Religion in the Social History of the Modern World: A German Perspective
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Auteurs : Wolfgang SchiederSource :
- European History Quarterly [ 0265-6914 ] ; 1982-07.
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DOI: 10.1177/026569148201200303
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name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="2.3" xml:lang="EN"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">spehq</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">EHQ</journal-id><journal-title>European History Quarterly</journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">0265-6914</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Sage Publications</publisher-name><publisher-loc>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</publisher-loc></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1177/026569148201200303</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">10.1177_026569148201200303</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Articles</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Religion in the Social History of the Modern World: A German Perspective</article-title></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Schieder</surname><given-names>Wolfgang</given-names></name></contrib></contrib-group><pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>07</month><year>1982</year></pub-date><volume>12</volume><issue>3</issue><fpage>289</fpage><lpage>299</lpage><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>289 Religion in the Social History of the Modern World: A German Perspective SAGE Publications, Inc.1982DOI: 10.1177/026569148201200303 Wolfgang Schieder When the great Swiss historian Jacob Burckhardt delivered his celebrated lecture 'On the Study of History' in Basle in 1868, he quite naturally included 'religion' as well as 'culture' and 'the state' among the basic and universal categories of historical research. In his opinion, it was the great world religions which ultimately brought about 'the greatest historical crises'.' I Burckhardt, however, was something of an outsider as far as the German historical profession was concerned. Moreover, after the experience of the revolutions of the twentieth century, it is no longer possible to agree completely with Burckhardt's view, although events such as the Islamic revolution of Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran do seem, admittedly, to lend it some support. Yet there is none the less good reason for historians once again to pay more attention to the great significance which Burckhardt ascribed to religion even in the modern world, let alone in earlier periods. For a century and more after Burckhardt's Reflections on World History, religion has largely disappeared, in the German-speaking countries at least, from the modern general historian's field of vision.' There are many reasons for German historians' abandonment of one of the classic areas of modern history, some of which require more extended treatment than it would be appropriate to give here. These lie partly in the nature of the subject and partly in the nature of the development of German historiography. There can be no question but that the influence of religion on modern industrial societies has been clearly reduced in the twentieth as compared with the nineteenth century, as indeed it was in the nineteenth as compared with European Studies Review (SAGE, London and Beverly Hills), Vol. 12 (1982), 289-99 46290 the eighteenth. The modern process of secularization has made further progress in recent decades. Even if contemporary society is only superficially post-religious, historians in the industrial world obviously find fewer and fewer reasons why they should concern themselves with the modern history of religion. Thus they now stand intellectually naked before the eruption of a religious fundamentalism such as that unleashed by Islam today. However, the relatively great reluctance of modern historians to become involved with questions of religious history is more surely to be explained by factors internal to the development of historiography itself. As historical writing tries to fulfil more and more complicated functions, so it has increasingly surrendered its tasks to specialist disciplines which have ended up in many cases as separate subjects. Thus the history of religion has become the specialist preserve of traditional ecclesiastical history,3 which, as a branch of theology, is based in the theological faculties of German universities.4 These theological faculties are to a far greater extent than their counterparts in Great Britain closely tied to the Christian churches, indeed to a large degree controlled by them. They are strongly confessional in character. Thus there are chairs for Catholic theology or Evangelical theology, rather than for theology in general, and appointments to them have to be approved by the respective churches concerned. Should an incumbent stray too far from church dogma in his teaching, then he can be removed from his post at the church's behest, as indeed happened recently in the case of the Catholic Professor Kiing of Tubingen. This peculiarity of the German theological faculties is not least a consequence of the fact that - unlike Britain or France - Germany has long been deeply divided between strongly Catholic and strongly Protestant regions, each of which has had a church structure closely controlled by the local ruler on the well-known principle of cuius regio, eius religio. Nobody would wish to undo this development, of course, or to dispute the right of ecclesiastical historians to cover this field of research. Yet we must go on to ask whether recent ecclesiastical- historical writing really fulfils the needs of those interested in the social history of religion. For ecclesiastical history is not the history of religion. It does not wish to be, nor can it be. It focuses on the role of the church in history and is usually uninterested in other aspects of religion or treats them as deviant or marginal. It sees itself as bound to Christian dogma and pursues its academic work on the basis of a concep- 47291 tion of Christian salvation which is not open to critical inquiry. Its practitioners see 'ecclesiastical history as the history of salvation', as one of their leading representatives, Hubert Jedin, has remarked.6 Furthermore, it is tied to a particular confession, and ecclesiastical historians in Germany see themselves as adding an historical dimension to systematic Lutheran, Reformed, Catholic or other Christian theology. Ecclesiastical history is confessional history in another sense too: it sometimes regards itself as compe tent only to deal with the history of its own particular confession. Other Christian confessions are seen from the point of view of one's own, as has been recently demonstrated even in Raymund Kottje and Bernd Moeller's edition of the Ecumenical History of the Churches.7 Franz Schnabel's great work of the 1930s, his Ger man History in the Nineteenth Century, which gave equal impor tance to the religious forces of both Catholicism and Protestan tism, effectively remains without a successor to this day.8 In recent times only Klaus Scholder has trodden the same path, with his history of the churches in the Third Reich.9 Ecclesiastical historians of whatever confession do not, moreover, concern themselves with non-Christian religions. Since the great theologian Adolf von Harnack's momentous rectoral address of 1901 on 'The Task of the Theological Faculties and the General History of Religion', research into comparative religion has even been expressly ruled out of bounds for ecclesiastical historians.10 It is where the interest of ecclesiastical history ends that the fields of comparative religion and the sociology of religion begin. Comparative religion owes its existence largely to the reluc tance of Christian theology to become involved in research into other religions. Its orientation is primarily theological. It asks general questions about the nature of 'religion' and is primarily concerned to explain religious phenomena in their own terms, as Schleiermacher had first done in 1799 in his 'Lectures on Religion'. 11 For scholars of comparative religion, 'religion' is a 'non-reducible, primary phenomenon, a marvel sui generis', as Lanczkowski has remarked. 12 According to the more limited of the prevalent views within the discipline, 'divinity' is the core of 'religion'. In the somewhat broader view propagated by Rudolf Otto, 'holiness' lies at the heart of religion, although this can at least be described as a social-psychological phenomenon. 13 Never theless, the social aspects of religion are not embraced by the com parative study of religion. It is the sociology of religion which is 48292 concerned with these. ' t The sociology of religion has been central to sociology since the work of Emile Durkheim and Max Weber. From the sociological point of view, 'religion' constitutes a form of 'social behaviour', which means in the first place that religious behaviour can be analysed in the same way as other kinds of group behaviour. Secondly, and this is especially important, the sociology of religion starts from the assumption that the church and religion do not constitute a closed social system but have a multifarious impact on society and are in turn influenced by it. As early as Max Weber, there was a concern to make somewhat clearer the thread that religious motifs have contributed to the developing texture of our modern and specifically 'worldly' culture, a texture that is woven from countless numbers of mdividual historical motifs. 14 Weber was especially interested in the influence of religious communities on the daily life of their members. Marriage, procreation, family, sickness, old age, death, attitudes to work and leisure, as well as the whole area of education and culture, have since been incorporated into the study of religion by empirical sociology. Conversely, interest has also been shown in the social factors which influence religious belief. The theoretical concept which most sociologists of religion use to integrate 'religion' into modern society is, of course, that of 'secularization'. By this is understood the processes of alienation of social groups and individuals in the west first from Christianity and then from all religions This theory of secularization was originally - not least in the work of Max Weber - explicitly historical. It had a deeper historical dimension that reached back to the beginnings of modern Europe. It described - or at least constructed - a long-term process of development which stretched back over several centuries and was still in no way complete. This historical dimension has largely disappeared from modern sociology, which now operates in areas of immediate contemporary interest. One can speak, as Friedrich Fiirstenberg does, of a 'turn to an empiricism concerned only with the present', by which is meant an explicit rejection of historical analysis.'6 Thus when the empirical sociology of religion continues to speak of 'secularization' today, this concept has virtually no historical content. It could even 49293 be said that this originally empirical concept has virtually become a normative one. 17 Ecclesiastical history, religious studies and the sociology of religion, whose respective areas of research can of course only be very briefly sketched out within the compass of the present article, are all concerned with the empirical investigation of religious phenomena. At present, however, all three regard themselves as only competent to deal with specific aspects of the modern history of religion. Ecclesiastical history has an historical orientation but reduces the phenomenon of religion to that of the Christian church. Comparative religion goes beyond Christianity but treats the sub ject phenomenologically rather than historically. Finally, the sociology of religion sees religion as a social phenomenon which ex tends beyond the church, but it no longer encompasses an historical dimension. Between ecclesiastical history, comparative religion and the sociology of religion, therefore, there is still room for a history of religion which regards itself as social history. This does not mean that social history has only a subsidiary role to play. It cannot be expected simply to take up those aspects that have been neglected by ecclesiastical history, religious studies and the sociology of religion, while leaving the internal logic of these disciplines un disturbed.18 From the point of view of social history, religious history has its own perspective, which is shared neither by ecclesias tical history nor by the sociology of religion. The question of the relationship between social history and the history of religion, therefore, is not one of introducing social-historical perspectives into ecclesiastical history and the sociology of religion, but rather the reverse, of incorporating religion into modern social history's area of study.19 Modern social history has as its ambition the writing of history from the point of view of society.20 It attempts to provide its own interpretation of history in contrast to that of political history, which has for so long been dominant in Germany. To achieve this, however, it will have to consider all areas of social reality, including the church and religion. In this respect little has been done by social historians, at least in the German-speaking countries. Religion hardly puts in an appearance in general social histories at all. When Werner Conze ventured to write a section on 'Religion and the Church' for the nineteenth century in the Handbook of German Economic and Social History in 1976, he had to admit his disap pointment that there was 'virtually no' research on the subject 50294 'from a social-historical point of view'. 21 For this reason I shall not attempt to give here a summary of the state of social-historical research on religion and the church in the German language, since this would not get us very far. It seems to me more important at this stage to ask what direction the social history of religion should take. In my view, there are three important prerequisites for the further development of the subject, and I want briefly to consider each in turn. First, from the point of view of social history, what should be studied is religion in the broadest sense and not simply the church. This means first of all that modern sects, which the orthodoxy of the great Christian religions has dismissed as heterodox, should be accorded equal importance with the churches as an object of study. Indeed, many years ago Ernst Troeltsch already spoke of the sects as an 'independent sociological type of the Christian idea'. His great work on the Social Doctrines of the Christian Churches and Sects, published in 1922, has none the less found few followers in the German-speaking countries, not even for the twentieth century period.22 The sects still leave us within the realm of the Christian religion, however, which is also the case if we follow Talcott Parsons in seeing denominations as a third type of religious community after churches and sects. Parsons's 'denominational pluralism' presupposes a basic consensus about a common system of religious values.23 If we want to go further, however, a step for which there is a great deal to be said, and follow Luckmann in seeing every other form of ritual that gives meaning to a social action as 'religion', then we arrive at a much broader concept of religion that extends well beyond the Christian.24 In this sense 'religion' can be understood as the orientation of values on the part of social groups or whole societies through the mediation of ritual. This means that social history cannot limit itself to the study of the institutionalized forms of religion alone. As well as these there are, to follow Parsons again, quite clearly 'functional equivalents', which, as quasi or ersatz religions, exhibit views, convictions and practices that correspond to those of the church religions. 21 In this context Eduard Spranger has spoken of the 'godliness of the world',26 by which he understands more or less organized movements that are characterized by an 'intentional sacralization of the profane', to borrow Lanczkowski's phrase .21 The importance of such quasi- religions grows the more that the social significance and the normative control of the church religions decline. Nationalism, 51295 socialism and even more National Socialism are or were ritualized quasi-religions in this sense. Their success with the masses cannot be explained unless they are analysed from the point of view of religious history, though obviously not only in this way. The angle from which the social historian must see religious phenomena is secondly that of society, not of the state. Social historians are more interested in the relationship between religion and society than in the relationship between church and state. The church laws of modern states have tied the church to the state in many ways and thus church-state relations play a central role in ecclesiastical history. One only has to think about the great academic debates which have raged about the Concordats, especial ly about the Concordat of 1933 between the Holy See and the Third Reich.28 For social historians, on the other hand, the major acts and state relations of clerical policy are less interesting, even though, of course, they must not be ignored. Their field lies rather in the discovery of imperceptible developments, of long-term changes in the religious behaviour of society. They are interested, for example, in the social effects of new religious cults. What is the significance of the emergence of mass pilgrimages, such as that to Lourdes, in the nineteenth century, or of new saints' cults such as that of Joseph or of the Sacred Heart?29 How far could such cults be controlled by the Catholic church, and to what extent did they become independent 'quasi-religions'? Are the cults of political saints, such as that of Lassalle, comparable, or are they a different, in a certain sense specifically proletarian form of quasi-religion?30 What is the significance of the cult of the poet George, of an throposophy, of the cult of Ludendorff, or of the völkisch 'Thing' movements, to name at random merely a handful of German quasi- religions of the twentieth century, albeit elite ones, for the orienta tion of values in German society?31 Thirdly, and finally, a social history of religion should not be pursued in isolation from the history of society in general. Religious change is always associated with social change, religious traditions connected with other traditions. There is more to be said, however, about the causal relations of both cases. The simple view of many Marxists, who see religion as a merely superstructural phenomenon of an allegedly material basis, is too one-sided to be of much use. However, on the other hand it will not do either to try to explain religious phenomena purely in their own terms, as students of comparative religion try to do. Religious phenomena 52296 are always located in concrete historical developments. Precisely because social history does not restrict itself to ecclesiastical history, it tries to elucidate these historical circumstances and thus to contribute to the modern history of society as a whole. If it thereby succeeds in uncovering hidden relationships between traditions in the present, and in recalling them to the mind of society at large, then it will have fulfilled its task. Notes An earlier, version of this article was dehvered as a paper to the fifth meeting of the SSRC Research Seminar Group on Modern German Social History, held at the University of East Ganglia in January 1981. It has been translated from the German by Dick Geary and Richard J. Evans. 1. Jacob Burckhardt, Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen, seventh edition (Stutt gart 1949), 50. 2. This applies at least to historians of modern industrial society. Max Weber has been criticized, but his ideas and methods have not been incorporated into the general discussion. See Max Weber, 'Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen. Vergleichende religionssoziologische Versuche, Emleitung', in his Gesammelte Aufsatze zur Religionssoziologie , I (Tubingen 1963), 237-75; and Weber, 'Die pro testantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus', in J. Winckeimann, ed., Die pro testantische Ethik I. Eine Aufsatzsammlung (Hamburg 1973), 27-278. Also: Gunter Dux, 'Religion, Geschichte und sozialer Wandel in Max Webers Religionssoziologie', in C. Seyfahrt and W.M. Sprondel, eds, Seminar: Religion und gesellschaftliche Entwrcklung. Studien zur Protestantismus-Kapitalismus-These Webers (Frankfurt 1973), 313ff. 3. Cf. Peter Stockmeier, 'Kirchengeschichte und Geschichtlichkeit der Kirche', Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, 81 (1970), 145-62; Joachim Kohler, 'Kir chengeschichte - ein Schulfach. Bemerkungen des Kirchenhistorikers zur Aufgabe des Kirchengeschichtsunterrichtes', Theologische Quartalsschrift, 155 (1975), 232-43; Joseph Overath, Einfuhrung in das Studium der mittleren und neueren Kir chengeschichte (Frankfurt/Bern 1979). 4. Cf. Emil-Clemens Scherer, Geschichte und Kirchengeschichte an den deutschen Universitaten (Freiburg 1927, reprint Hildesheim 1975); Peter Meinhold, Geschichte der kirchlichen Historiographie (2 volumes, Munchen 1967). 5. Thus Ernst Iserloh, 'Was ist Kirchengeschichte?', in Raymund Kottje, ed., Kirchengeschichte heute. Geschichtswissenschaft oder Theologie? (Trier 1970), 10-32. Heinrich Grotz, 'Der wissenschaftstheoretische Standort der Kir chengeschichte heute', Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie, 92 (1970), 146-66. Criticisms of these views are found in Marcel Simon, 'Religionsgeschichte, 53297 Geschichte des Christentums, Kirchengeschichte: Methodologische Überlegungen?' (1969), in Gunter Lanczkowski, ed., Selbstverstandnis und Wesen der Religionswissenschaft (Darmstadt 1974), 303-19; Victor Conzemius, 'Kir chengeschichte als "nichttheologische Disziplin". Thesen zu einer wissenschafts theoretischen Standortbestimmung', Theologische Quartalsschrift, 155 (1975), 187-97; Edith Saurer, 'Kirchengeschichte als historische Disziplin?' in F. Engel- Janosi et al., eds, Denken uber Geschichte. Aufsatze zur heutigen Situation des geschichtlichen Bewusstseins und der Geschichtswissenschaft (Wien 1974), 157-69. A good overview of the methodological debate in German ecclesiastical history, which does not, however, distinguish enough between ecclesiastical and religious history, is Michael Klocker and Ferdinand Magen, Zur Erforschung der Kirchen und Religionsgeschichte. Begriffliche Grunduberlegungen (Koln 1981). 6. Hubert Jedin, 'Kirchengeschichte als Heilsgeschichte?' in Saeculum, 5 (1954), 119-28; Jedin, ed., Kirchengeschichte, Vols. 1-7 (Freiburg 1962-77). 7. Raymund Kottje and Bernd Moeller, eds, Oekumenische Kirchengeschichte (3 volumes, Mainz/Munchen 1970-74). 8. Franz Schnabel, Deutsche Geschichte im 19. Jahrhundert, Bd. 4: Die religiosen Krafte (Freiburg 1936). See also my remarks in 'Religionsgeschichte als Sozialgeschichte. Einleitende Bemerkungen zur Forschungsproblematik', Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 3 (1977), 292. 9. Klaus Scholder, Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, 1: Vorgeschichte und Zeit des Illusionen 1918-1934 (Frankfurt 1977). 10. Adolf von Harnack, Die Aufgabe der theologischen Fakultaten und die allge meine Religionsgeschichte (Giessen 1901). Cf. Carsten Colpe, 'Bemerkungen zu Adolf von Harnacks Einschatzung des Disziplins "Allgemeine Religions geschichte" ', Neue Zeitschrift fur systematische Theologie und Religions philosophie , 6 (1974), 51-69. 11. Friedrich Schleiermacher, Über die Religion. Reden an die Gebildeten unter ihren Verachtern (1799; sixth edition, Gottingen 1967). See in general Gunter Lanc zkowski, Einfuhrung in die Religionswissenschaft (Darmstadt 1980), as well as Selbstverstandnis und Wesen... Also: Gunther Stephenson, ed., Der Religionswandel unserer Zeit im Spiegel der Religionswissenschaft (Darmstadt 1976). Particularly informative is the critical research report by Jacques Waarden burg, 'Religionswissenschaft seit 1970. Eine Auswahl', Verkundigung und Forschung. Beihefte zu Evangeltsche Theologie, 26 (1981), 2-43. 12. Lanczkowski, Einfuhrung, S. 23. It will be readily apparent that this ap proach owes a great deal to the phenomenology of Husserl; see Gerardus van der Leeuw, Phanomenologie der Religion (fourth edition, Tubingen 1977), and C. Jouco Bleeker, 'Comparing the Religio-Historical and the Theological Method', Numen, 17 (1970), 9-44. 13. Rudolf Otto, Das Heilige. Uber das Irrationale in der Idee des Gottlichen und sein Verhaltnis zum Rationalen (Breslau 1917; thirtieth edition, Munchen 1958). The best discussion of the controversial ideas of Otto can be found in the informative volume edited by Carsten Colpe, Die Diskussion um das "Heilige" (Darmstadt 1977). See also Charles Kannengiesser, ed., Le retour du sacré (Paris 1977). 14. Max Weber, 'Die protestantische Ethik...' in his Die protestantische Ethik I..., 76. For the current state of the sociological debate, see S.N. Eisenstadt, Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist der Kapitalismus. Eine analytische und vergleichende Darstellung (Opladen 1971), and Seyfahrt and Sprondel, op. cit. (cf. 54298note 2). The older German debate is reproduced in Johannes Winkelmann, ed., Max Weber, Die protestantische Ethik II, Kritiken und Antikritiken (Hamburg 1972). 15. Fundamental here: Peter L. Berger, Zur Dialektik von Religion und Gesellschaft. Elemente einer soziologischen Theorie (Frankfurt 1973). See also Joachim Matthes, 'Bemerkungen zur Sakularisierungsthese in der neueren Religionssoziologie', in Dietrich Goldschmidt and Joachim Matthes, eds, Probleme der Religionssoziologie (third edition, Koln/Opladen 1971), 65-77. 16. Friedrich Furstenberg, ed., Religionssoziologie (second edition, Neuwied/Berlin 1970), 20. 17. As pointed out by Trutz Rendtorff, 'Tendenzen und Probleme der kirchen- soziologischen Forschung', in Goldschmidt and Matthes, op. cit., 199. 18. This approach is completely misunderstood by Rudolf Lill, 'Kirche und Revolution. Zu den Anfangen der katholischen Bewegungen im Jahrzehnt vor 1848', Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte , XVIII (1978), 565-75. For this reason his generally ill-informed critique totally misses the point. It is surely necessary to com prehend social science methods to some degree if one wishes to discuss the social- historical approach which I adopted in my article 'Kirche und Revolution. Sozialgeschichtliche Aspekte der Trierer Wallfahrt von 1844', Archiv fur Sozialgeschrchte, XIV (1974), 419-54. 19. This point is also made by Richard van Dulmen, 'Religionsgeschichte in der historischen Sozialforschung', Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 6 (1980), 36-59. 20. This argument rests on a distinction, peculiar to Germany, between 'social history' (Sozialgeschichte ) and 'the history of society' (Gesellschaftsgeschichte). For an exposition of this distinction see Jurgen Kocka,, Sozialgeschichte. Begriff- Entwicklung-Probleme (Gottingen 1977), 97-111. In the present article, an argument is being advanced for 'Religionsgeschichte' as 'Gesellschaftsgeschichte'. 21. Werner Conze, 'Sozialgeschichte 1800-1850', in Hermann Aubin and Wolfgang Zorn, eds, Handbuch der deutschen Wirtschafts- und Sozralgeschichte, Vol. 2 (Stuttgart 1976), 478. 22. Ernst Troeltsch, Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen (Bmgen 1912), 371. 23. Talcott Parsons, Sociological Theory and Modern Society (New York 1967), 412-27. On this, see Ingo Morth, Die gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit von Religion. Grundlegung einer allgemeinen Religionstheorie (Berlin/Koln/Mainz 1973), 81-4. 24. See Alois Hahn, Religion und der Verlust der Sinngebung. Iden titatsprobleme in der modernen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt/New York 1974). 25. Morth, op. cit., 82. 26. Eduard Spranger, Weltfrommigkeit (Leipzig 1941). 27. Lanczkowksi, Einfuhrung , 28. 28. See the controversy between Konrad Repgen, 'Entstehung und Bedeutung des Reichskonkordats', Vierteljahreshefte fur Zeitgeschichte, 26 (1978), 499-538, and Klaus Scholder, 'Zur Vorgeschichte des Reichskonkordats. Eine Erwiderung', ibid., 535-70. 29. On this hitherto neglected topic see Gottfried Korff, 'Bemerkungen zum politischen Heiligenkult im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert', in Stephenson, op. cit., 216-30; idem., 'Heiligenverehrung und soziale Frage. Zur Ideologisierung der popularen Frommigkeit im 19. Jahrhundert', in Gunter Wiegelmann, ed., Kultureller Wandel im 19. Jahrhundert (Gottingen 1973), 102-11. 55299 30. On the Lassalle cult, see H. Grote, Sozialdemokratie und Religion. Eine Dokumentation fur die Jahre 1863-1875 (Tubingen 1968), 8-25. 31. See on this topic the interesting study by George L. Mosse, Die Na tionalisierung der Massen. Politische Symbolik und Massenbewegungen in Deutschland von den Napoleonischen Kriegen bis zum Dritten Reich (Frankfurt/Berlin 1976). Wolfgang Schieder is Professor of Modern History at the University of Trier. He is the author of articles on nineteenth-century German social history in the period of the Vormarz and the Revolution of 1848. He is at present working on a history of the fascist party in Italy, and also on studies on the evolution of socialist vocabulary.</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes><p>1. Jacob Burckhardt, <italic> Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen,</italic> seventh edition (Stutt gart 1949), 50.</p><p>2. This applies at least to historians of modern industrial society. Max Weber has been criticized, but his ideas and methods have not been incorporated into the general discussion. See Max Weber, 'Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen. Vergleichende religionssoziologische Versuche, Emleitung', in his <italic>Gesammelte Aufsatze zur Religionssoziologie</italic> , I (Tubingen 1963), 237-75; and Weber, 'Die pro testantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus', in J. Winckeimann, ed., <italic>Die pro testantische Ethik</italic> I. <italic>Eine Aufsatzsammlung</italic> (Hamburg 1973), 27-278. Also: Gunter Dux, 'Religion, Geschichte und sozialer Wandel in Max Webers Religionssoziologie', in C. Seyfahrt and W.M. Sprondel, eds, <italic> Seminar: Religion und gesellschaftliche Entwrcklung. Studien</italic> zur <italic> Protestantismus-Kapitalismus-These Webers</italic> (Frankfurt 1973), 313ff.</p><p>3. Cf. Peter Stockmeier, 'Kirchengeschichte und Geschichtlichkeit der Kirche', <italic>Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte,</italic> 81 (1970), 145-62; Joachim Kohler, 'Kir chengeschichte - ein Schulfach. Bemerkungen des Kirchenhistorikers zur Aufgabe des Kirchengeschichtsunterrichtes', <italic> Theologische Quartalsschrift,</italic> 155 (1975), 232-43; Joseph Overath, <italic> Einfuhrung in das Studium der mittleren und neueren Kir chengeschichte</italic> (Frankfurt/Bern 1979).</p><p>4. Cf. Emil-Clemens Scherer, <italic> Geschichte</italic> und <italic>Kirchengeschichte</italic> an den deutschen <italic>Universitaten</italic> (Freiburg 1927, reprint Hildesheim 1975); Peter Meinhold, <italic>Geschichte</italic> der <italic>kirchlichen Historiographie</italic> (2 volumes, Munchen 1967).</p><p>5. Thus Ernst Iserloh, 'Was ist Kirchengeschichte?', in Raymund Kottje, ed., <italic>Kirchengeschichte</italic> heute. <italic>Geschichtswissenschaft</italic> oder <italic>Theologie?</italic> (Trier 1970), 10-32. Heinrich Grotz, 'Der wissenschaftstheoretische Standort der Kir chengeschichte heute', <italic>Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie,</italic> 92 (1970), 146-66. Criticisms of these views are found in Marcel Simon, 'Religionsgeschichte, Geschichte des Christentums, Kirchengeschichte: Methodologische Überlegungen?' (1969), in Gunter Lanczkowski, ed., <italic>Selbstverstandnis und Wesen der Religionswissenschaft</italic> (Darmstadt 1974), 303-19; Victor Conzemius, 'Kir chengeschichte als "nichttheologische Disziplin". Thesen zu einer wissenschafts theoretischen Standortbestimmung', <italic>Theologische Quartalsschrift</italic>, 155 (1975), 187-97; Edith Saurer, 'Kirchengeschichte als historische Disziplin?' in F. Engel- Janosi et al., eds, <italic>Denken uber Geschichte. Aufsatze zur heutigen Situation</italic> des <italic>geschichtlichen Bewusstseins und der Geschichtswissenschaft</italic> (Wien 1974), 157-69. A good overview of the methodological debate in German ecclesiastical history, which does not, however, distinguish enough between ecclesiastical and religious history, is Michael Klocker and Ferdinand Magen, <italic>Zur Erforschung der Kirchen und Religionsgeschichte. Begriffliche Grunduberlegungen</italic> (Koln 1981).</p><p>6. Hubert Jedin, 'Kirchengeschichte als Heilsgeschichte?' in <italic>Saeculum,</italic> 5 (1954), 119-28; Jedin, ed., <italic> Kirchengeschichte,</italic> Vols. 1-7 (Freiburg 1962-77).</p><p>7. Raymund Kottje and Bernd Moeller, eds, Oekumenische <italic>Kirchengeschichte</italic> (3 volumes, Mainz/Munchen 1970-74).</p><p>8. Franz Schnabel, <italic> Deutsche Geschichte im 19. Jahrhundert,</italic> Bd. 4: Die <italic>religiosen Krafte</italic> (Freiburg 1936). See also my remarks in 'Religionsgeschichte als Sozialgeschichte. Einleitende Bemerkungen zur Forschungsproblematik', <italic>Geschichte und Gesellschaft,</italic> 3 (1977), 292.</p><p>9. Klaus Scholder, Die <italic> Kirchen und das Dritte Reich,</italic> 1: <italic>Vorgeschichte und Zeit des Illusionen 1918-1934</italic> (Frankfurt 1977).</p><p>10. Adolf von Harnack, <italic> Die Aufgabe der theologischen Fakultaten und die allge meine Religionsgeschichte</italic> (Giessen 1901). Cf. Carsten Colpe, 'Bemerkungen zu Adolf von Harnacks Einschatzung des Disziplins "Allgemeine Religions geschichte" ', <italic>Neue Zeitschrift fur systematische Theologie und Religions philosophie</italic> , 6 (1974), 51-69.</p><p>11. Friedrich Schleiermacher, <italic> Über die Religion. Reden an die Gebildeten unter ihren Verachtern</italic> (1799; sixth edition, Gottingen 1967). See in general Gunter Lanc zkowski, <italic>Einfuhrung in die Religionswissenschaft</italic> (Darmstadt 1980), as well as <italic>Selbstverstandnis und Wesen...</italic> Also: Gunther Stephenson, ed., <italic>Der Religionswandel unserer Zeit im Spiegel der Religionswissenschaft</italic> (Darmstadt 1976). Particularly informative is the critical research report by Jacques Waarden burg, 'Religionswissenschaft seit 1970. Eine Auswahl', <italic> Verkundigung und Forschung. Beihefte zu Evangeltsche Theologie,</italic> 26 (1981), 2-43.</p><p>12. Lanczkowski, <italic>Einfuhrung,</italic> S. 23. It will be readily apparent that this ap proach owes a great deal to the phenomenology of Husserl; see Gerardus van der Leeuw, <italic>Phanomenologie der Religion</italic> (fourth edition, Tubingen 1977), and C. Jouco Bleeker, 'Comparing the Religio-Historical and the Theological Method', <italic>Numen,</italic> 17 (1970), 9-44.</p><p>13. Rudolf Otto, <italic>Das Heilige. Uber</italic> das <italic>Irrationale in der Idee des Gottlichen und sein Verhaltnis zum Rationalen</italic> (Breslau 1917; thirtieth edition, Munchen 1958). The best discussion of the controversial ideas of Otto can be found in the informative volume edited by Carsten Colpe, <italic>Die Diskussion um das "Heilige"</italic> (Darmstadt 1977). See also Charles Kannengiesser, ed., <italic> Le retour du sacré</italic> (Paris 1977).</p><p>14. Max Weber, 'Die protestantische Ethik...' in his <italic>Die protestantische</italic> Ethik I..., 76. For the current state of the sociological debate, see S.N. Eisenstadt, <italic>Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist der Kapitalismus. Eine analytische und vergleichende Darstellung</italic> (Opladen 1971), and Seyfahrt and Sprondel, op. cit. (cf. note 2). The older German debate is reproduced in Johannes Winkelmann, ed., <italic> Max Weber, Die protestantische Ethik</italic> II, <italic>Kritiken</italic> und <italic> Antikritiken</italic> (Hamburg 1972).</p><p>15. Fundamental here: Peter L. Berger, <italic>Zur Dialektik von Religion und Gesellschaft. Elemente einer soziologischen Theorie</italic> (Frankfurt 1973). See also Joachim Matthes, 'Bemerkungen zur Sakularisierungsthese in der neueren Religionssoziologie', in Dietrich Goldschmidt and Joachim Matthes, eds, <italic>Probleme</italic> der <italic>Religionssoziologie</italic> (third edition, Koln/Opladen 1971), 65-77.</p><p>16. Friedrich Furstenberg, ed., <italic>Religionssoziologie</italic> (second edition, Neuwied/Berlin 1970), 20.</p><p>17. As pointed out by Trutz Rendtorff, 'Tendenzen und Probleme der kirchen- soziologischen Forschung', in Goldschmidt and Matthes, op. cit., 199.</p><p>18. This approach is completely misunderstood by Rudolf Lill, 'Kirche und Revolution. Zu den Anfangen der katholischen Bewegungen im Jahrzehnt vor 1848', <italic>Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte</italic> , XVIII (1978), 565-75. For this reason his generally ill-informed critique totally misses the point. It is surely necessary to com prehend social science methods to some degree if one wishes to discuss the social- historical approach which I adopted in my article 'Kirche und Revolution. Sozialgeschichtliche Aspekte der Trierer Wallfahrt von 1844', <italic>Archiv fur Sozialgeschrchte,</italic> XIV (1974), 419-54.</p><p>19. This point is also made by Richard van Dulmen, 'Religionsgeschichte in der historischen Sozialforschung', <italic> Geschichte und Gesellschaft,</italic> 6 (1980), 36-59.</p><p>20. This argument rests on a distinction, peculiar to Germany, between 'social history' (<italic>Sozialgeschichte</italic> ) and 'the history of society' <italic>(Gesellschaftsgeschichte).</italic> For an exposition of this distinction see Jurgen Kocka,, <italic>Sozialgeschichte. Begriff- Entwicklung-Probleme</italic> (Gottingen 1977), 97-111. In the present article, an argument is being advanced for <italic>'Religionsgeschichte'</italic> as <italic>'Gesellschaftsgeschichte'.</italic></p><p>21. Werner Conze, 'Sozialgeschichte 1800-1850', in Hermann Aubin and Wolfgang Zorn, eds, <italic>Handbuch der deutschen Wirtschafts- und Sozralgeschichte,</italic> Vol. 2 (Stuttgart 1976), 478.</p><p>22. Ernst Troeltsch, <italic> Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen</italic> (Bmgen 1912), 371.</p><p>23. Talcott Parsons, <italic> Sociological Theory and Modern Society</italic> (New York 1967), 412-27. On this, see Ingo Morth, Die <italic>gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit von Religion. Grundlegung einer allgemeinen Religionstheorie</italic> (Berlin/Koln/Mainz 1973), 81-4.</p><p>24. See Alois Hahn, <italic> Religion und der Verlust der Sinngebung. Iden titatsprobleme in der modernen Gesellschaft</italic> (Frankfurt/New York 1974).</p><p>25. Morth, op. cit., 82.</p><p>26. Eduard Spranger, <italic> Weltfrommigkeit</italic> (Leipzig 1941).</p><p>27. Lanczkowksi, <italic>Einfuhrung</italic> , 28.</p><p>28. See the controversy between Konrad Repgen, 'Entstehung und Bedeutung des Reichskonkordats', <italic> Vierteljahreshefte fur Zeitgeschichte,</italic> 26 (1978), 499-538, and Klaus Scholder, 'Zur Vorgeschichte des Reichskonkordats. Eine Erwiderung', ibid., 535-70.</p><p>29. On this hitherto neglected topic see Gottfried Korff, 'Bemerkungen zum politischen Heiligenkult im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert', in Stephenson, op. cit., 216-30; idem., 'Heiligenverehrung und soziale Frage. Zur Ideologisierung der popularen Frommigkeit im 19. Jahrhundert', in Gunter Wiegelmann, ed., <italic>Kultureller Wandel im 19. Jahrhundert</italic> (Gottingen 1973), 102-11.</p><p>30. On the Lassalle cult, see H. Grote, <italic>Sozialdemokratie und Religion. Eine Dokumentation fur die Jahre 1863-1875</italic> (Tubingen 1968), 8-25.</p><p>31. See on this topic the interesting study by George L. Mosse, <italic>Die Na tionalisierung der Massen. Politische Symbolik und Massenbewegungen in Deutschland von den Napoleonischen Kriegen bis zum Dritten Reich</italic> (Frankfurt/Berlin 1976).</p></notes></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>Religion in the Social History of the Modern World: A German Perspective</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>Religion in the Social History of the Modern World: A German Perspective</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Wolfgang</namePart><namePart type="family">Schieder</namePart></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article"></genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1982-07</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">1982</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><physicalDescription><internetMediaType>text/html</internetMediaType></physicalDescription><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>European History Quarterly</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0265-6914</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1461-7110</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">EHQ</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spehq</identifier><part><date>1982</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>12</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>3</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>289</start><end>299</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">1F11300F5079C57F40DEC3A018731C05140E95D0</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/026569148201200303</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_026569148201200303</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource>SAGE</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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