOYS DU BOURG</head><p><lb n="Title"></lb> Françoys du Bourg was the son of Anthoine Du Bourg, Chancellor of France (see ll. 14, 19, 25), and was Bishop of Rieux from 2 September 1542 until 1564. The Bishopric was established by John XXII in July 1317 and suppressed in 1790. Interestingly, the « Privilège » granted to Habert is dated 9 September 1542, only one week after Francoys du Bourg became Bishop of Rieux.</p><p><lb n="l. 7"></lb> Although Habert states that the idea for a work such as the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> had only recently occurred to him, many of the themes of this work are present, in varying degrees, in his other collections of verse. Such collections, which began to appear in the same year as the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi>, emphasise the correct way to live one’s life, according to the teachings of the Gospels, and the necessity of returning to the purity and simplcity of the early Church.</p><p><lb n="ll. 13-30"></lb> The <hi rend="i">Deploration du feu Messire Anthoine du Bourg</hi>, printed with the <hi rend="i">Songe de Pantagruel</hi>, though quite independent of it, is cast as a dialogue between the soul and the body of the Chancellor of France, in which the body wishes to preserve and prolong the duration of its earthly stay, and the soul wishes to escape from its earthly prison. The debate is resolved by the arbitration of Death.</p><p>Such a debate between the two constituent parts of the human being may not be accidental given the use in line 16 of the term « personne » ; it is the harmonious marriage of body and soul which constitutes the human « persona », and the separation of body from soul which constitutes death, for Habert as for Rabelais (<hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> VIII, 64). Similarly, the confidence which Habert places in Francoys du Bourg echoes the pleasure felt by Rabelais’s Gargantua when reflecting that, after his death, he will leave a son able to preserve the good name and character of his father. Habert seemingly agrees with Rabelais that the procreation of children through legitimate Christian marriage can be viewed as a substitute earthly immortality in the body to compensate for the Fall. This view is expressed on two occasions in the <hi rend="i">Deploration</hi> :</p><quote><lg><l>« Quand mort seray, ma louange aura vie :</l><l>Et tout ainsi que je suis immortelle</l><l>Sans encourir en tasche ou corruptelle,</l><l>Ainsi l’honneur que j’avoys merité</l><l>Ne s’estaindra en ma posterité. » (F1 r°-F1 v°)</l></lg></quote><p>and in the final two lines of the poem :</p><quote><lg><l>« Dont en oubly se met le deuil du pere,</l><l>Voyant au filz felicite prospere. »</l></lg></quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0166.tif" n="154" xml:id="op154"></pb> Anthoine du Bourg was one of the major political figures of the 1530’s. He was the Commander at the Châtelet, President of the Council of Louise of Savoy, « Maître des Requêtes » in 1532, President of the Paris « Parlement » in 1534 and on 6 July 1535 was appointed Chancellor of France. He died in November 1538.We do not know why Habert enjoyed the patronage of Anthoine and of Françoys du Bourg. But we do know that at least one member of the family, Anne du Bourg — cousin of Françoys — had some sympathy for the Reform. Anne du Bourg had dared to oppose Henry II’s persecution of heretics, and in spite of the protestations of the Palatine Elector, he was hanged on the Place de Grève in 1559.</p></div><div type="ssection"><head>AULTRE EPISTRE À NOBLE HOMME ANTHOINE DU BOURG, BARON DE SAINCT SULPICE</head><p><lb n="Title"></lb> This Epistle is addressed to the son of Anthoine du Bourg, Chancellor of France (cf. ll. 14-17). According to Lalanne’s <hi rend="i">Dictionnaire historique de la France</hi> (Paris, 1877, p. 614), the Barony of Saint Sulpice was at this time in the hands of the Crussol family. The same work (p. 357) names Seillans, La Peirouse, Seilloux, Malauzat, Chariol, Blives and Borzas as the lands of the Du Bourg family.</p><p><lb n="ll. 10-12"></lb> A clear indication that the reader is to take what Habert says in all seriousness, in spite of the traditional poetic convention that rhyme is fallacious.</p></div><div type="ssection"><head>LE SONGE DE PANTAGRUEL</head><p><lb n="l. 5"></lb> The reference to a banquet at which Immortality and Truth are to be discussed is, in all probability, a conscious platonic echo. The <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> is presented from the outset as a pla-tonic banquet or symposium : in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> (XXXVI, 148-50) such a presentation is made explicit by the reference to the counting of guests in the <hi rend="i">Timaeus</hi> :« Le Time de Platon, au commencement de l’assemblée, compta les invitez ; nous, au rebours, les compterons en la fin. »</p><p><lb n="l. 9"></lb> The « espris bien nez » who are invited to this banquet recall the « beaulx, bien formez et bien naturez » who are the sole residents of the Abbaye de Thélème (<hi rend="i">Garg.</hi> L, 54-55).</p><p><lb n="l. 23"></lb> Pantagruel is at first frightened by the appearance of his father. The appearance of a benevolent spirit traditionally makes the visionary disturbed at first, but ultimately leaves him calm. Rabelais makes the same point in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> :</p><p>« La difference de ces deux estre en ce que l’Ange bening et consolateur, apparaissant à l’homme, l’espovante au commencement, le console en la fin, le rend content et satisfaict ; l’Ange maling et séducteur au commencement resjouist l’homme, en fin le laisse perturbé, fasché et perplex. » (XIV, 166-73)</p><p>See also <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> XIV, 173 note.</p><p><lb n="l. 25"></lb> Gargantua had earlier been « translaté au pays des Phées par Morgue » (<hi rend="i">Pant.</hi> XV, 2-3).</p><p><lb n="l. 31"></lb> « Document » = « Enseignement, leçon ». Huguet’s <hi rend="i">Dictionnaire de la langue française du XVI<hi rend="sup">e</hi> siècle</hi>, 7 vols (Paris, 1925-67), gives a host of usages of « document » with this meaning ; most examples are taken from works of religious or moral inspiration. Interestingly, two examples are drawn from other works by Habert. For example,</p><quote><lg><l>« Il fault que là ton œil tu fiche</l><l>Pour cognoistre ton document :</l><l>Que d’estre content l’homme est riche</l><l>En ce terrestre monument. » (<hi rend="i">Le voyage de l’homme riche</hi>)</l></lg></quote><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0167.tif" n="155" xml:id="op155"></pb> « Document » is used with similar meaning in contemporary English works ; for example, « All that is wryten is to our document » (Hawes, <hi rend="i">The Example of Virtue</hi>, Prologue, l. 13).</p><p><lb n="l. 39"></lb> Cf. Matthew VI, 19-20 : « Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal ; but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through nor steal » and Luke XII, 21 : « So is he that layeth up treasure for himself, and is not rich toward God. »</p><p>Throughout the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> Habert warns against the corruption and indolence which accompany worldly wealth ; some warnings are made with conscious biblical echoes, and some, equally explicit, are made without the aid of direct quotation from the Bible.</p><p><lb n="l. 47"></lb> An interesting use of the verb « martyrer » which recalls what Evangelicals termed the « martyrs du diable » (« Witnesses to the Devil »). The phrase seems to have been coined — or at least most famously used — by J. Westphal, the Lutheran Superintendent of Hamburg, in an address to the English refugees from Mary Tudor. In an article full of detail and comment on the various martyrologies of the period, Henri Meylan first describes these « martyrs du diable » as the « témoins de l’Evangile » who must remain outside the Church of England, and then describes the Catholic answer in which the Protestant martyrs were viewed as false martyrs inspired by the Devil. Habert, then, is using a term allied to those currently used in Evangelical circles. For further detail, see H. Meylan, « Martyrs du diable » in <hi rend="i">D’Erasme à Théodore de Bèze ; Problèmes de l’Eglise et de l’Ecole chez les Réformés</hi> (Geneva, 1976), pp. 259-75.</p><p><lb n="ll. 48-50"></lb> The advice given at this point by Gargantua recalls to some extent that given by Grand-gouzier to the pilgrims eaten in the salad (<hi rend="i">Garg.</hi> XLIII, 68-70) : </p><quote><p>« La peste ne tue que le corps, mais ces predications diaboliques infectionnent les ames des pauvres et simples gens. »</p></quote><p>See also Matthew X, 28 : « And fear not them which kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul : but rather fear him which is able to destroy both soul and body in hell », and Grandgouzier’s second piece of advice on how to live a happy life, that is a life lived in accordance with the alleged teachings of St Paul :</p><quote><p>« Entretenez voz familles, travaillez, chascun en sa vacation, instruez voz enfans, et vivez comme vous enseigne le bon apostre sainct Paoul. » (XLIII, 97-99)</p></quote><p><lb n="l. 51"></lb> Cf. John V, 30 : « And my judgement is just. »</p><p><lb n="l. 52"></lb> Cf. I Peter I, 17 : « And if ye call upon the Father, who without respect of persons jud-geth according to every man’s work, pass the time of your sojourning here in fear. »</p><p><lb n="l. 58"></lb> Cf. II Thessalonians III, 10 : « For even when we were with you, this we commanded you, that if any would not work, neither should he eat. »</p><p><lb n="ll. 60-65"></lb> Habert seems to be going some way towards a rather Erasmian ideal of pacifism. Rabelais, on the other hand, was no pacifist (cf. <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi>, prologue, 138), but he does share with Luther the belief that it is wrong to wage war in defence of Christianity (cf. <hi rend="i">Garg.</hi> XXVI, 75 note).</p><p><lb n="l. 64"></lb> The exhortation to love thy neighbour as thyself can be found in Leviticus XIX, 18 and Matthew XXII, 39.</p><p><lb n="l. 66"></lb> What the « vray Chrestien » and « true » Christianity are for Habert seems to be one of the principal concerns in his poetry in 1542 ; in that year Habert equates true philosophical wisdom and Christianity :</p><quote><lg><l>« C’est donc la foy qui te peult appeler</l><l>Vray Philosophe, et ton nom extoller,</l><l><pb facs="9782600031172_p0168.tif" n="156" xml:id="op156"></pb> C’est foy en Christ, c’est la philosophie</l><l>Où il convient que chascun se confie. »</l><l rendition="#right">(<hi rend="i">Le Philosophe parfaict</hi>, 533-36)</l></lg></quote><p>This insistence on faith is, in all Habert’s poetry, balanced by the need for accompanying good (moral) works, but not necessarily for good « ecclesiastical » works.</p><p>In the 1552 <hi rend="i">Quart Livre</hi> Rabelais discusses during the visit to the Papimanes the question of who can rightly be called a « bon Christian », and although he writes from a standpoint naturally sympathetic to the Gallican cause, at least some of his hatred of the worship of the « Dieu en terre » and of the veneration of the Decretals as a « contr’Evangile » recalls Habert’s call for a pure life lived in accordance with the teachings of the Gospels.</p><p><lb n="l. 91 ff."></lb> Habert here seems opposed to all branches of the legal profession ; on one level this may be a reflection of the impatience which he felt during his own legal studies at Paris and Toulouse. But his attack on lawyers is very different in scope from the satire of the legal system found in Rabelais’s works ; Rabelais, quite notably, approves of good evangelical lawyers (cf. <hi rend="i">Pant.</hi> VIII, 134-36) and goes so far as to cause his hero to defend good lawyers against the sarcasm of Panurge when, in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> (XXIX, 45-51), it is decided to include a lawyer with a theologian and a doctor in the Colloquy.</p><p><lb n="l. 105"></lb> Perhaps a reference to the standard Mediaeval and Renaissance joke that there was room for only one lawyer in Heaven ; to have admitted more than one would have proved too litigious. In lines 109-110 Habert may be alluding, at least in part, to Clement Marot’s heavily satirical portrait of Gabriel d’Allègre as Minos (<hi rend="i">L’Enfer</hi>, 47-50).</p><p><lb n="l. 118"></lb> Again, Habert’s view that lawyers and their profession are « à Dieu abominable » clashes quite markedly with the portrait which Rabelais gives of the legist Trinquamelle (<hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> XXXIX, 32 f.). It is Trinquamelle, whose name is a near anagram of Tira-queau, who draws from Bridoye the explanation of his eccentric but successful legal method. One should also note the highly evangelical tone of his remarks to Pantagruel, referring to God as the « dateur de tous biens » (XLIII, 11-12) ; the temperament, attitudes and language of the character of Trinquamelle all mark him out as a figure whom Rabelais offers for sympathetic consideration.</p><p><lb n="l. 125"></lb> Cf. Luke XIII, 24 : « Strive to enter in at the strait gate : for many, I say unto you, will seek to enter in, and shall not be able » and Matthew VII, 13-14 : « Enter ye in at the strait gate : for wide is the gate, and broad is the way that leadeth unto destruction, and many there be which go in thereat : Because strait is the gate and narrow is the way that leadeth unto life, and few there be that find it. »</p><p><lb n="l. 127"></lb> Cf. Matthew VI, 19-20 and the note to line 41.</p><p><lb n="ll. 138-40"></lb> Habert refers to such Scriptural commonplaces as I James V, 3 : « Your gold and silver is cankered ; and the rust of them shall be a witness against you and shall eat your flesh as it were fire. Ye have heaped treasure together for the last days’ and I Peter V, 3 : « Neither as being lords over God’s heritage, but being ensamples to the flock » : in both cases the context is explicit in its rejection of worldly values. The hunger and thirst mentioned in line 140 recalls II Corinthians XI, 27 : « In weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness. »</p><p><lb n="l. 141"></lb> An allusion to the well-known legend about Mary Magdalene as a repentant prostitute. In the <hi rend="i">Golden Legend</hi> Jacopus da Voragine relates that Mary was the proprietor of the town of Magdala, « and for so much as she shone in beauty greatly, and in riches, so much the more she submitted her body to delight ». (See J. da Voragine, <hi rend="i">The Golden Legend as Englished by William Caxton</hi>, London, 1900 ; IV, 74.) He adds that her penitence led her to Christ, and after she had washed and anointed his feet, became the person to whom he chose to appear first after his death.</p><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0169.tif" n="157" xml:id="op157"></pb><lb n="l. 142"></lb> The phrase « supernelle essence » has a decidedly Neoplatonic ring, which is echoed in the <hi rend="i">Deploration du feu Messire Anthoine du Bourg</hi> (F3 r°) where the soul of the departed Chancellor is addressed by Death in the following terms :</p><quote><lg><l>« Mais ceulx qui ont entière cognoissance</l><l>Que leur Saulveur Christ, supernelle essence</l><l>M’a trouvé doulce, affin de les purger</l><l>De leur offence, & au Ciel les renger,</l><l>Ne font de moy si soubdain jugement. »</l></lg></quote><p>In keeping with the Christocentric tone of Habert’s work, it is God the Son to whom Habert applies the Neoplatonic epithet.</p><p><lb n="ll. 151-52"></lb> In the lines immediately preceding, Habert has exhorted his readers to base their conduct upon the example of Christ’s Disciples. Now in these two lines he makes his exhortation more precise : the true Christian should follow the example of Christ himself. Habert alludes to Matthew X, 38 : « And he that taketh not his cross and followeth after me is not worthy of me », Matthew XVI, 24 : « If any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross and follow me » and Luke XIV, 27 : « And whosoever doth not bear his cross and come after me, cannot be my disciple. »</p><p><lb n="l. 155"></lb> The vanity and luxury of the Scribes and the Pharisees (cf. l. 180) is a biblical and literary commonplace. See Matthew XXIII, 25-26.</p><p><lb n="l. 160"></lb> The expression « pescher l’eaue en ung crible » corresponds to Erasmus’ Adage <hi rend="i">Cribro aquam haurire</hi> (I.4.60) or to the contemporary English expression for something which either cannot be done or is a waste of labour (cf. Barclay’s <hi rend="i">Eclogues</hi> (1515) A6 r° : « Such thinges… to Thee be as sure as water in a sive. »)</p><p><lb n="l. 165"></lb> The « habit gris » refers to plain cloth, not to the vestment of the Franciscans : Habert here is favourably contrasting the sober dress of ordinary folk with the luxury of some ostentatiously dressed clerics. Cf. the rejection of the Cordeliers in line 211 and of the life of the solitary hermit in lines 183-202.</p><p><lb n="ll. 183-99"></lb> What Habert says at this point compares with what Rabelais wrote in <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> (LII, 74-81) : initially Rabelais’s Abbaye de Thélème is to be a refuge for those who suffer persecution for their vigorous teaching of the Gospel. After that initial period of refuge, the ultimate aim of the Thelemites is realised only when they once again preach the Gospel in the outside world :</p><quote><lg><l>« Puis qu’on confonde, et par voix et par rolle,</l><l>Les ennemis de la saincte parolle ! » (80-81)</l></lg></quote><p>Cf. ll. 199-202 of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> : Habert’s monastery is initially a refuge, but after the « grand deluge » the inmates should travel « avec foy ferme » amongst those who have lived in ignorance. Both Rabelais and Habert stress the confounding of the enemies of the Gospel (<hi rend="i">Songe</hi>, 191 ; <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> LII, 80).</p><p><lb n="ll. 211-12"></lb> Those who « portent les chordes » are the Franciscans / Cordeliers.</p><p><lb n="l. 213"></lb> The wish that one should seek to avoid a schism within the Church is, perhaps, the clearest statement which Habert has yet made of his religious position, but one which also needs to be counterbalanced by a more « Protestant » interpretation of the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> (see p. 110).</p><p><lb n="l. 215"></lb> At this point Habert introduces the profession for which Pantagruel should prepare himself. The equivalences of Pan with Christ, of Tityrus with St Peter and of « bergerie » with the priesthood are not uncommon in contemporary literature. For example, Clément Marot is attributed with the <hi rend="i">Sermon du Bon Pasteur et du Mauvais</hi> (1541). Marot’s <hi rend="i">Complaincte d’un pastoureau chrestien</hi> contains clear allusions to Pan as the <pb facs="9782600031172_p0170.tif" n="158" xml:id="op158"></pb>Christian God, and the same sense of deep disappointment as we find in the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> that the good moral « bergers » of old have been replaced by the modern breed of « mauvais pasteurs » (see <hi rend="i">Complaincte</hi>, 41-46).</p><p>In his non-religious poetry, Marot’s <hi rend="i">Eglogue au Roy soubs les noms de Pan et Robin</hi> equates Francis I with Pan and the poet with Robin, a traditional literary name for a shepherd.</p><p><lb n="l. 228"></lb> Cf. Matthew VII, 15 : « Beware of false prophets which come to you in sheep’s clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves’ and the <hi rend="i">Sermon du Bon Pasteur et du Mauvais</hi> :</p><quote><lg><l>« Et croy, si mieux de pres les advisez,</l><l>Que voyrez loups en brebis desguisez. » (393-94)</l></lg></quote><p><lb n="l. 230"></lb> An allusion to the parable of the lost sheep. Cf. Matthew XVIII, 12-14.</p><p><lb n="l. 235"></lb> References to the highly important and evangelical image of the book which Christ left on earth can also be found on ll. 275, 279-81, 299, 313-14, 324, 351, 361, 393, 445, 660, 670.</p><p><lb n="ll. 243-44"></lb> Cf. Revelations XII, 18-19 : « For I testify unto every man that heareth the words of the prophecy of this book, If any man shall add unto these things, God shall add unto him the plagues that are written in this book. And if any man shall take away from the words of the book of this prophecy, God shall take away his part out of the book of life, and out of the holy city, and from the things which are written in this book. »</p><p>See also <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (XIX, 81-86). In Jean Duvet’s <hi rend="i">Apocalypse figurée</hi> (J. de Tournes, Lyons 1561) these verses from Revelations are rendered thus :</p><quote><p>« Or je proteste à ung chascun qui oit les paroles de la Prophétie de ce livre, si aucun adjouste à ces choses, Dieu adjoustera sus luy les playes escrites en ce livre. Et si aucun diminue des paroles du livre de ceste Prophétie, Dieu ostera sa part du livre de vie, & de la saincte cité & des choses qui sont escrites en ce livre. »</p></quote><p><lb n="l. 248"></lb> The « farcin/farsin » is an illness of cattle, horses, etc. The same illness occurs on l. 286.</p><p><lb n="l. 258"></lb> Habert’s use of the verb « anoncer » recalls the importance of the active preaching of the Gospel for which the persecuted minority of Thelemites are ultimately intended :</p><quote><lg><l>« Cy entrez, vous, qui le sainct Evangile</l><l>En sens agile anoncez, quoy qu’on gronde : » (<hi rend="i">Garg.</hi> LII, 74-75)</l></lg></quote><p><lb n="l. 266"></lb> Cf. John XXI, 15-16.</p><p><lb n="ll. 311-13"></lb> An allusion to the Lord’s Prayer. Cf. Matthew VI, 9 and Luke XI, 2.</p><p><lb n="l. 329"></lb> Perhaps an allusion to the contemporary neglect of the bishop’s crozier.</p><p><lb n="ll. 334-36"></lb> Cf. Du Bellay’s condemnation of Italians and Italianate Frenchmen in the <hi rend="i">Regrets</hi> (ed. Jolliffe & Sreeech, Geneva, 1974 ; n° 86, 1-4).</p><p><lb n="ll. 350-51"></lb> These lines recall Hebrews XIII, 15 : « By him therefore let us offer the sacrifice of praise to God continually, that is, the fruit of our lips giving thanks to his name. »</p><p><lb n="ll. 353-54"></lb> Cf. Exodus XXXIV, 14 ; Isiah XLIII, 11 ; Isiah XLIV, 6.</p><p><lb n="l. 356"></lb> « facture » = « fabrication », « travail », « œuvre ».</p><p><lb n="ll. 358ff."></lb> The punishment suddenly meted out to the innocent ewe by vengeful priests recalls Marot’s protestations at his imprisonment in the Châtelet, « du grand chagrin & receuil ord & laid » (<hi rend="i">L’Enfer</hi>, 11).</p><p><lb n="ll. 369-82"></lb> Habert contrasts the huge amounts of money spent on the rebuilding of St Peter’s with a number of biblical references supporting the primacy of a temple of the spirit. See <pb facs="9782600031172_p0171.tif" n="159" xml:id="op159"></pb>especially I Corinthians VI, 19 ; Acts VII, 48 ; Acts XVII, 24 ; II Corinthians V, 1 ; Hebrews IX, 24. The building of a physical temple of unnecessary luxury is now contrasted with the erection of spiritual temples in the hearts of a new and purified clergy, a clergy inspired by the teachings of the book left by Christ on his ascension to Heaven.</p><p><lb n="ll. 400-4"></lb> The duty of the Christian is to « turn the other cheek » (cf. Luke VI, 29) ; in contrast, vengeance belongs to God alone (cf. Romans XII, 19). See also <hi rend="i">Quart Livre</hi> VIII, 60-70.</p><p><lb n="ll. 405ff."></lb> Habert refers to the control of the « Keys » which Christ assigned to Peter (cf. Matthew XVI, 19). Interestingly, Habert does not widen the power to bind and loose. Reformers and Gallicans alike denied that the power to bind and loose was given to Peter alone (and his successors as Pope) but to all the disciples. Habert does not deny that this power belongs to Peter’s successors, but he does demand in ll. 411-12 that if such power is to be used efficaciously, it has to be used in accordance with the teachings of the Gospels, and with nothing else.</p><p><lb n="ll. 435-36"></lb> Cf. the parable of the lost sheep given in Matthew X, 6 and Matthew XXVI, 31. See also note to l. 230.</p><p><lb n="l. 446"></lb> Huguet (<hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>, vol. II, p. 776, s.v. « Délivre ») gives « mettre à delivre » with the sense of « Délivrer », « mettre en liberté ». For example,</p><quote><p>« Prenez donques et empongnez les armes entre vous Chrestiens, pour mettre à délivre le sépulcre de nostre Créateur. »</p><p rendition="#right">(J. Lemaire de Belges, <hi rend="i">Schismes et Conciles</hi>, 2<hi rend="sup">e</hi> partie III, 287) </p></quote><p><lb n="ll. 447-51"></lb> A reference to the contemporary abuse of pardons and indulgences and, more particularly, to the commerce in indulgences.</p><p><lb n="l. 456"></lb> This line may contain an echo of the « prescheurs amassez » and the « ames des trespassez » in the <hi rend="i">Quart Livre</hi> (XVIII, 1-5), where the meeting with the boatload of the various orders of monks on their way to the « concile de Chesil » is seen as a good omen by the misguided Panurge (<hi rend="i">ibid.</hi>, 10-16).</p><p><lb n="l. 463"></lb> Habert return to the idea that purely human additions have sullied the original purity of Scripture.</p><p><lb n="l. 469"></lb> A condemnation of the accumulation of benefices.</p><p><lb n="l. 477"></lb> Habert uses the entry of Panurge as a means of lightening the tone of his work ; he portrays Panurge as the character had earlier appeared in <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> — a practical joker sometimes endowed with the « subtile finesse » ascribed to him in l. 485.</p><p><lb n="l. 478"></lb> In the <hi rend="i">Deploration de feu messire Anthoine du Bourg</hi> (ll. 97-108), Habert seems to regard the lily as a flower with a particular patriotic or nationalist symbolism, in rather the same way as Rabelais regards the cross, covered with carved « fleur de lys », wielded to such effect by Frère Jean (<hi rend="i">Garg.</hi> XXV, 81-83). If one were looking for an interpretation of Panurge’s arrival with a lily in his hand — and it is far from certain that Habert means any such interpretation to be made — one might suggest that the poet is making a comic though traditional contrast between the « virtues » of Christian Europe and the « vices » of the Turks.</p><p><lb n="l. 485"></lb> The relation of Panurge’s adventures and subsequent escape from the Turks is parallelled in <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (X).</p><p><lb n="l. 488"></lb> Any interest which Habert may have had in the Romances of Chivalry — in prose or verse — or in their later burlesque imitations seems never to have been considered. It is non the less an interesting coincidence that in 1542, the same year as the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> appeared, Habert produced the <hi rend="i">Premier livre des Visions d’Oger le Dannoys au Royaulme de Faerie</hi>.</p><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0172.tif" n="160" xml:id="op160"></pb><lb n="ll. 492-505"></lb> This list of heroes contains many of the names of those illustrious knights whose exploits could have been commonly read in both the original and in the burlesque Romances of Chilvary. For further information, consult : G. Doutrepont, <hi rend="i">Les mises en prose des épopées et des romans chevaleresques du XIV<hi rend="sup">e</hi> au XVI<hi rend="sup">e</hi> siècle</hi> (Brussels, 1939) ; J. Frappier, « Les Romans de la Table Ronde et les lettres en France au XVI<hi rend="sup">e</hi> siecle », <hi rend="i">Romance Philology</hi>, vol. XIX (1965), pp. 178-93 ; N.H. Clement, « The Influence of the Arthurian Romances on the Five Books of Rabelais », <hi rend="i">University of California Publications in Modern Philology</hi>, vol. XII (1926), pp. 147-257.</p><p><lb n="l. 512"></lb> Cf. <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> XIX, 47-49.</p><p><lb n="l. 529"></lb> See also l. 550.</p><p>A figurative and familiar use of the phrase « enfiller perles » is to fritter away one’s time in useless pursuits. A good example may be seen in Scarron’s <hi rend="i">Virgile Travesti</hi> :</p><quote><lg><l>« Est-il temps d’enfiler des perles</l><l>Et d’aller à la chasse aux merles ? »</l><l rendition="#right">(ed. Fournel, Paris, 1858 ; Book IV, p. 145, col. A, ll. 5-6)</l></lg></quote><p>Rabelais uses the same expression with the same meaning in Gargantua (XXI, 140-42) :</p><quote><p>« et la passons avec les dames nostre vie et nostre temps a emphiller des perles, ou a filer comme Sardanapalus. »</p></quote><p><lb n="ll. 531-32"></lb> Here is the first indication that Habert’s Panurge shares with his more famous namesake from the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> the passion for borrowing, but not for lending, money. See also the note to ll. 558-90.</p><p><lb n="ll. 535-37"></lb> These lines recall the curses uttered by the Saracens in some « Chansons de geste », for example the <hi rend="i">Chanson de Roland</hi>. Both the author of that epic work and Habert, though in a mock-serious fashion, wish to instil in the mind of the reader or listener an image of the Turks or pagans as a cruel and barbarous nation of infidels. But in reality, and divorced from any mock-heroic context, the sixteenth-century reader may not have been so naïve as to believe that the Turks, who posed a very real military threat to their security, did actually swear by Mahom and Jupiter.</p><p><lb n="l. 545"></lb> Melusine, a water-sprite and the tutelary spirit of the House of Lusignan, was the heroine of one of the most popular of the Romances of Chivalry. She agreed to marry Raymond de Lusignan, but laid down the condition that he should never ask to see her on a Saturday, when she reverted to her original mermaid form. He, of course, could not resist the temptation to gaze at her in this form ; she fled, laying a curse upon the family. After the family was destroyed as a result of the curse, and the castle had passed to the Crown, Melusine appeared before the death of any King of France until the castle was at last destroyed by fire. (For further detail, consult : K. Briggs, <hi rend="i">A Dictionary of Fairies</hi>, Harmondsworth, 1977 and T. Keightley, <hi rend="i">The Fairy Mythology, Illustrative of the Romance and Superstition of various countries</hi>, London, 1850.) The Romance of Melusine remained popular in France well into the sixteenth century ; an undated edition was produced in Paris by Alain Lotrian and Denis Janot in the early years of the 1530’s and Olivier Arnoullet published an edition at Lyons in 1554.</p><p>In the original Romance by Jean d’Arras, Melusine is nowhere described as being the daughter of the Sultan, although the character does have strong connections with Cyprus and the Middle East. But probably because Melusine evolved into a supernatural figure of authority, rather like Morgain le Fay — both Morgain and Melusine watch over the transportation of Gargantua to Avallon in some of the non-Rabelaisian Chronicles of Gargantua — Habert decided to associate her with the rather exotic and mysterious figure of the Sultan, for purely comic purposes.</p><p>Rabelais mentions Melusine only once ; in <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (XX, 115), Epistemon recalls that in Hell Melusine was a « souillarde de cuisine ».</p><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0173.tif" n="161" xml:id="op161"></pb><lb n="ll.558-90"></lb> It may be possible to see in these lines one of the many sources of Rabelais’s « Eloge des dettes » (<hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi>, III-V). By his lending to Ceres & Bacchus, Panurge here admits that he has squandered his « deux mil escus » on eating and drinking. The series of statements which he makes until l. 590 are the obvious equivalents to Panurge’s statements in the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> that he is willing to acquit himself of his debts</p><quote><p>« es Calendes Grecques… lorsque tout le monde sera content, et que serez heritier de vous mesmes. (III, 5-7)</p></quote><p>See also Clément Marot, <hi rend="i">Epître au Roy étant malade à Paris</hi>, 90-102.</p><p><lb n="ll.563-72"></lb> In this series of adunata, Panurge recalls in a more colourful way what Gargantua had earlier said in a graver tone during his first appearance to Pantagruel.</p><p><lb n="ll.575-78"></lb> This ironical statement is, again, a colourful restatment of the contemporary lack of piety in the Church, earlier highlighted by Gargantua. Lines 577-78 refer to the mythical Golden Age described by Ovid (<hi rend="i">Metamorphoses</hi>, I, 89-112).</p><p><lb n="ll.585-86"></lb> Cf. <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> XXI, 30-31 and Erasmus’ <hi rend="i">Adage, Sine Cerere et Baccho friget Venus</hi> (II, 3.97).</p><p><lb n="ll.587-88"></lb> The same rhyme, which may have been traditional, occurs in the imitatory verses coined by Panurge in <hi rend="i">Pantagruel</hi> (XVII, 44-47) : </p><quote><lg><l>« Ce fut icy, que à l’honneur de Bacchus</l><l>Fut bancqueté par quatre bons pyons :</l><l>Qui gayement, tous mirent abaz culz</l><l>Soupples de rains comme beaux carpions. »</l></lg></quote><p><lb n="l. 589"></lb> Huguet’s <hi rend="i">Dictionnaire de la langue française du XVI<hi rend="sup">e</hi> siècle</hi> (s.v. « Feugere », pp. 180-81) defines a « lance de Feugere » as a sort of glass coloured by potassium extracted from burnt bracken, and gives the following examples :</p><quote><lg><l>(a) « Car je feray une armée legere</l><l>Tant seulement des lances de fougere</l><l>Camp de taverne, et pavois de jambon. » (Marot, <hi rend="i">Epistres</hi>, 9)</l></lg><p>(b) « J’aymerois mieulx me donner au travers du corps d’une lance de fougere pleine de bon vin blanc d’Anjou que d’une balle de mousquet ou fauconneau. »</p><p rendition="#right">(Turnèbe, <hi rend="i">Les Contens</hi>, I, 3)</p></quote><p><lb n="ll.590-93"></lb> The structural importance of Panurge’s entry is here clarified ; it calms the dreamer following the first appearance of Gargantua, and then creates the right frame of mind for the ecstasy or frenzy which accompanies Gargantua’s second appearance.</p><p><lb n="l. 606"></lb> Cf. Genesis I, 22 : « Be fruitful and multiply. »</p><p><lb n="ll.607-10"></lb> Many, if not most, priests and bishops in the early Church were married men. Even today compusory celibacy does not exist in the Eastern Church, though priests and deacons may not marry after ordination. In the Western Church a position was only gradually reached by which all the higher clergy were required to be celibate. In the Church of England, the obligation to celibacy was removed from the clergy in 1549.</p><p>At this point it may be useful to compare what Rabelais says about marriage in <hi rend="i">Gargantua</hi> (L, 69-70) and the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi> (XLVIII, 10-30). But such comparisons must not be carried too far : Rabelais never specifically mentions the marriage of the clergy. Furthermore, if the <hi rend="i">Songe</hi> can be viewed as the work of a Protestant author of 1542, then Habert may be urging his hero to embrace the married state of Protestant pastors. Such considerations are, of course, dependent upon the interpretation of Habert’s religious stance in this particular work as not simply evangelical (see pp. 108-111).</p><p><lb n="l. 620"></lb> Democritus was known as the « Laughing Philosopher » because of his habit of laughing at the follies of mankind. Cf. Horace, <hi rend="i">Epistolae</hi> (2, l. 194) and the <hi rend="i">Deploration de feu messire Anthoine du Bourg</hi> (f3 r°, 10-13).</p><p><pb facs="9782600031172_p0174.tif" n="162" xml:id="op162"></pb><lb n="l. 630"></lb> See note to l. 31.</p><p><lb n="ll.614-34"></lb> Gargantua’s advice to his son is quoted by Lefranc in the <hi rend="i">Edition Critique</hi> (V, LIX), where the general discussion (V, LVII-LXIV) centres upon the way in which Habert’s poem may have suggested to Rabelais an outline for the philogamic comedy of the <hi rend="i">Tiers Livre</hi>.</p><p><lb n="ll.647-48"></lb> See the same rhyme on ll. 599-600.</p></div></div></div></body></text></TEI></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo><title>François Habert. Le songe de Pantagruel Published with an Introduction by John Lewis</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" contentType="CDATA"><title>François Habert. Le songe de Pantagruel Published with an Introduction by John Lewis</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Michael A.</namePart><namePart type="family">Screech</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="chapter" displayLabel="body" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/tei:67375/tei:XTP-CGT4WMJM-6">chapter</genre><originInfo><publisher>Librairie Droz</publisher><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1985</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2018</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">fr</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">fre</languageTerm></language><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Etudes rabelaisiennes</title><subTitle>Tome XVIII</subTitle></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Michael A.</namePart><namePart type="family">Screech</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">editor</roleTerm></role></name><genre type="book-series" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:67375/JMC-0G6R5W5T-Z">book-series</genre><abstract lang="fr">M.A. SCREECH, Préface; Edwin M. DUVAL, Interpretation and the "Doctrine Absconce" of Rabelais's Prologue to Gargantua; Richard M. BERRONG, The Presence and Exclusion of Popular Culture in Pantagruel and Gargantua (or, Bakhtine's Rabelais revisited); John PARKIN, Comic Modality in Rabelais: Baisecul, Humevesne, Thaumaste; John LEWIS, Towards a Chronology of the Chroniques gargantuines; François HABERT, Le Songe de Pantagruel, published with an introduction by John Lewis; Paul SMITH, Ambroise Paré lecteur de Rabelais; Marcel FRANÇON, Derniers mots sur la nomenclature guidonienne et la littérature; Jean DUPÈBE, La Date de la mort de Rabelais (suite); Trevor PEACH, Boccace, Panurge-Poireau et Ronsard; Tonino TORNITORE, Interpretazioni novecentesche dell'episodio delle "paroles gelées".</abstract><abstract lang="en">M.A. SCREECH, Préface ; Edwin M. DUVAL, Interpretation and the "Doctrine Absconce" of Rabelais's Prologue to Gargantua ; Richard M. BERRONG, The Presence and Exclusion of Popular Culture in Pantagruel and Gargantua (or, Bakhtine's Rabelais revisited) ; John PARKIN, Comic Modality in Rabelais : Baisecul, Humevesne, Thaumaste; John LEWIS, Towards a Chronology of the Chroniques gargantuines ; François HABERT, Le Songe de Pantagruel, published with an introduction by John Lewis ; Paul SMITH, Ambroise Paré lecteur de Rabelais ; Marcel FRANÇON, Derniers mots sur la nomenclature guidonienne et la littérature ; Jean DUPÈBE, La Date de la mort de Rabelais (suite); Trevor PEACH, Boccace, Panurge-Poireau et Ronsard ; Tonino TORNITORE, Interpretazioni novecentesche dell'episodio delle "paroles gelées".</abstract><identifier type="ISBN-10">2-600-03117-0</identifier><identifier type="ISBN-13">978-2-600-03117-2</identifier><identifier type="ISBN">9782600031172</identifier><identifier type="EAN-13">9782600031172</identifier><part><date>1985</date><detail type="vol"><caption>tome</caption><number>XVIII</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>103</start><end>162</end></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="series"><titleInfo><title>Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance</title><subTitle>Etudes rabelaisiennes</subTitle></titleInfo><identifier type="ISSN">0082-6081</identifier><part><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>CCVI</number></detail><detail type="sub-issue"><caption>tome</caption><number>XVIII</number></detail></part></relatedItem><identifier type="nom_pdf">9782600031172_body-6.pdf</identifier><accessCondition type="use and reproduction" contentType="copyright">Copyright 2018 Librairie Droz S.A.</accessCondition><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:67375/XBH-984PFWH6-T">droz</recordContentSource><recordOrigin>Converted from (version 1.2.21) to MODS version 3.6.</recordOrigin><recordCreationDate encoding="w3cdtf">2020-10-14</recordCreationDate></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/X4C-V7RG03D3-C/record.json</uri></json:item></metadata></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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