“Eigentlich Teutsch?” Depictions of Yiddish and its Relations to German in Early Modern Christian Writings
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Auteurs : Aya ElyadaSource :
- European Journal of Jewish Studies [ 1025-9996 ] ; 2010.
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DOI: 10.1163/187247110X521182
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Koppelmann's fables (cf</title></host></json:item><json:item><host><pages><first>12</first></pages><author><json:item><name>Ed Fuchsfabeln ']</name></json:item><json:item><name> Schumacher</name></json:item></author><title>LXXXIV) and in a small group of narrative poems in rhyming couplets (printed perhaps in Amsterdam around 1700) comprising: ma'ése man un</title><publicationDate>2006</publicationDate></host></json:item><json:item><host><pages><last>6</last><first>1012</first></pages><author></author><title>399c, 427a, 450a, 472b, 506b, 540b, 568b, 578a, 638a, 823b, 843b, 975b, 999a, 1012a, 1023c; fregen 198b, 231b, 246a, 779b, 788b, 951c, 1003b. 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<p>© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2010 EJJS 4.1 Also available online – brill.nl/ejjs DOI: 10.1163/187247110X521137 THE FIRST YIDDISH BOOK PRINTED IN AMSTERDAM: ? SEFER MI M 5 OR LETH 5 OD E 1 Simon Neuberg Universität Trier—Fb II Jiddistik Abstract This is a first approach to the text of Mi ° m 2 o r-leth 2 o de a stro phic retelling of parts of the Bible, first printed in Amsterdam 1644 (which has so far only been the object of short bibliogra phical notices), highlighting some of its specific typographi cal, literary and linguistic aspects: • It is a very nice piece of work and inaugurates the renowned tradition of Amsterdam Yiddish typographical works; it is also presented within the output of Amsterdam typesetters whose career is reflected in many later books. • It is remarkable as a late specimen of biblical strophic poetry that makes no use of midrashic elements (perhaps in ke eping with the Sephardic influence prevalent in Amsterdam). • Linguistically it is an important document—among other idiosyncrasies— for its use of the all-purpose relative pronoun s 2 o and for the free usage of final unstressed vowels for reasons of euphony, rhythm and rhyme. Keywords Western Yiddish, Yiddish biblical poetry, Amsterdam Yiddish typography, Western Yiddish literature In this article, I shall try to provide an insight into various aspects of a book that has to date received scant attention on the part of Yiddish studies. Indeed there is no dearth of good reasons to examine this text, as many other older Yiddish works which might enrich and correct the very partial picture we have of this litera- ture. One obvious reason for such scrutiny is that it was printed in 1644, becoming the first Yiddish book to appear in print in Ams- terdam, where Hebrew printing was already well established. This was merely the beginning of a long tradition, since Amsterdam was 1 This article is based on a paper read in Trier in 1999 in German; I have updated the references but preserved the structure and some of the informal style of the oral versi on.</p>
<p>8 simon neuberg soon to become the hallmark of quality in Yiddish printing. 2 I shall soon come back to some of the typographical details, but let me first characterize the text. The title Mi ° m 2 o r-leth 2 o de means approximately ‘Song of Praise.’ Its form is that of a long strophic poem (comprising 1072 6-line stanzas), narrating the first part of the biblical story from creation up to Mount Sinai and the receiving of the Ten Command ments (this first part numbers 741 stanzas). After an intermedi ary title- page, there follows a retelling of the shorter bibli cal books Song of Songs, Ruth, Ecclesiastes and Esther , that is four of the “Five Scrolls.” The Lamentations are ex pressly omitted, as is stated in the second foreword: 3 sundér 1 Eche h 1 ot er l 1 osen št 1 en ouf-érseit fun wegén as es ret fun leid trou’érkait (‘Because they are a tale of suffering and mourning.’) This book is remarkable also if compared with the Yiddish Epics based upon biblical themes which had appeared in print a hundred years earlier. 4 Those are based upon the historical books of the Bible and enrich the biblical text with much additional Midras hic material (using a four-line stanza). In the book under dis cussion, there are practically no additions to the basic bibli cal material except for the sake of rhyme: the rhyme scheme is aabccb with free filling of the lines. Here are, as an illustra tion of this, a few stanzas from the beginning of the second weekly portion of Genesis: Noah (stanza 50ff.). corresponding biblical verse in Gn //50 sundér Noa war ain bidérmán 6.8 Šem, Æ am un` Jofess firt er in gotés dinst an 2 Early Jewish book-printing in the Netherlands has been re markably described in Lajb Fuks and Renate G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew typography in the Norther n Netherlands: 1585–1815; historical evaluation and descriptive bibliography , 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1984–1987). Specifically on Yiddish Literature, see now Mirjam Gutschow, Inventory of Yiddish publications from the Netherlands: c. 1650–c. 1950 , Hebrew language and literature series 7 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), listing five known copies; I use the YBM (IDC, Zug 1976) microfiche reproduction of the Oxford copy. 3 Fol. 44b r i.e. on the unnumbered leaf between fol. 44 and fol. 45. 4 The two most prominent works of this genre are the Šmuel-buch , cf. Lajb Fuks and Felix Falk (eds.), Das Schemuelbuch des Mosche Esrim Wearba: ein biblisches Epos aus dem 15. Jahrhundert , 2 vols. (Assen: van Gorcum, 1961), vol. 1: Einleitung und Faksimile der Editio princeps, Augsburg 1544. And the Mélochim-buch , compare Lajb Fuks (ed.), Das altjiddische Epos Mélokîm-Bûk , 2 vols. (Assen: van Gorcum, 1965), vol. 1: Einleitung und Faksimile der Editio Princeps, Augsburg 1543.</p>
<p>the first yiddish book printed in amsterdam 9 sünst war di welt gár bös 1 e 6.11 warén alér vol dibštal un` rab man un` weib, maid ach knab firtén ain got-l 1 osén wes 1 en: //51 got sach dás böse fun der welt 6.12 šprach: ir end is an-g 1 eštelt 6.13 ich wil si’ al antleib 1 en Noa , mách zu dir ain lad un` werk 6.14 pech si’ inén un` oußén šterk dás dich di’ waßér nit drous treib 1 en: //52 drei’ hundért 1 elén mách di’ leng: 6.15 fufzik in di’ brait 1 e breng dre ~ isik 1 elén h 1 och s 1 ol sein 1 e ain venstér mách ach drein 6.16 1 ob 1 en nit mer als 1 elén-brait s 1 ol si’ sein ouf der seit 1 en mách ain tür drein 1 e: This strophic form seems to have been borrowed from German lite rature, much as the older Šmuel-buch -stanza had been, although the possibility of some intermediary cannot be dismissed: song nr. XII from Ś im ass-hanefeš , a betrothal song with 24 stanzas, follows the same scheme, with the repetition of the last li ne. 5 The author of Ś im ass-hanefeš is known to have borrowed various melodies from Hebrew liturgy, though in this case no source has yet been found. The fact that, contrary to the older epics Šmuel-buch and Melo chim-buch , there are no Midrashic additions in Mi ° m 2 o r-leth 2 o de , explains why J. Baum-Sheridan, in her study of rhymed versions of Esther , where the focus of the analysis is particularly upon postbiblical mate- rial, gives just a cursory description of our book. 6 Nevertheless, this is more than can be found in earli er works on older Yiddish literature. 7 5 Cf. El anan Kirchhan, Sim ath hanefesch (Delight of the Soul): A Book of Yiddish Poems , ed. Jacob Shatzky (New York: Maks N. Maizel, 1926). An exact facsimile reproduction of the first and only edition publis hed in Fürth, in the year 1727, here 14 v ff. A similar stanza form as in Mi ° m 2 o r-leth 2 o de also obtains in a retelling of legends about J 2 ¢ osef hazadik (C.B. = Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum Berlin: Ad. Friedlaender, 1852–1860 [Reprint Hildesheim: Olms, 1964]) following a German Christian model. 6 Jutta Baum-Sheridan, Studien zu den westjiddischen Estherdichtungen (Hamburg: Buske, 1996), 66–67. For a similar description in Hebrew, see Chone Shmeruk, שידייב םייארקמ תוזחמ 1697–1750 [Yiddish biblical plays: 1697–1750] ( Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1979), no. 8, 134–35. 7 The book is mentioned in Willy Staerk and Albert Leitzmann, Die jüdisch- deutschen Bibelübersetzungen von den Anfängen bis zum Ausgang des 18. Jahrhunderts (Frankfurt am Main: Kauffmann 1923, reprint Hildesheim: Olms, 1977), 218–225.</p>
<p>10 simon neuberg Another important difference is the fact that the author is na med, whereas older biblical poems are anonymous. Sadly, we know almost nothing about him, except his name, Dovid b. Ména em hacohen , which appears on both title-pages and twice in the first foreword: ich Dovid cohen der schreibér háb nit untér-l 1 oßén ouf b 1 eger 1 en etlich 1 e frum 1 e weibér: [. . .] ach zu arlengén eich eier 1 e jor 1 en sölchés bit Dovid fun Hen # e ain coh 1 en g 1 eborén: The words fun Hen # e mean ‘from Hanau.’ In fact he had edited a prayer book in that city in 1628. 8 At approximately the same time (between 1626 and 1628) he had also edited the Šul an-Orech by Josef Karo in Hanau. It is tempting to view this Dovid as an aged man, or at least to trace Mi ° m 2 o r-leth 2 o de back at least to this Hanau period, so as to explain some archaic features of its language. Unfortunately, there is no further information availa ble. 9 The appearance of our Amsterdam book is unique! Each page has an ornamental frame, a long line under the head-title and each stanza is divided into two groups of three lines, those three lines of verse encompassing two lines of printed text, the third line of verse being centred on the second line. As usual, a dot signals the end of a line of verse, a colon the end of a stanza. The fact that a line of verse (and not a stanza) is treated as an independent typographi- cal unit is noteworthy because it is rarely seen, although it is by no means an innovation of this book: The Doniel-buch as well as Paris un` Wiene , both available in facsimile, previously displayed this fea- ture in a simpler and aesthetically more satisfactory form. 10 Within But these are filled mostly with quoted passages from the book and scant com- mentary. 8 Nr. 2130 (entirely in Hebrew) in Steinschneider’s C.B.; for the Šulhan-Orech , cf. nr. 5940–14. 9 Chone Shmeruk, Prokim fun der yidisher literatur-geshikhte (Tel Aviv: Farlag Y.L. Peres, 1988), 131, 186 (with note 51) [Yiddish] identifies him with Dovid hacohen from Emden, who wrote an approbation for ןרהא ןברק (Amsterdam 1646, Fuks nr. 219) but this may be premature. A noteworthy parallel to the first part of Mi ° m 2 o r- leth 2 o de is the poem ` sefer Brešiss (probably Prague, seventeenth century): from the acrostic one can only deduce the first name of its author: Ahrén [Steinschneider C.B. nr. 1205, 4340]. This book also is a strophic retelling of the Bible up to the Sinai episode. Its stanzas are somewhat lon ger, with the rhyme-scheme aabccbddb but the story as a whole is shorter (there are about 150 stanzas). I mention this text in passing as another instance of a neglected work of older Yiddish poetry. 10 Doniel-buch : Wulf-Otto Dreeßen (ed.), Doniel: das altjiddische Danielbuch nach dem Baseler Druck von 1557 , 2 vols. (Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1978). Elia Bahur Levita,</p>
<p>the first yiddish book printed in amsterdam 11 both books, each line of verse is printed as a separate typographical line, as is still the usual practice today. The organization of the text according to half stanzas seems unique to Mi ° m 2 o r-leth 2 o de . The two compositors responsible for its original appearance are named at the end of the book (fol. 63 v ); both were then still at the beginning of a long working career in Amsterdam. One of the typographers is already well-known to Yiddish studies: J 1 2 o ` sef ben Alec ` sander from Wizén-housén (mimdiness He ` s 1 en) . His name is lin ked with Amsterdam printing houses from 1643 to 1685—from 1671 on he often worked together with his son Šimé 1 on b. J 1 2 o ` sef ( from Amsterdam!). Witzenhausen’s professional life ends at about the time of the adventurous printing of his complete Bible translation simultaneopusly with a similar project by his competitor Blitz. 11 The second compositor, Re’u } v en bar Eljokum from Menz (al nahar Rein) set in type the second oldest known edition of Tsene-rene in 1648 that is four years later than the book under discussion. I shall briefly present him and his work. 12 Though his name appears in books from various printing houses for 35 years, he worked on Yiddish books only during the first five years. As a more experienced typographer, he mainly contri buted to huge Bibles and prayer-books in Hebrew. It may be that he no longer cared to adorn lesser works with his name, but I tend to believe that as a newcomer to the job, he was entrusted with less holy books. When his competence was beyond question, he was charged with setting in type those books in which every misprint amounted to a sin. This is certainly no isolated case. Thus the hope of tracing the Yiddish spelling habits of a parti cular type-setter through a lifelong career must probably remain an illusory goal in this as in most cases. Moreover, I have been unable to detect differ- ences in spelling habits which might provide a clue to the respec- tive parts of the book due to each compositor, although the book as a whole is quite orthographically atypical. I shall confine the Paris un viene—Francesco dalle Done, Verona, 1594 , intro. Jean Baumgarten (Sala Bolognese: Forni, 1988). 11 Cf. Erika Timm, “Blitz and Witzenhausen,” in Studies in Jewish Culture in Honour of Chone Shmeruk , eds. Israel Bartal, Ezra Mendelsohn, Chava Turniansky ( Jerusalem: The Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish History, 1993) and Marion Aptroot, “ ‘In galkhes they do not say so, but the taytsh is as it stands here.’ Notes on the Amsterdam Yiddish Bible translations by Blitz and Witzenhausen,” Studia Rosenthaliana 27 (1993), 136–158. 12 Cf. the list of the books he partly or entirely set in type at the end of this paper, p. 21.</p>
<p>12 simon neuberg following remarks to the most striking fea tures of the text, most of which may reflect Dutch influence, but are also consistent with the Hanau dialect. • The word selb- and its derived forms is generally spelled selw- (with וו ). There are only 16 occurrences with /b/ against 92 /w/-forms. • The verbal prefix er- appears as ar- instead of dér- . 13 Coun ting only the verbs, there are 26 exceptions (showing the normal dér- ) and about 270 verbs without /d/. • Instead of dér-weil the text usually reads déweil (without /r/ and printed as one typographical unit). This occurs 32 times. It is printed as two typographical units as do-weil only three ti mes and once as di-weil; der-weil , very common in other texts, is nowhere to be seen. Though at the time of its printing the unrounding of histori cally rounded vowels was effective, the book comprises scores of repre- sented rounded vowels (written as יו , e.g. in übér ) as well as secondary rounded vowels. Thus in this text, sübén is the norm, also düs . 14 Even the occasional appearance of a ligature לא cannot be used as the mark of one and the same typographer, who alone would have used it as a means of shortening too long lines. The alre ady described disposition of the text means that such overlong lines can occur but rarely. 15 All other unusual spelling habits in this book are dispersed throughout the whole book. Therefore it seems unlikely that two compositors should share so many orthographical idiosyncrasies as 13 The transcription ér- (instead of ar -—for רא ) is possibly more exact, but the /a/ better hints at the departure from the Yiddish norm with /d-/. 14 übér etc.: 122×, ibér etc.: 2×; sübén (zik) etc.: 77×, si bén (zik): 5×; düs- : 119×, dis-: 26×. Also interesting are the forms of ‘solch-’: sölch- : 148×, selch-: 1×, s 1 olch-: 33×. Consonantal weakening appears only in the word dot( 1 e) , German ‘Tat’ (including misdot , German ‘Missetat’) 16 times—the consonantal weaken- ing (mixing of /d/ and /t/ but also of /p/ and /b/ and all pairs of voiced / unvoiced consonants) may have been corrected in the dialect of the author, leav- ing only a few relics with the historically wrong consonant, but it may also be an orthographical fines se, helping to distinguish the words ‘Tod’ and ‘Tat’ (death / deed, feat, action). 15 This ligature first occurs on the title-page: 1 r 3 vé’ ele hamišpotim. The others are to be found on: 33 r 30 al 2 e (554–2), 38 v 9 al 2 e (646–1) 42 r 4 alé n (705–6), 46 r 17 g 1 efal 1 e (764–2), 48 r 36 al s (804–5), 49 r 19 al 2 e (818–5) and l. 22 al t (819–3), 53 r 35 b 1 ez al st (893–5), 54 v 13 al s (915–2), 62 r 10 g 1 ef al én (1047–3), 63 r 22 al t 1 e (1068–2) and same line al s 1 o (1068–3).</p>
<p>the first yiddish book printed in amsterdam 13 are here assembled. Are these habits specific to Amsterdam? Or are these peculiar spellings particular to the author which both typogra- phers reproduced without change? The latter would seem the more probable if, on the other hand, the rhymes were not there, clearly indicating spellings that cannot be attribu ted to the author: erb ~ šturb (505a) is not a bad rhyme, if pronounced arb— as in modern taytsh-loshn (the word is obsolete in spoken Yiddish)—with the nor- mal lowering of the vowel befo re /r/ + consonant and štarb as in modern German. At any rate /e/~/u/ cannot be in keeping with the author’s intention. 16 It is possible to account for this situation if the person who wrote the manuscript which served as the basis for the printing of the book is made responsible for most of its characteristics; this scribe may have determined the peculiar arrangement of the text on the pages, he may have had an even and readily legible hand, he certainly had a habit of spelling rounded vowels, but was not par- ticularly keen on rhyming for the eye! This hypothe sis remains to be tested by further analysis of the book. Let us now have a further look at the stanzas quoted above. Among their typical features is the fact that rhymes a and c are masculine while rhyme b is feminine. This is fairly consistent in the text—especially as far as the feminine b-rhymes are concerned. In many cases the rhyming technique implies licences that can- not be corrected by varying spellings. Sometimes the stressed vowels are less than perfect matches. The stanzas quoted above should not be incriminated, since rab~knab is a perfect Western Yiddish rhyme illustrating the typical monophthongization of MhG. /ou/. The rhyme warnén~zürnén 17 can also be saved remembering Eastern Yiddish, where worenen~zore nen is a good rhyme—which certainly applies also to parts of Western Yiddish. But some /i~e/-rhymes or /a~o/-rhymes must be poor approximations. Such /i~e/-rhymes are for example the pairing of findén with send 1 en (375b) or hendén (378b); /a~o/-rhymes can be made more acceptable if the [a] is velarized but they remain somewhat dubious—for instance the pair- ing of g 1 eštalt with gold (739c, 785a, 972a), with wolt (536c, 974c) or with s 1 olt 1 e (594b). 18 16 The same can be said of the rhyme šturb ~ arwarb (344a). 17 690c, 728c, 465a cf. arzernén~lernén 894b. 18 This casts doubt also on /u ~ o/-rhymes such as štul (or 2 opfér-štul ) with zu-m 2 ol (639a) or with s 2 ol (740a), though they might be correct in middle German dialects.</p>
<p>14 simon neuberg Needless to say, the rounded vowels are no serious hindrance for rhymes—viz. kind~sünd (301a, 372c, 429a, 455a) or géschwind~sünd (221a, 443c, 892a, 932a, 941a) and many many mo re. Even the /ü/ from secondary rounding is paired with /i/, e.g. štim with arüm (42c, 755a), so that these instances of /ü/ must be attributed to the author. Several words are used in varying pronunciations for the sake of rhyme. The verb ‘fragen’ is spelled frogen (with א or ו ) or fre g 2 en (with ע ). Both are used for rhymes; 19 arzaig 2 en is paired with šteig 2 en (58b, 725a) but also Western Yiddish with sag 2 en (151c, 290b) and schlag 2 en (700c). But even more remarkable than the stressed vowels are the un stressed syllables in feminine rhymes. Infinitives and other words ending in /-n/ are often paired with words without the /n/. //641 dás lánd-f 1 olk drang, si’ s 1 oltén d 1 och eilén sprach 1 en: mir šterbén al, so es wert n 1 och ain weil 1 e This is not in itself extraordinary for an author from the Middle German area (where the /-n/ has been dropped). But in many such cases, the unstressed /e/ should have fallen prey to the apocope, were it not necessary for the sake of the rhyme—there are even quite a few cases where that /-e/ is historically ques tionable to say the least: //686 in düsém r 1 edén arzaigt sich gotés er in wolkén šprach: g 1 ehert háb ich mürmlung das f 1 olk 1 e This /e/ even appears at the end of words that historically have never had an /-e/; viz. (rhyming with bitén ): (821–6) dein got un` dein f 1 olk fár-l 1 os ich nit 1 e: This type of rhyme is reminiscent of Modern Bessarabian Yiddish and is found in J. Koppelmann’s fables (cf. Jakob Koppelmann, ¡ Sefer Mišl 1 e Šu‘olim [‘Buch der Fuchsfabeln’], ed. Jutta Schumacher, jidische schtudies 12 [Hamburg: Buske, 2006], LXXXIV) and in a small group of narrative poems in rhyming couplets (printed perhaps in Amsterdam around 1700) comprising: ma ’ ése man un ` weib (C.B. nr. 3932), ma ’ é ś e fun ain cale (C.B. nr. 3929) and Mágál 2 ene-lid (C.B. nr. 3658). 19 frogen 213a, 220a, 260a, 313c, 318a, 399c, 427a, 450a, 472b, 506b, 540b, 568b, 578a, 638a, 823b, 843b, 975b, 999a, 1012a, 1023c; fregen 198b, 231b, 246a, 779b, 788b, 951c, 1003b.</p>
<p>the first yiddish book printed in amsterdam 15 One might argue that in fact the word nite exists in present day Yiddish as a means of stressing a defense. 20 So let me give an other example (rhyming with firén ): (325–6) er šprach: tail meinés volk l 1 os ich bei dir 1 e: These superfetatory pseudo-endings even appear in cases where they could have been omitted without damage to the rhyme, viz. when they appear at the end of both rhyming words. Thus nit 2 e , which is found only in rhyme position, appears another four ti mes, rhyming with bit 2 e (323b) and with sit 2 e (122b, 238b, 978b), whereas sit nit would also yield a good rhyme. Obviously, the purpose is to make the b-rhyme feminine ( nit 2 e is in all five instances a b-rhyme). It would be easy to multiply the examples. In stanza 52 we have already seen sein 2 e as an infinitive, rhyming with drein 2 e . This goes to show that such an /e/ can be appended to practical ly any word for the sake of metre or euphony (in a few cases it appears just before the rhyme-word so as to prevent a clash of two stressed syllables). Obviously, shortly after the generalized apocope, many words must have been known in twin variants, i.e. the unshortened form was still known to the speakers, though it had disappeared from everyday speech. Thus the rules governing the appearance of an /e/ at the end of words vanished from contemporary linguistic competence and this /-e/ became free for use as a universal tool for the purpose of euphony. This is comparable to the status of a sounded “mute e” in French songs: it can be inserted freely (though it is never heard in Northern French except in singing) and the understanding of its nature is altered in such a way that it can sometimes be heard where a feminine rhyme is anticipated, though the word theoreti cally for- bids it, and the presence of the /-e/ contradicts the rules of stan- dard French. 21 This uncertainty following in the wake of general apocope, as can be observed in contemporary French, seems to have existed for a time in a similar fashion in Yiddish and to have 20 Mostly addressed to children a well-known example of it occurs in Itzik Mangers much anthologized song Oyfn veg shteyt a boym (5th stanza). 21 Speakers of Southern French, in whose spoken variety the /e/ is always sounded, should be immune to such singing errors. In modern Yiddish, similar twin forms are usually due to renewed borrowing from standard German, which has not under gone apocope; cf. the famous song mayn rueplats .</p>
<p>16 simon neuberg left its marks in our poem. Some peculiarities are not restricted to pronunciation. The author of Mi ° m 2 o r-leth 2 o de dexterously uses the preterite (which does not exist in modern Yiddish and was already unusual in seventeenth-century Yiddish)—cf. the already quoted štarb~arwarb . 22 There are approximately 30 instances of sprach or šprachén in rhyme; four times the matching rhyme is machen , twice in the sequence šprachén machen as an a-rhyme, when the first line announces a direct speech and twice in the reverse order as a b-rhyme, where the last line of the stanza announces a direct speech that begins with enjambment in the next stanza. Such strong syntactical and seman- tic links over the borders of two stanzas are quite frequent in the poem—whether as a consequen ce of poor mastery of the tension between the rhythm of biblical verses and the strophic form, or as a conscious reinforcement of the textual cohesion. It is quite possible that it is a con scious stylistic device, since it is lacking in the more lyri cal, i.e. non-narrative parts, such as in the Song of Songs . But let me go back to the preterite of šprechén ! If necessary, the author has astonishing resources, e.g. in stanza 504b: [. . .] Homen sein gut kam in recht 1 e [. . .] in di’ zwai’-fechtig höl, er šprecht 1 e: Also very astonishing are the relative clauses in Mi ° m 2 o r-leth 2 o de : the all-purpose relative pronoun is not, as in Eastern Yiddish, vos , it is so : (55–1) fun den rain 1 e tirén, so ich wer zu dir treib 1 en (57–2) fár-derb 1 en ale beschefénis, so ich háb g 1 emácht (83–3) in dás lánd, so ich dich wil weisén It is to be noted that such sentences are not possible in modern Yiddish (though they are in modern German) and have never been described in any Western Yiddish text either. In this text they are omnipresent (over 100 occurrences). Since Hebrew also has an all-purpose relative particle, this seems a potentially complete solu- tion for traditional Bible translation, which is at pains to create full parallelism between the biblical wording and the translated text. 22 On this topic, cf. Shoou-Huey Chang, Der Rückgang des synthetischen Präteritums im Jiddischen kontrastiv zum Deutschen , jidische schtudies 9 (Hamburg: Buske, 2001). The second person wiltu / du ’ wilt (21×) and s 2 oltu / du ’ s 2 olt (50×) are the norm in the text; /-st(u)/ is exceptional. This is most atypical for Yiddish texts after 1600 (but might again be due to local influence).</p>
<p>the first yiddish book printed in amsterdam 17 Yet this solution ( so for Hebrew רשא / ־ש ) is not used in any of the known Yiddish Bibles; if our author were ma king use of knowl- edge acquired in kheyder , he must have learned with an innovative melamed on this point. This is not the case with nouns; here the traditional vocabulary exerts its rights. The poem uses virtually no Hebrew words, i.e. nothing remains untranslated, even if the Hebrew word is part and parcel of everyday language and the Germanic equivalent is not. Such taytsh -words belong to a biblical archaic style in Yiddish (whe reas many other words originally born from the needs of kheyder translation have become fully integrated within the language and can already be found in the older Yiddish literature beyond translated works). Under such circumstances it is very difficult to evaluate the biblical connotation still adhering to a word at any specific time. I shall not further dwell on elements of the translation vocabulary. 23 On the other hand, the text uses words which could not occur in a more traditional translation (1012b): wi’ Homen in künéglichén schaz geb 1 en welt so ain gár gr 1 oße ` sum 1 e gelt or, //14 al 1 e fögél, fich un` tir rif er recht, wu ` st ir manir The word manir appears five times for the sake of rhyme; once in this context: //328 si’ ging špázirén ouf ir plasir wolt sehen der lánd-töchtér ire manir Such words (there are but very few of them) are borrowed from contemporary German because of their rhyming potential. Because of its adherence to the translating tradition, the text contains less than a dozen Hebrew words, except for names which cannot be replaced, e.g. b 2 ess-hamikdeš ‘the temple’ (797–3, 798–2, 805–3, 810–5), mon ‘manna’ (690–6, 693–3, 695–1), dorem ‘South’ 23 Just a few illustrative examples may be mentioned: bim ` sén -h 1 olz (523.4), dich 1 e (182.2), geifél (887.2), jachzink (786.6), palme ` s 1 en (506.2, 512.5), pirpél-wol (799.5, 971.1), pr 1 esant (11×), übéln (426.6, 444.3, 566.3, 566.6). For this whole complex, see Erika Timm, Historische jiddische Semantik: die Bibelübersetzungssprache als Faktor der Auseinanderentwicklung des jiddischen und des deutschen Wortschatzes (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2005).</p>
<p>18 simon neuberg (859–1), zofen ‘North’ (859–1) 24 these are words for which it would be quite difficult to find a Yiddish equivalent from the German component, though the author does go so far as to use the word 2 o ` stén a few times. There remains one word begging analysis, n 2 ofel in the following stanza from Esther : //1040 der künég šprach zu E ` sther: sag mir her 1 ofén-bor mir, wer 1 odér wu is der der sich sölchés h 1 ot g 1 enumén in sin 1 e E ` sther šprach: düsér Homen, der l 1 os 1 e böswicht der sölch 1 e bös 1 e g 1 edankén hot dérdicht Homen dér-schrak, als s 1 olt er den n 1 ofél g 1 ewinén: Whether n 2 ofel means an ‘epileptic crisis’ or ‘diarrhea’ (German ‘Durchfall’), at any rate, the word has to do with a ‘fall,’ and the Hebrew root לפֿנ is linked to Haman, 25 so that the author uses this root for a pun at Haman’s expense, certainly something to be accounted in his favour. But originality does not always stem from additions to a text . . . The most remarkable part of the book is certainly the Song of Songs . It is highly unusual to retell this part of the Bible without its allegorical interpretation. The author is aware of this fact and warns the reader in advance, hinting briefly at the intended mean- ing. The one page he uses to that effect is certainly a later addition to the text and its variant inspiration can be recognized from its vocabulary: in 14 four-line stanzas, filling just one page, there are half a dozen Hebrew lexemes whereas, as we have seen, in more than 1,000 stanzas of the main text, there are scarcely twice this amount! Many rea ders, as the text says, will be astonished //iii dás mir findén so schlecht 1 e wörtér ach der leicht-fertig 1 e ding in dem Šir-haširim an filén örtér halt es nit leicht-fertig 1 odér gring: 24 And, to be complete: jéhudim (1012–6, 1064–3, 1067–1), mizri (527–3, 529–1, 531–2), mizrijim (506–4, 542–5, 585–1, 595–2, 599–2, 626–1, 662–5, 667–4), mizrijim-rindér (599–5), mizrim (87–4), mizriss (106–2), šabess (692–5, 693–5/6, 694– 2/4, 732–6, 733–1, 734–5), théfilin (799–4). 25 Esther 6.13: לוֹפּתּ לֹֺפָֿנ־יכּ and soon afterwards (7.8) ה ָ ט ִ מ ַ ה־דעַ לפֵֿ ֗נ ן ָ מ ָ הְו . To date Homens mapole is proverbial in Yiddish.</p>
<p>the first yiddish book printed in amsterdam 19 The explanation is: //v HK``BH gleicht er zu ainém ossen h 1 ot geglichén sein f 1 olk Ji ś roel zu ainér brout ouf sein fér-samlung si’ h 1 ofén un` sich fár-l 1 oßén dás dás b``h widér s 1 ol werdén g 1 ebou’ét: Later on, the author cannot completely refrain from commenting upon the text, yet something very unusual to older Yiddish lite rature ensues—a love poem: //761 ain alér-libstér fröund is er zu mir ich ach bin seinés herz 1 en zir in ainém r 1 osén-gortén er mich tut waidén un` b 1 esorgén bis sich arhizt der tag, dás di’ sun fár-blichén mein fröund is zu ainér hind un` hirsch g 1 eglichén di’ schnel lauft ouf al 1 e bergén: //762 ouf meiném legér um mitér-nacht hab ich n 1 och meiném libstén g 1 etracht g 1 esucht 1 ob ich in möcht békumén bin g 1 elafén ouf al 1 e mark un` ga _ s 1 en in alén winkél un` al 1 e štr 1 o _ sén mein lib nirgénz fár-numén: Amid the 72 stanzas of the Song of Songs section, there are repeated versified professions of love of this kind. It goes without saying that in Tsene-rene , to mention only the best known Yiddish paraphrase of these biblical verses, these passages are interpreted beyond recog- nition. It is tempting to relate the fact that the first Yiddish book printed in Amsterdam appears to shun Midrash and the impact of the ideas professed by Sephardic Jewry. Of course, the printing house where the book was printed belonged to a Sephardi, but how far the intellectual climate in the Netherlands may have influ enced the decision to print or even the writing of the book can only be a matter of speculation. In closing, let me quote two felicitous addi- tions, though they be due to the necessities of rhyme. Potiphar’s wife tries to seduce Joseph: /378 si’ bat in al 1 e tág so ser 39.10 ir bit wolt er g 1 ewerén nümér mer si’ tet in ain m 1 ol im hous alain 1 e findén 39.11 šprach: lig bei’ mir, tet in bei’ sein klaidér an-greifén</p>
<p>20 simon neuberg izunt mustu tanzén n 1 och meinér pfeifén er lis ir di’ klaidér in hendén: etc. This somewhat unbiblical diction very much enlivens the dialo gue! Already in stanza 120, when Abraham has seen the three angels coming: //120 A 9 vrohom zu Ś ore lif, war si betén 18.6 g 1 eschwind, eilig mach kuchén, semél-mel tu’ knetén in rind-štál tet er ach laufén schwind 1 e 18.7 gab zu bérait 1 en sein 1 en jung 1 en nam putér un` milch ach rindér-zung 1 en 18.8 er štelt in for b 1 ehend 1 e: Not hüner un` fisch , as would be the typical description of a festive meal in the older Yiddish literature in general and in biblical epics (e.g. Šmuel-buch 153–4, Mélochim-buch 229–1) in particular, but oxen tongue (together with dairy food)! Here the ‘tongue’ is not biblical, though it is known in Midrashic tradi tion—so that Midrash and rhyme here conspire to recall a different tradition about the best thing there is.</p>
<p>the first yiddish book printed in amsterdam 21 Re’uven bar Eljokim from Mainz, typographer in Amsterdam Year Title C.B. Fuks 1643–4 (+) ( ןושאר קלח ) תוינשמ 1998 171 1644 (+) תוינעת עברא רדס 2140 172 1644 םיארונ םימיל תולפת רדס 174 1644 (+) הדותל רומזמ 48281 176 J 1645 םיגהנמ 3822 177 J 1646 םילהת 492 178 1646 ןושאר קלח תוינשמ 180 (1646 הרות ישמוח השמח ) 488a 182 1647 שטייט ףיוא הלימ תוכלה 66161 183 J 1647 קיטפא שטייט 66162 184 J 1647 (+) הנשה לכמ תולפת 2142 220 + 1648 הניארו הניאצ 55458 221 J 1648 (+) ךלמה קמע 60091 222 1648–9 תירבה תוחול ינש 58084 223 1650 (+) הרות ישמוח השמח 225 1651 . . . תוניקו . . . תוחילס 2853 230 1653 (+) הרות ישמוח השמח 509 235 1656 (+) הנשה לכמ רוזחמ 2476 243 1658 (+) םיארונ םימיל תולפת רדס 247 1658 (+) הנשה לכמ תולפת רדס 2152 279 + 1662 (+) ךרב ערזמ . . . ינש קלח 45072 430 1663 (+) הנשה לכמ רוזחמ 2479 300 1664 (+) ןהכ יתפש 301 1670 (+) הנשה לכמ רוזחמ 2482 318 + 1670 (+) הרות ישמוח השמח 567 320 1678 (+) הנשה לכמ תולפת רדס 2178 466 C.B. = Moritz Steinschneider, Catalogus librorum hebraeorum in bibliotheca Bodleiana (Berlin: Ad. Friedlaender, 1852–1860 [Reprint Hildesheim: Olms, 1964]). Fulks = Lajb Fuks and Renate G. Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew typography in the Northern Netherlands: 1585–1815; historical evaluation and descriptive bibliography , 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1984–1987). J = in Yiddish (else: Hebrew) + = interspersed with Yiddish (+) = together with one or more other compositors Simon Neuberg , Ph.D. (1986) Paris ESIT, Professor of Yiddish Studies, University of Trier. His publications include: Pragmatische Aspekte der jid- dischen Sprachgeschichte am Beispiel der ‘Zenerene’ (Hamburg: Buske-Verlag, 1999) and Das ‘Schwedesch lid’. Ein westjiddischer Bericht über Ereignisse in Prag im Jahre 1648 (Hamburg: Buske-Verlag, 2000).</p>
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