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Biwa Masters and Musical Hierophanies in the Heike monogatari and Other Medieval Texts

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Biwa Masters and Musical Hierophanies in the Heike monogatari and Other Medieval Texts

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Journal of Religion in Japan [ 2211-8330 ] ; 2013.

RBID : ISTEX:2F039E05BD5E23A6E45ACDF0C01D4886E3DF52F3

Abstract

Abstract The Heike monogatari has long been at the center of discussions about the function of medieval Japanese performing arts, linked variously to ritual placation, purification, and to Buddhist sermonizing and entertainment. The present essay complicates this view by connecting Heike and biwa playing to several musical phenomena that have received less attention. These include the accusation of bōkoku no oto (sounds of a nation going to ruin), which criticized certain kinds of music from a Confucian ethical perspective, as well as the practice of esoteric biwa initiation (biwa kanjō) along with the related phenomena of the musical hierophany (yōgō) and the elaborate descriptions of music in Heike texts that I call ‘musical ekphrasis.’ The essay is divided into two parts. The first half highlights aspects of vocal, musical, and textual performance in the Heike, including the kinesthetic dimension of dance. The second part examines parallels between medieval guides to esoteric biwa initiation, such as the Biwa kanjō shidai, and descriptions of musical instruments and hierophanies in the Genpei seisuiki and Engyōbon Heike monogatari, two lesser known Heike variants. Moving away from a purely instrumental use of description in the Heike narratives, i.e., what might a certain passage tell us about biwa playing, I argue instead that these elaborate musical ekphrases woven into the Heike texts are themselves synaethesias, or auditory-visual-tactile manifolds, that gesture toward the epiphanic moment of enlightenment through music that is also echoed in the adornment (shōgon) of the esoteric biwa initiation ceremony.

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DOI: 10.1163/22118349-12341256

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<front><div type="abstract">Abstract The Heike monogatari has long been at the center of discussions about the function of medieval Japanese performing arts, linked variously to ritual placation, purification, and to Buddhist sermonizing and entertainment. The present essay complicates this view by connecting Heike and biwa playing to several musical phenomena that have received less attention. These include the accusation of bōkoku no oto (sounds of a nation going to ruin), which criticized certain kinds of music from a Confucian ethical perspective, as well as the practice of esoteric biwa initiation (biwa kanjō) along with the related phenomena of the musical hierophany (yōgō) and the elaborate descriptions of music in Heike texts that I call ‘musical ekphrasis.’ The essay is divided into two parts. The first half highlights aspects of vocal, musical, and textual performance in the Heike, including the kinesthetic dimension of dance. The second part examines parallels between medieval guides to esoteric biwa initiation, such as the Biwa kanjō shidai, and descriptions of musical instruments and hierophanies in the Genpei seisuiki and Engyōbon Heike monogatari, two lesser known Heike variants. Moving away from a purely instrumental use of description in the Heike narratives, i.e., what might a certain passage tell us about biwa playing, I argue instead that these elaborate musical ekphrases woven into the Heike texts are themselves synaethesias, or auditory-visual-tactile manifolds, that gesture toward the epiphanic moment of enlightenment through music that is also echoed in the adornment (shōgon) of the esoteric biwa initiation ceremony.</div>
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<abstract><p>Abstract The Heike monogatari has long been at the center of discussions about the function of medieval Japanese performing arts, linked variously to ritual placation, purification, and to Buddhist sermonizing and entertainment. The present essay complicates this view by connecting Heike and biwa playing to several musical phenomena that have received less attention. These include the accusation of bōkoku no oto (sounds of a nation going to ruin), which criticized certain kinds of music from a Confucian ethical perspective, as well as the practice of esoteric biwa initiation (biwa kanjō) along with the related phenomena of the musical hierophany (yōgō) and the elaborate descriptions of music in Heike texts that I call ‘musical ekphrasis.’ The essay is divided into two parts. The first half highlights aspects of vocal, musical, and textual performance in the Heike, including the kinesthetic dimension of dance. The second part examines parallels between medieval guides to esoteric biwa initiation, such as the Biwa kanjō shidai, and descriptions of musical instruments and hierophanies in the Genpei seisuiki and Engyōbon Heike monogatari, two lesser known Heike variants. Moving away from a purely instrumental use of description in the Heike narratives, i.e., what might a certain passage tell us about biwa playing, I argue instead that these elaborate musical ekphrases woven into the Heike texts are themselves synaethesias, or auditory-visual-tactile manifolds, that gesture toward the epiphanic moment of enlightenment through music that is also echoed in the adornment (shōgon) of the esoteric biwa initiation ceremony.</p>
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<title-group><article-title><italic>Biwa</italic>
 Masters and Musical Hierophanies in the <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
 and Other Medieval Texts</article-title>
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<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name><surname>Bialock</surname>
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<abstract><sec><title><bold>Abstract</bold>
</title>
<p>The <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
 has long been at the center of discussions about the function of medieval Japanese performing arts, linked variously to ritual placation, purification, and to Buddhist sermonizing and entertainment. The present essay complicates this view by connecting <italic>Heike</italic>
 and <italic>biwa</italic>
 playing to several musical phenomena that have received less attention. These include the accusation of <italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
 (sounds of a nation going to ruin), which criticized certain kinds of music from a Confucian ethical perspective, as well as the practice of esoteric <italic>biwa</italic>
 initiation (<italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
) along with the related phenomena of the musical hierophany (<italic>yōgō</italic>
) and the elaborate descriptions of music in <italic>Heike</italic>
 texts that I call ‘musical ekphrasis.’ The essay is divided into two parts. The first half highlights aspects of vocal, musical, and textual performance in the <italic>Heike</italic>
, including the kinesthetic dimension of dance. The second part examines parallels between medieval guides to esoteric <italic>biwa</italic>
 initiation, such as the <italic>Biwa kanjō shidai</italic>
, and descriptions of musical instruments and hierophanies in the <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 and <italic>Engyōbon Heike monogatari</italic>
, two lesser known <italic>Heike</italic>
 variants. Moving away from a purely instrumental use of description in the <italic>Heike</italic>
 narratives, i.e., what might a certain passage tell us about <italic>biwa</italic>
 playing, I argue instead that these elaborate musical ekphrases woven into the <italic>Heike</italic>
 texts are themselves synaethesias, or auditory-visual-tactile manifolds, that gesture toward the epiphanic moment of enlightenment through music that is also echoed in the adornment (<italic>shōgon</italic>
) of the esoteric <italic>biwa</italic>
 initiation ceremony.</p>
</sec>
</abstract>
<kwd-group><kwd>performance</kwd>
<kwd>music</kwd>
<kwd>medieval</kwd>
<kwd>enlightenment</kwd>
<kwd><italic>biwa</italic>
</kwd>
<kwd><italic>Heike</italic>
</kwd>
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</front>
<body><disp-quote><p><italic>Enargḗs</italic>
 is the <italic>terminus technicus</italic>
 for divine epiphany: an adjective that contains the dazzle of “white,” <italic>argós</italic>
, but which ultimately comes to designate a pure and unquestionable “conspicuousness.” (Calasso 2001: 5)</p>
</disp-quote>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_001" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Introduction</bold>
</title>
<p>Perhaps no one work of medieval Japanese literature better embodies the set of questions raised by the term <italic>geinō</italic>
 芸能 (performing arts) than <italic>The Tale of the Heike</italic>
 (<italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
 平家物語). In its recited form it is not only the exemplary instance of a medieval performance art, but in the variety of its textual embodiments it is also one of our richest sources of knowledge about medieval <italic>geinō</italic>
. I would even suggest that the <italic>Heike</italic>
’s complicated hybrid form, with some texts vocalized to the accompaniment of the <italic>biwa</italic>
, some declaimed as sermons (<italic>sekkyō</italic>
 説教), others read in the privacy of a room, and some possibly recited using pictures (<italic>etoki</italic>
 絵解き), asks us to always think carefully about the relationship between performance and text, lest we fall into the habit of subordinating one to the other. In the case of the <italic>Heike</italic>
 and medieval culture more generally, texts are always more than props to performance. They can also be aspects, dimensions, or material condensations of the same powers that invest bodies in performance, musical and other kinds of sound, as well as the icons, tools, and other artifacts that adorn Buddhist halls and other ritual spaces in medieval Japan. Here, I am suggesting an approach that takes into account the esoteric religious landscape of medieval Japan that produced what Mark Teeuwen has succinctly described as “mandalic power points.” To quote from Teeuwen’s essay on medieval secrecy:</p>
<disp-quote><p>By ‘mandalizing’ places, objects, and even texts, they could be transformed into specimens of the non-dual power of the Dharma-body. Specific and not specific sites were envisioned as mandalic power points, where the Dharma-body itself saves the sentient beings through objects, buildings, and landscapes that represent ‘True Reality.’ (Teeuwen and Scheid 2006: 15)</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>The only word that I might quibble with in that description is “represent,” which is too mimetic to capture what Teeuwen has more accurately described in the same essay as “the stuff of enlightenment, in a direct, absolute, and non-dual manner” (Teeuwen and Scheid 2006: 14). If I have already slipped into a discussion of texts in an issue focused on the medieval performing arts, it is because the practice of the performing arts and the ways in which texts behave in medieval Japan are at a deeper level informed by the same ambient field of knowledge and practices that operated in Buddhist spheres. This will become more evident in the discussion of musical hierophanies and <italic>biwa</italic>
 consecration ceremonies (<italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
 琵琶灌頂) later in this paper. But first I turn to some of the more commonly held assumptions about <italic>Heike</italic>
 performance in medieval Japan.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_002" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Some Theories of <italic>Heike</italic>
 Performance</bold>
</title>
<p>Almost every claim made about the meaning, function, or underlying intent of <italic>Heike</italic>
 performance in the medieval period is based on inferences from a rather sparse documentary record, and therefore subject to debate. That said, there is a fairly consistent emphasis on several aspects of <italic>Heike</italic>
 performance that deserve highlighting. One long-standing view on the origins of <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
 holds that it was put together with the assistance of the Buddhist prelate Jien 慈円 (1155-1225) in order to placate the vengeful spirits (<italic>onryō</italic>
 怨霊) of those who had died during the Genpei War (1180-1185). An early proponent of this theory was Tsukudo Reikan (1901-1947). Tsukudo, who published on these topics in the 1930s and 1940s, based his argument, in part, on Jien’s fears concerning vengeful spirits that can be found in his Buddhist historiography <italic>Gukanshō</italic>
 愚管抄 (Jottings of a Fool, 1221) and in writings related to Jien’s construction in 1204 of a Buddhist prayer hall (<italic>dōjō</italic>
 道場) at Daisenpōin 大懺法院 in the Shirakawa 白河 district of the capital.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN1"><sup>1</sup>
</xref>
 In documents collected in <italic>Daisenpōin jōjō kishō no koto</italic>
 大懺法院条々起請事 (Articles and Petitions on Daisenpōin, 1206) and <italic>Jien no ganmon</italic>
 慈円願文 (Jien’s Petition, 1222), Jien called for the performance of special prayers and masses in order to placate the vengeful spirits plaguing the realm since the widespread disturbances of Hōgen (1156-1159). He also called for the assembling of various ritualists and musicians in order to assist in prayers for the dead. These were to include the four kinds of monks, both the exoteric sects (<italic>kenshū</italic>
 顕宗) and esoteric sects (<italic>misshū</italic>
 密宗), holy men (<italic>genja</italic>
 験者), and preachers (<italic>sekkyōshi</italic>
 説教師); recluses living in the mountains and forests; and experts in Buddhist chant (<italic>shōmyō</italic>
 声明) and those skilled in the vocal arts (<italic>onkyoku</italic>
 音曲).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN2"><sup>2</sup>
</xref>
 When these writings of Jien were set beside the well known anecdote in Section 226 of Kenkō’s 兼好 <italic>Tsurezuregusa</italic>
 徒然草 (Essays in Idleness, 1330-1331), which describes the origin of the <italic>Heike</italic>
 as a collaboration between a lay priest patronized by Jien, Shinano Zenji Yukinaga 信濃前司行長, and a blind <italic>biwa</italic>
 reciter named Shōbutsu 生仏, scholars had what appeared to be a plausible if circumstantial case for a hypothetical ur-<italic>Heike</italic>
 that was intended to carry out a program of national placation (<italic>kokka chingo</italic>
 国家鎮護). Although there is no conclusive proof that Jien’s project was ever put into practice, there is plenty of evidence scattered about in the <italic>Heike</italic>
 variants and the documentary record to suggest that prayers for the dead (<italic>toburai</italic>
) or placation at some level may have been a factor in <italic>Heike</italic>
 recitation. This evidence includes mentions of vengeful spirits in <italic>Heike</italic>
 narratives and entries in medieval diaries that record occasions when master reciters, or <italic>kengyō</italic>
 檢校, were summoned to perform at private prayer halls (<italic>dōjō</italic>
) where masses for the dead were held.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN3"><sup>3</sup>
</xref>
 It also includes episodes like the famous death scenes of Tadanori 忠度 and Atsumori 敦盛 in scroll nine of the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
 <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
 覚一本平家物語 (1371), which have become one of the lodestones for scholars looking to substantiate the placation theory. Thus, the failure of both Tadanori and Atsumori to name themselves can be interpreted as enacting or performing a ritual placation each time the reciter divulges the warriors’ names in performance. The placation theory has also had its critics. Sunagawa Hiroshi, for example, has suggested that the marginal social status of the medieval <italic>biwa hōshi</italic>
 would have made them more suited to the management of defilement (<italic>kegare</italic>
 穢) than ritual placations of the dead. Sunagawa has also put greater emphasis on the <italic>biwa hōshi</italic>
’s public role as street entertainer, evidence for which is found in the documentary record (Sunagawa 2001: 293-332). On the other hand, we know from the celebrated anecdote in <italic>Taiheiki</italic>
 太平記 (Record of Great Peace, late fourteenth century) that master reciters would sometimes be called in to perform privately for powerful aristocrats or warriors. On one occasion, Kakuichi (?-1371) and his assistant were called in to “divert” (<italic>nagusame</italic>
) an ailing Kō no Moronao 高師直 with a duet performance of “Ayame” 菖蒲, suggesting that <italic>biwa</italic>
 performance may have had healing powers as well (see <italic>Taiheiki</italic>
, vol. 2: 349-351).</p>
<p>In addition to placation, purification, and entertainment, other theories have put equal emphasis on the use of the <italic>Heike</italic>
 as a text or libretto for preaching on Buddhist doctrine and morality to broad swaths of medieval Japan’s population. In a seminal study of <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, for example, Kobayashi Yoshikazu argued that the <italic>Engyōbon Heike monogatari</italic>
 延慶本平家物語 may have been constructed in part to function as a prompt book for Buddhist preachers of the Agui 安居院 school (Kobayashi 1986: 74-80). To the extent that the Agui preachers aimed to increase the influence of Buddhist doctrine or ideology (<italic>buppō</italic>
 仏法) in medieval society, usually but not always in alliance with royal authority (<italic>ōbō</italic>
 王法), their deployment and control of theatrical sermonizing and performance arts (<italic>geinō</italic>
) in order to disseminate doctrine and strengthen the authority of Buddhist temples can also be understood as a form of ritual warfare. Because this touches on issues that are central to medieval Japanese notions about voice, writing, music, and pictorial media, it is worth pausing here to look at a few episodes from the <italic>Heike</italic>
 that typify this ritual battle conducted through the speaking and performing arts.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_003" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Writing, Voice, and Pictures</bold>
</title>
<p>Scattered throughout the <italic>Heike</italic>
 and medieval literature more generally are numerous stories and episodes that dramatize a seeming conflict between writing and speech, or between competing musical styles, both instrumental and vocal. Because it is a performed text, the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
 seems at times to enact these clashes almost self-consciously, calling attention to itself as both text and performance. At the end of the first scroll of the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
, for example, in a stand-off between Kiyomori 清盛 and the Enryakuji monks, the Taira Major Counselor Tokitada is dispatched to Enryakuji to pacify the rampaging soldier-monks. How does he accomplish this? He achieves his aim with ink, paper, and a brush, in a written message that is never once vocalized in the narrative but only <italic>seen</italic>
 by the monks:</p>
<disp-quote><p>He drew a small ink stone (<italic>kosuzuri</italic>
) and a piece of paper from his breast, jotted down a line (<italic>hitofude kaite</italic>
), and transmitted it to the monks. Upon opening the message, they saw (<italic>hiraitemireba</italic>
) the following, “When soldier-monks perpetrate acts of violence, that is the work of evil spirits; when the Emperor reprimands them, that is proof of the protection of the Buddha.” That’s what had been written down (<italic>to koso kakaretare</italic>
). They could not bring themselves to harm him after seeing those words. “What he says is right,” they agreed, and all of them went off to their hollows and cells. It was admirable that Tokitada required only one piece of paper and one sentence (<italic>isshi ikku</italic>
 一紙一句) to calm the wrath of the Three Compounds and the three thousand monks and to preserve himself and the court from humiliation (McCullough 1988: 55, slightly modified; <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, vol. 1: 104).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>In the original, it is not even clear that the monks have fully understood the content or meaning of what the written message conveyed. As Komine Kazuaki notes in his discussion of this episode (Komine 2002: 305-308), the power of this written text stands in sharp contrast to the vocal sounds and noise that characterize the gatherings of the monks, and that is dramatized repeatedly in the theatrical eloquence of the fierce monks (<italic>akusō</italic>
 悪僧) who take center stage at their tumultuous assemblies (<italic>sengi no ba</italic>
 僉議の場). Whether it is the written words of Tokitada or the vocal displays of Gōun and other <italic>akusō</italic>
, both writing and speech are equally invested with that magical power to quell or direct crowds at will. This near interchangeability of speech and writing is also on display in <italic>Hōnen shōnin eden</italic>
 法然上人絵伝 (The Illustrated Biography of Hōnen, ca. 1237). This depicts one of these raucous assemblies (<italic>sengi</italic>
 僉議) of Buddhist monks and carefully writes into the painting the formulaic vocal shout of assent, <italic>mottomo mottomo</italic>
, used to ratify decisions in these mass assemblies. As Komine notes, although the shout of the monks has been inscribed into text, and the voice extinguished, an echo of the sound lingers in the traces of the writing (Komine 2002: 308).</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_004" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Musical Sounds</bold>
</title>
<p>In one of the most celebrated <italic>Heike</italic>
 stories, the episode “Senju-no-mae” 千手前 in scroll ten, the prisoner Shigehira and the <italic>shirabyōshi</italic>
 白拍子 dancer Senju-no-mae get into a playful musical exchange that goes back and forth between musical instruments, <italic>koto</italic>
 琴 and <italic>biwa</italic>
, and two vocal genres, poem chanting (<italic>rōei</italic>
 朗詠) and the new style Buddhist songs (<italic>imayō</italic>
 今様), with the <italic>rōei</italic>
 evoking both erotic overtones and Buddhist doctrine, and the <italic>imayō</italic>
 conveying thoughts of rebirth in the Pure Land. The most interesting part of the exchange, however, involves complicated word plays on the names of several musical compositions, including pieces of court music (<italic>gagaku</italic>
 雅楽). When Shigehira despairs that his sins will deny him the protection of the Kitano deity, believed to protect those who chant <italic>rōei</italic>
, Senju-no-mae responds by chanting these verses, the first a <italic>rōei</italic>
:</p>
<disp-quote><p>“He leads to the Pure Land even those guilty of the Ten Evils.” She continued with an <italic>imayō</italic>
: “All those who desire rebirth/ in Paradise/ must intone the sacred name/ of Amida Buddha” (<italic>gokuraku negawan/ hito wa mina/ mida no myōgo/ tonaubeshi</italic>
) (McCullough 1988: 340, slightly modified; <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, vol. 2: 306-307).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>After drinks are exchanged, and Senju-no-mae plays another melody on the <italic>koto</italic>
, Shigehira responds:</p>
<disp-quote><p>“That tune is usually called ‘The Song of the Five Constant Virtues’ (<italic>gojōraku</italic>
 五常楽), but I must think of it as ‘Happy Rebirth’ (<italic>goshōraku</italic>
 後生楽). I had better make haste to play the ‘Ōjō’ finale (<italic>ōjō no kyū</italic>
 往生の急),” Shigehira jested. He took the lute, tuned it, and played the last movement of ‘Ōjō’ (McCullough 1988: 340, slightly modified; <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, vol. 2: 307).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>As commentators going back to Tomikura Tokujirō have long noted, this episode highlights a series of puns and wordplays on the names of musical compositions (see Tomikura 1966-1968, vol. 3: 286-290). First, it sets up a dialogical play between the orthodox <italic>gagaku</italic>
 mode, indicated by the sounds <italic>gojōraku</italic>
 when written with the characters 五常楽 (suggesting the five Confucian virtues of benevolence, righteousness, courtesy, wisdom, and sincerity, or <italic>jin</italic>
 仁, <italic>gi</italic>
 義<italic>, rei</italic>
 礼<italic>, chi</italic>
 智, and <italic>shin</italic>
 信), and the more heterodox music actually performed by Senju-no-mae and Shigehira.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN4"><sup>4</sup>
</xref>
 This heterodox music includes performances of <italic>imayō</italic>
 and <italic>rōei</italic>
, two genres that belonged to the category of Ying music (<italic>eikyoku</italic>
 郢曲), which encompassed popular genres that were also widely cultivated by the aristocracy and retired emperors from the late Heian period (794-1185) on.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN5"><sup>5</sup>
</xref>
 There is a further play between the Five Confucian virtues regulating the musical ethos of the finale, or <italic>kyū</italic>
 急 section, of the orthodox <italic>gagaku</italic>
 piece and the more radical implications of musical sound producing enlightenment in <italic>nenbutsu</italic>
 念仏 chanting. Thus, the second series of puns: <italic>ōjō no kyū o hikan</italic>
 literally means “to play [on the <italic>biwa</italic>
] the finale (<italic>kyū</italic>
) of rebirth (<italic>ōjō</italic>
),” while also alluding to the <italic>kyū</italic>
 section (<italic>jo-ha-kyū</italic>
 序破急) of the court music composition known as <italic>Ōjō</italic>
 皇麞 (<italic>ōjō no kyū o zo hikarekeru</italic>
).</p>
<p>If the Senju-no-mae episode brings together orthodox and heterodox cultures of music and doctrine at a peripheral location, Kamakura, which enhances the odd charm of their playful exchange, then the episode “Kanjinchō” 勧進帳 (The Subscription List), in the <italic>Heike</italic>
’s fifth scroll, returns us to something closer to a full blown ritual battle between competing musical cultures. Here the contest is between the raucous vocal sounds of the <italic>hijiri</italic>
 聖 (holy man) Mongaku’s 文覚 violent preaching (<italic>shōdō</italic>
 唱導) and a musical banquet at Go-Shirakawa’s Hōjūji 法住寺 Mansion that is presided over by Fujiwara no Moronaga 藤原師長 (1138-1192). Moronaga was a learned expert in late Heian musical styles, a master of everything from court music to Ying music to Buddhist chant (<italic>shōmyō</italic>
), who was also the founder of a <italic>biwa</italic>
 lineage centered on <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
, which involved initiation into the secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions. As Moronaga chants <italic>rōei</italic>
 and performs on the <italic>biwa</italic>
, taking turns with the Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa 後白河 and others in a concert of the more heterodox Ying music—<italic>rōei</italic>
 朗詠, <italic>fuzoku</italic>
 風俗, <italic>saibara</italic>
 催馬楽, <italic>imayō—</italic>
the musical banquet is thrown into confusion by Mongaku’s violent appeal for temple donations: “Mongaku’s loud voice burst upon them throwing the singers off-key and plunging the rhythm beaters into confusion” (<italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, vol. 1: 386). As Komine Kazuaki notes, one way to read this episode is as a clash between Buddhist authority (<italic>buppō</italic>
) and royal authority (<italic>ōbō</italic>
), in which “two extremes of medieval sound are skillfully expressed” (Komine 1998: 289). I would only add that while the clash here may be between Buddhist and royal authority, actual ownership or control of the musical styles in medieval Japan is more complicated, ambiguous, and contested than a straightforward opposition would suggest.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN6"><sup>6</sup>
</xref>
</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_005" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Sounds of a Nation Going to Ruin</bold>
</title>
<p>In my review of <italic>Heike</italic>
 performance typologies so far, I have touched on the placation hypothesis connected to Jien’s program at Daisenpōin, purification and entertainment, and Buddhist sermonizing. I have also highlighted some of the ways that the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
 draws attention to the almost magical power of speech and writing. Widening the category of sounds to include vocal and instrumental music, I have also highlighted the seeming opposition between Buddhist sermonizing and musical performance under the authority of the emperor in “Kanjinchō,” and the almost playful competition among musical and vocal styles in “Senju-no-mae.” All of this suggests a more complicated musical and vocal landscape for locating medieval <italic>Heike</italic>
 performance than any single performance typology can account for on its own.</p>
<p>While scholars have often turned to Section 226 of the <italic>Tsurezuregusa</italic>
 for what it can tell us about the possible origins of the <italic>Heike</italic>
, either in a program of placation linked to Jien or as a collaboration between the disgraced court aristocrat turned lay priest, Yukinaga, and the <italic>biwa hōshi</italic>
 Shōbutsu that resulted in a fusion of court anecdote and battle narrative, less attention has been paid to the context of Section 226. The section, in fact, is just one in a sequence of four separate passages on music, which can be summarized as follows:</p>
<list list-type="order"><list-item><p>Section 225. Recounts the origins of <italic>shirabyōshi</italic>
 dancing under the direction of Fujiwara Michinori (otherwise known by his Buddhist name Shinzei 信西, 1106-1159). The <italic>dan</italic>
 also names Gotoba’s favorite <italic>shirabyōshi</italic>
 dancer Kamegiku, mentioned in Jōkyūki 承久記 (Record of the Jōkyū Era).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>Section 226. Describes the origin of <italic>Heike</italic>
 recited to the accompaniment of the <italic>biwa</italic>
.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>Section 227. Recounts the creation of <italic>rokuji raisan</italic>
 六時礼讃 (six hour chants in praise of the Buddha) by Hōnen’s disciple, Anraku 安樂; the fixing of its musical notation (<italic>fushihakase</italic>
 節博士) and transformation into <italic>shōmyō</italic>
 聲明 (Buddhist chant); and the origin of one-chant Buddha invocations (<italic>ichinen no nenbutsu</italic>
 一念の念仏).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>Section 228. Briefly describes the origins of Buddha chanting at the Shaka Hall on Senbon Avenue (<italic>Senbon no shaka nenbutsu</italic>
 千本の釋迦念佛).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN7"><sup>7</sup>
</xref>
</p>
</list-item>
</list>
<p>The key point here, as Yuge Shigeru and others pointed out some time ago, is how the author has grouped together the origin accounts of four vocal and dance arts believed to have been derived from <italic>shōmyō</italic>
 (Yuge 1989: 42). Moreover, according to the <italic>Shōmyō kuden</italic>
 声明口伝 (Secret Transmission of Buddhist Chant) and other medieval sources, <italic>shirabyōshi</italic>
, <italic>rokuji raisan</italic>
, and <italic>senbon no shaka nenbutsu</italic>
, along with forms of exclusive <italic>nenbutsu</italic>
 chanting not mentioned in <italic>Tsurezuregusa</italic>
, were at various times associated with the “sounds of a nation going to ruin” (<italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
 亡国音).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN8"><sup>8</sup>
</xref>
 Historical records, anecdotal narratives, and other kinds of literature provide quite a few accounts of such destructive sounds, but in the interests of space, the following anecdote from the <italic>Zoku kojidan</italic>
 続古事談 (Continuation of Stories about Old Matters, 1219) can stand as representative:</p>
<disp-quote><p>It is the custom of the Chinese emperor to learn whether or not the country is well or poorly governed by listening to its songs (<italic>uta</italic>
 哥) and observing its dances (<italic>mai</italic>
 舞). Yet the dances known as <italic>shirabyōshi</italic>
 flourish throughout society. Listening to their melodies, it is the <italic>shō</italic>
 mode (<italic>shō no oto</italic>
 商の音) among the five modes (<italic>go-in</italic>
 五音) [that one hears]. This sound is the sound of a state going to ruin (<italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
). If we look at the style (<italic>sugata</italic>
) of their dances, they circle about (<italic>tachimawarite</italic>
) and look up at the sky. This style of dance is extremely melancholy (<italic>mono omō sugata</italic>
). Both the chanting and body movements (<italic>eikyoku shintai</italic>
 詠曲身体) make it an unpleasant dance (<italic>fukai no mai</italic>
 不快の舞) (<italic>Zoku kojidan</italic>
, <italic>SNKBT</italic>
 vol. 41: 676; Yuge 1989: 40-41).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>The observations here are attributed to Fujiwara no Moronaga, whom we have already met in “Kanjinchō” and whose founding role in esoteric <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission and initiation will be taken up below. Here he is acting in the role of judge of orthodox musical style, familiar with Confucian musical ethos.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN9"><sup>9</sup>
</xref>
 Whether or not Moronaga actually held such views, he is presented as a spokesperson for what was then a fairly widespread criticism aimed at a variety of vocal and dance genres that flourished from the late Heian into the Kamakura period (late twelfth to thirteenth centuries) and that also coincided with the period of <italic>Heike</italic>
 formation. Some of these musical genres, like those listed in <italic>Tsurezuregusa</italic>
, were connected to <italic>shōmyō</italic>
 chanting, and others to the category of Ying music, especially the dances and vocal music of the <italic>shirabyōshi</italic>
. The influence of <italic>shōmyō</italic>
 on recited <italic>Heike</italic>
 has long been noted by scholars, and we have already seen how <italic>Heike</italic>
 incorporates into its own discourse an awareness of the Ying musical genres.</p>
<p>But is it possible that the <italic>biwa hōshi</italic>
 or performers of recited <italic>Heike</italic>
 were also at some level implicated in the “sounds of a nation going to ruin”? The answer to that question, I believe, is complicated and not reducible to a simple yes or no, for reasons connected to the <italic>Heike</italic>
’s broader function and place in medieval culture. It has been noted, however, that the charge of <italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
, at least in the medieval period under discussion here, tended to be leveled against forms of vocal music and the kinetic arts of dance, and less so against forms of instrumental music.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN10"><sup>10</sup>
</xref>
 On the other hand, destructive sounds were typically singled out for their excessive sadness and melancholy, a criterion that derives from the Confucian emphasis on musical ethos associated with specific modes.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN11"><sup>11</sup>
</xref>
 We further know, from anecdotal literature and other references in medieval documents, that <italic>biwa</italic>
 performers, both prior to the emergence of performed <italic>Heike</italic>
 and <italic>after</italic>
 its performers began showing up in the streets of medieval Japan, were often singled out for the melancholy quality of their performance. Here are two examples, one pre-<italic>Heike</italic>
, presumably referring to instrumental sounds, and the second to medieval <italic>eike</italic>
 recitation:</p>
<disp-quote><p>At a place called Ashiya, hearing the <italic>biwa hōshi</italic>
 faintly plucking his <italic>biwa</italic>
 brought to mind memories of the past: “How drenched are my sleeves / as I join my thoughts / to the notes of the <italic>biwa</italic>
 / like drops of water / increasing to a flow” (<italic>Nagarekuru hodo no shizuku ni biwa no oto hikiawasetemo nururu sode kana</italic>
).</p>
<p>The section of miscellaneous poems is like a tale. Their melancholy resembles that of a blind priest reciting <italic>Tales of the Heike</italic>
 (<italic>Zōbu wa tada monogatari nite koso haberumere.</italic>
 <italic>Aishō no tokoro wa, megurabōshi ga kataru heike no monogatari nite zo aru</italic>
 雑部はたゞ物がたりにてこそ侍るめれ。哀傷の所は、盲目法師がかたる平家の物語にてぞある).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN12"><sup>12</sup>
</xref>
</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>If these quotations provide evidence of a link between <italic>biwa</italic>
 music or <italic>Heike</italic>
 recitation and melancholy, the actual cause of the implicit link in each case is less clear. Both passages can be interpreted in several ways. The first quotation could be referencing sad memories in the mind of the poet, Minamoto Shunrai (1055-1129), on a journey that he took in 1097 as much as any inherent melancholy associated with the sounds of the <italic>biwa</italic>
 or <italic>biwa</italic>
 performer, who was often linked with ports and thus with separations and departures. On the other hand, the link with water and the possible associations of death in the poem can and have been interpreted as evidence of the <italic>Heike</italic>
 reciters’ ties to placation and water deities (<italic>mizu no kami</italic>
 / <italic>suijin</italic>
 水神).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN13"><sup>13</sup>
</xref>
 In the second example, it is impossible to determine whether the general ethos of <italic>Heike</italic>
 performance is at issue, or specific characteristics of their musical or vocal style. The quoted passage has traditionally been read as evidence of the melancholy (<italic>aishō</italic>
) of <italic>Heike biwa</italic>
, though more recently Matsuo Ashie and other scholars have suggested that it may be referring negatively to the quality of the large number of elegies (<italic>aishōka</italic>
 哀傷歌) related to the <italic>Heike</italic>
 in scroll seventeen of <italic>Gyokuyō</italic>
 <italic>wakashū</italic>
 玉葉和歌集 (Collection of Jeweled Leaves).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN14"><sup>14</sup>
</xref>
</p>
<p>Setting aside these details of interpretation, I believe that the foregoing reconsideration of the <italic>Tsurezuregusa</italic>
 passages when combined with indications from <italic>Heike</italic>
’s own musical discourse and internal references to performance must inevitably complicate how we interpret <italic>Heike</italic>
 against the backdrop of a variegated medieval musical landscape. Although <italic>biwa</italic>
 music and <italic>Heike</italic>
 recitation may not have been viewed in the narrow sense as sounds destructive to the nation, as a musico-ritual activity, partly controlled by and partly eluding control of medieval institutions of power, <italic>Heike</italic>
 reciters clearly played a role in helping to channel or mediate what one medieval writer characterized as the “angry strains of a country going to ruin” (<italic>bōkoku no en’on</italic>
 亡国の怨音).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN15"><sup>15</sup>
</xref>
 In brief, the musicalization of history in recited <italic>Heike</italic>
 was, I suggest, the product of complex and even contradictory motives that drew on Buddhist, Confucian, and other kinds of knowledge pertaining to sounds and music. Although we will never know the exact process of <italic>Heike</italic>
 formation, we can speculate. In what follows, I revisit a scenario that I sketched out in an earlier study (see Bialock 2007: 281-289).</p>
<p>A key figure in this hypothetical scenario is Shinzei, who has already come up in connection to the origin of <italic>shirabyōshi</italic>
 dancing in the <italic>Tsurezuregusa</italic>
 account. Although Shinzei predates the earliest period of <italic>Heike</italic>
 formation, his legacy was developed and carried on by his sons, which included his seventh son, Chōken 澄憲 (1126-1203), founder of the Agui school of Buddhist preaching, and Chōken’s own son, the Tendai priest Seikaku 聖覚 (1167-1235). Seikaku was not only celebrated for the brilliance of his kinetic preaching style, but is also thought to have had a hand in creating what is today regarded as the oldest extant <italic>Heike</italic>
 variant, the <italic>Engyōbon</italic>
 (see Kobayashi: 68-78, 102). Seikaku, moreover, was also involved in the suppression of Hōnen’s exclusive <italic>nenbutsu</italic>
, vilified as one of the “sounds of a nation going to ruin.”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN16"><sup>16</sup>
</xref>
 Shinzei himself, as Gomi Fumihiko has argued, had a strong interest in revitalizing official history (<italic>seishi</italic>
 正史) and in reordering the rites and music (<italic>reigaku</italic>
 礼樂). It was for this reason that Shinzei’s family, who had forged important ties to Enryakuji, also pursued ties to the Nakahara family, whose duties included managing the documents used in compiling court histories, prognosticating (<italic>tenmon</italic>
 天文), and overseeing activities in the market (<italic>ichi</italic>
 市) districts of the capital.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN17"><sup>17</sup>
</xref>
 It is the market that provides a likely link between this project to revive official history and medieval <italic>Heike</italic>
 performance. As Hyōdō Hiromi has shown, the <italic>biwa hōshi</italic>
 and other marginal types frequented the market districts of medieval Japan, especially the Eastern Market (<italic>higashi no ichi</italic>
 東市) in the capital (Hyōdō 2000: 161-161). The market setting was critical because it was there that Confucian minded court officials in charge of providing guidance to the ruler would have had easy access to the “voice of the people” (<italic>tami no koe</italic>
), which depending upon whether or not the strains were pleasant or angry would have been predictive of the rightness or wrongness of the ruler’s conduct. The <italic>biwa hōshi</italic>
 were thus ideally suited to serve as potential mediators or conduits of the medieval soundscape.</p>
<p>The foregoing sketch is, of course, no more than a hypothesis; and it represents, in any case, only one facet of the <italic>Heike</italic>
’s complex role in the performance and musical culture of medieval Japan. Another dimension of medieval musical culture involves the musical hierophany (<italic>yōgō</italic>
 影向) and its relation to the transmission of secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions through the ceremony known as <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
. As these phenomena are not exclusive to the <italic>Heike</italic>
, what follows will take us beyond the <italic>Heike</italic>
 into the neighboring terrain of medieval esoteric thought and practice.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_006" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>The “Kanjō no maki”</bold>
</title>
<p>The <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
 famously concludes with a supplementary scroll known as the “Kanjō no maki” 灌頂巻, or “Initiate’s Scroll” in McCullough’s translation (McCullough 1988: 426-438). Going all the way back to Yamada Yoshio, <italic>Heike</italic>
 scholars have recognized a connection between the scroll’s title and the widespread medieval Shingon 真言 rituals of consecration (<italic>kanjō</italic>
) that mark a stage in a disciple’s access to a special transmission or body of knowledge associated with a particular teaching. In medieval <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
, for example, the consecration ceremony signified the transmission to the disciple of <italic>Takuboku</italic>
 啄木 the most secret of the three (sometimes four) secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions in the Moronaga lineage of <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission. Yamada, therefore, interpreted the title of the <italic>Heike</italic>
’s thirteenth scroll as an analogy to this Shingon rite of transmission, with the right to perform the “Kanjō no maki” presumably signifying a reciter’s admission into the highest rank of reciters. At the same time, the title has also been interpreted, somewhat more loosely, with reference to Kenreimon’in, whose life of prayer and devotions at the Buddhist nunnery of Jakkō-in 寂光院 forms the substance of the scroll’s narration. Here, I summarize the gist of a two-fold argument that I made in an earlier study.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN18"><sup>18</sup>
</xref>
</p>
<p>Rejecting a fairly widespread view that treated the scroll and Kenreimon’in’s role in it as reflecting the logic of placation, in this case, placation of the Heike dead, I suggested instead an analogy between Kenreimon’in and the Naga princess of the <italic>Lotus Sutra—</italic>
the daughter of the dragon king—focusing in particular on her reinterpretation in Shingon esoteric literature. Instead of merely placating the Heike dead, Kenreimon’in, I suggested, had already achieved nondual insight as an already enlightened being, overcoming the so-called limitations of her female gender. In pursuing this part of my argument, I was building on the earlier work of two <italic>Heike</italic>
 scholars, Nanami Hiroaki and Hyōdō Hiromi, and Yamamoto Hiroko’s work on the esoteric traditions recorded in <italic>Keiranjūyōshū</italic>
 渓嵐拾葉集 (Nanami 1993: 83-94; Hyōdō 2000: 185-186; and Yamamoto 1993: 225-285). The second part of my argument focused on the relationship between the “Kanjō no maki” and the guild (<italic>tōdō</italic>
 当道) reciters (<italic>zatō</italic>
 座頭) who had charge of this version of the <italic>Heike</italic>
. Here, I focused in particular on the medieval <italic>Heike</italic>
 reciters’ connections to Benzaiten 弁才天 worship and internal references inside the <italic>Heike</italic>
 to the secret compositions transmitted in the <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
 ceremony.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN19"><sup>19</sup>
</xref>
 My conclusion was that the recitation of the “Kanjō no maki” by the highest members of the guild would have been informed by their insight into the nondual knowledge of the dragon realm. The entire narrative, as reordered and arranged by the <italic>Heike</italic>
 master reciters, with its supplementary secret “Kanjō no maki,” unique to their textual line, also reflected this nondual insight. At the same time, as servants of the dragon deity and Benzaiten in her more violent aspect, some guild reciters would have been charged with placating the vengeful dead and other violent earthly energies. The rest of this essay builds upon this earlier argument by exploring connections between the esoteric <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
 tradition and the broader <italic>Heike</italic>
 textual corpus.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_007" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Musical Ekphrases</bold>
</title>
<p>The <italic>Heike</italic>
 variants, and medieval literature more generally, are filled with allusions to music’s capacity to aid in the achievement of salvation and enlightenment. Through a word play on the title of a music composition, the Senju-no-mae episode equates musical sound with rebirth in the Buddhist Pure Land, while the flute that Kumagae discovers on the body of the slain Atsumori becomes the cause of Kumagae’s entry into the way of Buddhist salvation, conveyed in the text by the shorthand of Bai Juyi’s 白居易 celebrated phrase <italic>kyōgen kigyo</italic>
 狂言綺語, literally “mad words and fancy phrases,” but in the Atsumori episode standing for the enlightening power of music (McCullough 1988: 317; <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, vol. 2: 251). In medieval Japan, Bai Juyi’s phrase together with esoteric doctrines on nondual insight encouraged an identification of poetical and musical practice with not only the quest for Buddhist enlightenment, but with its actual embodiment in a nondiscursive sense, as the following phrase from the Nō play <italic>Tsunemasa</italic>
 suggests: “The music of string and bamboo instruments also assists the Buddhist rites” (<italic>itotake no koe mo butsuji o nashisoete</italic>
 糸竹の聲も仏事をなし添へて) (<italic>Tsunemasa</italic>
, NKBT vol. 41: 312). In the <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 account of Tsunemasa’s <italic>biwa</italic>
 Seizan, the narrator divulges an extensive body of <italic>biwa</italic>
 lore connected to the naming of instruments, musical compositions, and the effects of secret compositions on those who hear them. We learn, for example, that hearing the most secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 composition, <italic>Takuboku</italic>
, produces the sensation of “deliverance from samsara and nirvana,”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN20"><sup>20</sup>
</xref>
 even as its musical strains echo with sutra verses such as “The self is without obstacles and one with the Dharma world; the self is empty and one with the void; the self is everywhere and knows no distinctions; the self from the start abides eternally in the Buddha.”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN21"><sup>21</sup>
</xref>
 But if music has this singular capacity to induce unmediated enlightenment in the listener, the epiphanic moment is equally present in the transpositions from the musical to the pictorial found in textual evocations of secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission.</p>
<p>How does one represent the moment of transmission in secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission (<italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
)? In the actual ceremony, as I will discuss below, it is visible in the adornment or ornamentation (<italic>shōgon</italic>
 荘厳) of the hall (<italic>dōjō</italic>
) where the ceremony takes place. In texts, too, this moment is also present: namely, ‘represented’ in a musical ekphrasis, a term that I borrow from classical rhetoric. The quotation marks around ‘represented’ signify its unusability in this context. As a term of poetics, ekphrasis has typically been limited in the modern period to designate the verbal description, often poetic, of an object, usually a picture or sculpture. As the representation of a representation, it has become the postmodern trope par excellence for talking about the representational quality of all verbal description, and the mediated nature of reality.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN22"><sup>22</sup>
</xref>
 However, as recent studies have shown, the modern usage obscures the classical rhetorical use that was alive well into the eighteenth century.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN23"><sup>23</sup>
</xref>
 The aim of classical ekphrasis, which could include descriptions of objects, places, landscapes, times of day, and the like, and not just paintings or statues, was actually the opposite of the modern emphasis on representation—namely, to convey “immediacy,” not merely to show something but to present it as if looking back at us, right before our eyes. As Janice Koelb notes in her study of ekphrasis, Quintilian, the Roman rhetorician, places the Greek <italic>enargeia</italic>
, or “vividness,” under the heading of <italic>ornamentum</italic>
:</p>
<disp-quote><p>We must thus count as an Ornament (ornamentum) the quality of <italic>enargeia</italic>
, which I mentioned in giving instructions for Narrative, because vividness, or, as some say, “representation,” is more than mere perspicuity, since instead of being merely transparent it somehow shows itself off. It is a great virtue to express our subject clearly and in such a way that it seems to be actually seen (Quintilian, 8.3.61; Koelb 2006: 32).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>The identification of the Latin word <italic>ornamentum</italic>
 with the Greek <italic>enargeia</italic>
 is suggestive. In Greek, <italic>enargeia</italic>
, or “vividness,” was cognate with <italic>enargḗs</italic>
, which in Homer conveys the dazzle or conspicuousness of divine presence. These qualities of conspicuousness and ornamentation are also present in <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
, both in the actual ceremony of transmitting the secret compositions and in the verbal ‘descriptions’ of musical hierophanies, which have the characteristic of “condensation” in their verbal texture that is analogous to the “ornamentation” (<italic>shōgon</italic>
) in the halls where consecrations (<italic>kanjō</italic>
) took place.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN24"><sup>24</sup>
</xref>
</p>
<p>Several of these hierophanies occur in the <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 equivalent of the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
 account of Tsunemasa’s <italic>biwa</italic>
 Seizan 青山, Green Mountains. In the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
, “Seizan” follows immediately upon the episode “Tsunemasa no miyako ochi” (Tsunemasa’s Flight from the Capital) in scroll seven, where Tsunemasa pays a visit to his <italic>biwa</italic>
 instructor at Ninnaji Temple. Tsunemasa’s <italic>biwa</italic>
 instructor has been identified as Shukaku Hosshinō (1150-1202),<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN25"><sup>25</sup>
</xref>
 who, in addition to his skill on the <italic>biwa</italic>
, was deeply versed in medieval musical theory, including Kūkai’s esoteric text <italic>The Meanings of Sound, Word and Reality</italic>
 (<italic>Shōji jissōgi</italic>
 声字実相義).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN26"><sup>26</sup>
</xref>
 It is not surprising, therefore, that the Tsunemasa episodes should disclose a profound interest in the <italic>biwa</italic>
 lore that had accreted around the late Heian <italic>biwa</italic>
 <italic>kanjō</italic>
 ceremony, including legends about the origin of <italic>biwa</italic>
 instruments and the transmission of the secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions to Fujiwara Sadatoshi (807-867) by the Chinese lute master Lian Jiefu 廉婕夫. It is possible that some of this lore belonged to the oral transmission (<italic>kuden</italic>
 口伝) that was passed on by Fujiwara no Moronaga to his disciple Fujiwara Takamichi (1166-1237).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN27"><sup>27</sup>
</xref>
 Both the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
 and <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 connect Tsunemasa’s Seizan to Fujiwara Sadatoshi, who is credited with introducing the first <italic>biwa</italic>
 instruments to Japan and with receiving the initial transmission of the secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions from the Chinese lute master Lian Jiefu. According to the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
 version of the <italic>Heike</italic>
 episode “Seizan,” Sadatoshi brought back three <italic>biwa</italic>
 instruments from China, Genjō 玄象, Shishimaru 獅子丸, and Seizan, whereas the <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 lists only two, Genjō and Seizan. In <italic>biwa</italic>
 lore, Seizan was second in power only to Genjō,<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN28"><sup>28</sup>
</xref>
 which by the time of Juntoku-in 順徳院 (r. 1210-1221), was regarded as too sacred for anyone but an emperor to play, and only then after having undergone the consecration, or <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
, rite.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN29"><sup>29</sup>
</xref>
 In a miniature ekphrasis of the landscape that is painted on the surface of Tsunemasa’s <italic>biwa</italic>
 Seizan, which is virtually identical in the <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 and Kakuichi versions, we learn how Seizan got its name: “It was made of wisteria wood, and because it displayed a dawn moon rising from between green trees on summer mountain peaks, it was called Green Mountains (<italic>Seizan</italic>
)” (McCullough 1988: 250, slightly modified).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN30"><sup>30</sup>
</xref>
 In the <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
, this miniature ekphrasis echoes a longer description of the initial hierophany that accompanied Lian Jiefu’s transmission of the secret compositions and the gifts of Genjō and Seizan to Fujiwara Sadatoshi: “While the master Lian Jiefu was plucking on his <italic>biwa</italic>
 and teaching the compositions to Sadatoshi, a heavenly being descended from the sky among the leafy branches in the verdant mountains and fluttered her sleeves like snowflakes whirled in a dance. The lute master, awed by the auspicious omen, named the lute Green Mountains.”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN31"><sup>31</sup>
</xref>
 The landscape painted on Seizan turns out to be the signature of this musical hierophany. In the same <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 section on the <italic>biwa</italic>
 Seizan, the narrator also discloses the origins of the secret composition <italic>Ryūsen</italic>
 流泉, or “Flowing Spring,” including how it got its name. We learn first that this was the Enlightenment Music (<italic>bodairaku</italic>
 菩提楽) of Maitreya’s Palace in the Tsuita Heaven, where it was played in order to enlighten the minds of the bodhisattvas who dwelled there. The story of how Bodairaku got the name Ryūsen is then traced back to the time when the Han Emperor Wu 武 was searching for the elixir of immortality, and a bodhisattva from Maitreya’s Tsuita Heaven descended from the sky. “When he began to play the composition, the dragon king secretly came and hid at the bottom of a spring in the South Courtyard. As he listened to the music, the flowing spring brimmed full in the courtyard. Ever since then, the composition has been known as “Flowing Spring” (<italic>Ryūsen</italic>
).”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN32"><sup>32</sup>
</xref>
 Here, of course, we have all the elements previously identified with the <italic>Heike</italic>
 reciters of the “Kanjō no maki”—<italic>biwa</italic>
 music, flowing water, the dragon deity, and the link between music and enlightenment—all in the context of an extensive body of lore centered on the transmission of secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions. In the transpositions between the musical, verbal, and pictorial that characterize these ekphrases of musical performance and musical instruments, especially in the context of secret transmissions and heirloom instruments such as Seizan, we approach, I suggest, what would otherwise remain invisible, intangible—the unrepresentable moment of enlightenment that the actual ceremony of <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
 gestures toward in the ornamentation of the hall.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_008" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Moronaga and the <italic>Biwa Kanjō</italic>
 Ceremony</bold>
</title>
<p>As already noted, Fujiwara no Moronaga, who makes a number of appearances in the <italic>Heike</italic>
 variants as a recondite scholar and musician, was the founder of a lineage of <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission that was centered around the worship of Myōonten 妙音天, another name for Benzaiten, which would give rise to his sobriquet of Myōon-in 妙音院. The ceremony (<italic>gishiki</italic>
 儀式) of <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission (<italic>denju</italic>
 伝授) and consecration (<italic>kanjō</italic>
) that Moronaga played an important role in establishing took place in a specially constructed hall (<italic>dōjō</italic>
) located at the site of his Shijō Muromachi residence in the capital. According to the thirteenth century collection of musical <italic>setsuwa</italic>
, <italic>Bunkidan</italic>
, Moronaga had a sacred image (<italic>honzon</italic>
 本尊) of Myōon-tenjo 妙音天女 installed inside this prayer hall, or Myōon-dō 妙音堂 (Iwasa 2007: 172). After the death of Moronaga in 1192, management of the transmission was taken over by his disciple Takamichi, who reconstructed the hall in another location. Eventually, this particular <italic>biwa</italic>
 lineage and its ceremonies, including the <italic>honzon</italic>
 of Myōonten, was transmitted to the Saionji 西園寺 house of Fujiwara Kintsune 藤原公経 (1171-1244), who constructed another prayer hall at Kitayama in the hills north of the capital, where musical banquets, recorded in some detail in <italic>The Clear Mirror</italic>
 (<italic>Masuka-gami</italic>
 増鏡), were regularly held. <italic>The Clear Mirror</italic>
 also states that the Saionji Myōon-dō was built at the edge of a pond by a waterfall, an indication, I would suggest, of the presiding presence of the water deity Benzaiten (Inui 1965a: 8-10; Perkins 1998: 72, 87, 133).</p>
<p>The history of the rise and fall of this illustrious <italic>biwa</italic>
 lineage over the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, whose adepts included a series of medieval emperors, has been covered in detail by Sakaki Taijun, Inui Katsumi, and more recently by Iso Mizue, Toyonaga Satomi, and others.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN33"><sup>33</sup>
</xref>
 Here, I will focus on the <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
 ceremony itself, looking first at some general problems connected to performance theory as a strategy for analyzing <italic>kanjō</italic>
 rites in general, and then at the protocols related specifically to the <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
 ceremony instituted by Moronaga and his disciple Takamichi. I also return for a closer look at the role played by <italic>ornamentation</italic>
 (<italic>shōgon,</italic>
 <italic>sōshoku</italic>
) in consecration rituals, and its possible analogy with verbal and musical ekphrases that record and condense moments of hierophanic presence in medieval accounts of musical performance, especially those centered on the secret compositions (<italic>hikyoku</italic>
 秘曲) in <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission. Although the esoteric rites of medieval <italic>kanjō</italic>
 ceremonies take us beyond the more immediate concerns of this issue—the role of <italic>geinō</italic>
 and medieval Buddhism—the performative dimension of these ceremonies make them functionally relevant to any discussion of medieval <italic>geinō</italic>
.</p>
<p>In a well-known essay on Shingon rituals, “Visualization and Mandala in Shingon Buddhism,” Robert Sharf critiqued the idea that “mandalas function as aids for visualization,” arguing that the vocabulary for the “mental activity” typically taken as indicating the active construction of visual images in the mind’s eye was being misread. Instead, Sharf argued that the technical terms for the “mental component” (<italic>imitsu</italic>
 意密) of these Shingon consecration rituals—two of his many examples include the Sino-Japanese compounds <italic>kansō</italic>
 観想 and <italic>kannen</italic>
 観念—were not translatable as “visualization” but referred “to procedures whose elements are often more discursive, literary, or tropical than they are visual or graphic” (Sharf 2001: 151, 163). In his analysis, this mental component, or “contemplation” to use one of Sharf’s preferred translations for the term <italic>kansō</italic>
, turns out to be something much closer to the inverse of visualization. It involves a logical activity, or discursive process, whose goal, in one example discussed, is to “disassemble” the deity’s mantra syllable by syllable and thereby deconstruct the deity: “And yet, according to the narrative logic of the rite, to deconstruct the deity in this manner is precisely to become one with the mind of the deity. The deity’s mind <italic>is</italic>
 the pure contemplation of emptiness” (Sharf 2001: 185). Here, Sharf carries his description right up to the edge of “inexpressibility” but no further, since his goal, as stated at the very beginning of his essay, is to reject a “phenomenological” approach to the subject that privileges the “‘inner experience’ of the practitioner over the performative and sacerdotal dimensions of the rite” (Sharf 2001: 154). In brief, the epiphanic moment of enlightenment, what the outward forms of the rite are in some sense held to induce or capture, is left undisclosed in Sharf’s analysis. How then is that moment captured or acknowledged in such rites? Sharf’s analysis would suggest that it is there in outward shows and visible forms, routines, formal procedures of the rite, gesturing back to the initiate with a magical force: “Like all Buddhist icons, a Shingon mandala is not so much a representation of the divine as it is a locus of the divine—the ground upon which the principle deity is made manifest” (Sharf 2001: 189). It is, I suggest, through these “animate” Buddha images, and in the technical procedure involving <italic>adornment</italic>
 (<italic>shōgon</italic>
) discussed by Sharf, an anticipatory revivification of the hall where the ceremony will take place, that the effects of enlightenment—the epiphanic moment—will be displayed. A closer look at the protocols and instructions for <italic>biwa kanjō</italic>
 should make this clear.</p>
<p>In a study on the transmission of the secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions, Iso Mizue compares and contrasts several sets of Rules for Transmission, one dating from the late twelfth to early thirteenth century and the other back to the early fourteenth century when the transmission had passed into the hands of the Saionji house (Iso 2000: 60-118). Although the extant copies of the earlier rules are late, their contents related to <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission are thought to go back to Moronaga and his disciple, Takamichi. In addition to their contrasting styles, Sino-Japanese (<italic>kanbun</italic>
) for the <italic>Gakka dengyō shiki</italic>
 楽家伝業式 (1192) and vernacular for the <italic>Biwa kanjō shidai</italic>
 琵琶灌頂次第 (1205), the <italic>Biwa kanjō</italic>
 transmits a fuller version of Moronaga’s oral transmission (<italic>kuden</italic>
) that reflects an effort to extend the line of secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission back to the time of Fujiwara Sadatoshi. Although the details of the rules vary, the instructions on the adornment or ornamentation (<italic>shōgon, sōshoku</italic>
) of the interior hall (<italic>dōjō</italic>
) indicate not only precision in the arrangement of the ritual site, with exact specifications for the placement of mats (<italic>shitone</italic>
), screens (<italic>byōbu</italic>
 屏風), <italic>biwa</italic>
, ink (<italic>suzuri</italic>
 硯) and writing stand (<italic>bundai</italic>
 文台)—these last two for inscribing the codicil or <italic>okugaki</italic>
 奥書—musical score (<italic>fu</italic>
 譜), and other items, but they also disclose touches of opulence in the silk and brocade fabrics for some of the screens, floor mats, and hangings.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN34"><sup>34</sup>
</xref>
 In describing the form of the transmission and consecration, the <italic>Biwa kanjō shidai</italic>
 states: “As a rule, the transmission of all three compositions is referred to as consecration (<italic>kanjō</italic>
). This is the same as the Shingon Three Part Consecration.”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN35"><sup>35</sup>
</xref>
 “After <italic>Takuboku</italic>
, the composition <italic>Ryūsen</italic>
 is especially honored and to be kept absolutely secret.”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN36"><sup>36</sup>
</xref>
 Finally, to indicate the identification of both <italic>biwa</italic>
 and its music with the truths of Buddhist practice and enlightenment, the <italic>Biwa kanjō shidai</italic>
 states: “The <italic>biwa</italic>
 condenses in its form Myōonten’s enlightenment, and its music is the ground of her sacred image.”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN37"><sup>37</sup>
</xref>
</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_009" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Myōōn-in’s Musical Hierophany</bold>
</title>
<p>According to an anecdote collected in the <italic>Bunkidan</italic>
, Kamo no Chōmei (1155-1216) once held a musical banquet in the recesses of the Kamo Shrine where the invited guests took turns playing through all of the secret musical compositions, in a format referred to as <italic>hikyoku tsukushi</italic>
 秘曲つくし. Chōmei chose to play <italic>Takuboku</italic>
, at that time already regarded as the most secret of the <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions. However, because he had not received the transmission from a master and was therefore unauthorized to perform it, when Fujiwara Takamichi got wind of the violation, he reported it to Gotoba, who became incensed and ordered the crime investigated (Iwasa 2007: 104-110). Whether this actually happened—and Iso Mizue thinks it unlikely—the anecdote captures the power and allure of music in the medieval period, which was further enhanced by the politics of secrecy that prevailed at the time.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN38"><sup>38</sup>
</xref>
 Among the many episodes that highlight musical performances in the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
, it is the <italic>biwa</italic>
 alone whose music has links to secret compositions, provokes hierophanies, and whose sounds reach directly into the spirit world. When Tsunemasa plays the secret compositions at Chikubushima, it elicits the presence of Daibenkudokuten 大弁功徳天, otherwise known as Benzaiten, who appears “in the guise of a white dragon.”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN39"><sup>39</sup>
</xref>
 Another hierophany occurs in “The Exiling of the Ministers of State” (Daijin Ruzai 大臣流罪), in scroll three, when Fujiwara no Moronaga, exiled from the capital by Kiyomori, entertains the shrine goddess at Atsuta by chanting <italic>rōei</italic>
 and playing secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions. On this occasion, the deity makes her presence felt by shaking the shrine buildings in what is presumably an earthquake (McCullough 1988: 122-125; and <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, vol. 1: 254-259). In the <italic>Engyōbon</italic>
, this same episode is followed by one of the most evocative of several extended musical hierophanies in the <italic>Engyōbon</italic>
 variant:</p>
<disp-quote><p>On another day, when he was feeling rather bored, he made his way into the mountains of Miyaji. Since the season was well past the twentieth day of the godless month, the branches were bare and fallen leaves buried the path. From out of the white mist covering the mountains the call of a solitary bird sounded faintly. As he entered deeper and deeper into the mountains, a look back toward the village showed the dwellings all hidden from view. Behind him a pine-clad mountain towered up, and a waterfall (<italic>ryūsui</italic>
 滝水) plunged foaming over white rocks. There above the rocks (<italic>sekijō</italic>
 石上) he found an excellent spot graced with a flowing spring (<italic>ryūsen</italic>
 流泉).<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN40"><sup>40</sup>
</xref>
 With moss covering the surface of the rocks, it was a place suited to the <italic>biwa</italic>
 melody <italic>Jōgen</italic>
 上絃. After spreading a tiger mat (<italic>karakawa</italic>
 唐皮) on top of the rocks, Moronaga turned toward the waterfall, placed the wisteria shell <italic>biwa</italic>
 that he had brought with him on his knees, took out his pick, and plucked at the strings. When playing four string instruments, he favored the <italic>kyū</italic>
 宮 and <italic>shō</italic>
 商 compositions; when playing five string instruments, he preferred <italic>gyoku</italic>
 玉 and <italic>shō</italic>
 compositions.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN41"><sup>41</sup>
</xref>
 Lightly pressing the strings and plucking them gently, he then strummed them in reverse. First he played Rainbow Skirts (<italic>geishō</italic>
 霓裳). <italic>Loudly on the thick strings, like swift falling rain, and then on the small strings, like whispered words. The first and second strings trilled like the warbling of a spring nightingale; smooth like the underside of a cherry blossom. The sound of the third and fourth strings was loud and full; muffled like a frozen spring stricken beneath the ice.</italic>
 <italic>Like the sound of jewels large and small falling in a jade basin</italic>
,<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN42"><sup>42</sup>
</xref>
 so was his plucking. Although the Phoenix (<italic>hōō</italic>
 鳳凰) and Mandarin (<italic>en’ō</italic>
 鴛鴦) do not chime in unison, the mood was such that the mountain deity seemed moved. Though the branches were bare, the jeweled sounds of the melodies <italic>Sōka</italic>
 葱花 and <italic>Takuboku</italic>
 啄木 echoed in the dusk. At that moment, a dark blue deity appeared from the bottom of the pool. Beating out the rhythm on her knees and following along with Moronaga’s <italic>biwa</italic>
, she sang a reed pipe song in an exquisite voice. It was unclear who the performer was. The melody ended. When he put away his instrument and plectrum, the deity spoke: “I have spent many years at the bottom of this pool, but I have never heard anything so wonderful. As a reward, you shall return home within three days.” No sooner had she finished speaking than she vanished. The deeds of water deities (<italic>suijin</italic>
 水神) are indeed remarkable. Pondering on the deed, Moronaga came to realize the truth of the following saying: “Evil karma and good karma are one.” Five days later, a letter was dispatched informing him to return home. An adept in the musical arts, this is the very Myōon-in Chancellor spoken of today. People said it was the manifestation of the bodhisattva Myōon (<italic>Engyōbon</italic>
 1990, vol. 1: 313-314).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Woven into this text, or what I prefer to call a musical ekphrasis, are multiple polyvalent references to music and musical compositions, including several of the secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions—<italic>Sekijō</italic>
, <italic>Ryūsen</italic>
, and <italic>Takuboku</italic>
—which make it into a textual weave of musical notes echoing in the landscape. Another way to imagine the text is as arising out of the tones of the secret music as they transpose themselves and materialize into the surrounding scene as Moronaga performs the secret compositions <italic>Sekijō</italic>
 and <italic>Ryūsen</italic>
: “. . . <italic>above the rocks</italic>
 he found an excellent spot <italic>graced with a flowing spring</italic>
.” Throughout the episode, the vivid description, or ekphrasis, condenses the musical sound into verbal texture, cycling musical notes into letters and letters into the pictured setting, an epiphanic movement that transports the reader or listener into the moment of enlightenment. The other notable feature is the echoing of Bai Juyi’s celebrated poem <italic>Pipa xing</italic>
 (Song of the Lute)—a feature shared with other musical hierophanies—which in turn becomes part of the polyphonic exchange of musical and verbal echoing in the landscape.</p>
</sec>
<sec id="B10.1163_22118349-12341256_010" sec-type="head1"><title><bold>Conclusion</bold>
</title>
<p>In his study of music in the Renaissance, Michael Tomlinson suggests that the Neo-Platonic philosopher Marsilio Ficino came close in some of his writings to undermining “the traditional hierarchy of the five senses in western thought, which placed sight over hearing.” Ficino, Tomlinson continues, “in the face of what amounts to a long series of visualist discourses dominating western sensibilities. . . . offered a compelling auralist alternative” (Tomlinson 1993: 134-136). For another example of the auralist alternative we can turn to China. In his study of Chinese music, Kenneth DeWoskin contrasts the privileging of the visual in Platonic discourse with the openness to the aural that one finds in ancient Chinese discourse on the Sage. Whereas Platonic discourse often equated understanding with metaphors of light—‘clear,’ ‘enlightened,’ ‘visionary,’ and the like—in the following passage from Pan Ku on the sage (<italic>sheng-jen</italic>
 聖人), it is the ear that is the prime conduit of knowledge and wisdom:</p>
<disp-quote><p>What is meant by the term <italic>sheng</italic>
 in <italic>sheng-jen</italic>
? <italic>Sheng</italic>
: sage is what connects things; it is the Tao; it is <italic>sheng</italic>
: sound. There is nothing to which his Tao does not connect and nothing on which his illumination does not shine. By listening to sounds, he knows the nature of things (DeWoskin 1982: 32).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>In medieval Japan, which had taken and absorbed much from continental Chinese traditions, there is little to indicate anything close to a firm hierarchy of the senses. In fact, the contrary seems to have been the case, with sounds and music (hearing) equal to words and painting (sight), at least as modes of enlightening discourse. Despite this, a deconstructive turn of the past few decades has, I would argue, privileged words and discursivity to the neglect of auralist, musical, and other nondiscursive modes of discourse. Sharf’s critique of visuality, for example, useful as it is, concentrates on meditative techniques that seem, in Sharf’s explication of the deconstructing and disassembling of the mantra, entangled in overly linguistic and syntactical metaphors,<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN43"><sup>43</sup>
</xref>
 whereas the musical ekphrases touched on in this paper, in addition to suggesting alternative ways for talking about visual or pictorial practices, especially in their intersections with the verbal, more radically cycle content from sense-field to sense-field, exhibiting that resonant echoing that characterizes the five phase correlations of musical tones in Chinese musical theory, and also in texts such as Kūkai’s <italic>The Meanings of Sound, Word and Reality</italic>
, whose celebrated verse at the opening of his treatise I quote in Abé Ryūichi’s translation from his study <italic>The Weaving of Mantra</italic>
:</p>
<verse-group><verse-line>Vibrating in each other’s echoes are the five great elements</verse-line>
<verse-line>That give rise to languages unique to each of the ten realms</verse-line>
<verse-line>All in the six sense sense-fields are letters, the letters</verse-line>
<verse-line>Of the Dharmakāya, which is reality.<sup><xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN44">44</xref>
</sup>
</verse-line>
</verse-group>
<p>In Abé’s masterful explication of these celebrated verses that occupies the rest of that chapter in his study, the emphasis nonetheless falls squarely on the discursive and verbal, despite the resonant musicality of Kūkai’s text, which, as Abe Yasurō has pointed out, found a place at the center of Shukaku Hosshinō’s and other medieval writers’ meditations on music and sound. Living through the disorder that would later become known as the Genpei War, this same Shukaku Hosshinō, as was noted earlier, recorded hearing the “angry strains of a country going to ruin.” Performed <italic>Heike</italic>
 may have been one medieval response to such destructive sounds. But the adepts of the “Kanjō no maki,” I suggest, also had a secret discipline, whose echo we catch in this comment from the <italic>Bunkidan</italic>
 author on how Chōmei’s performance of <italic>Takuboku</italic>
 affected his audience: “I and the others felt as if we had been born into another world and had arrived in an unknown country. There was not one of us who did not feel his ears tingle with awe and his eyes open wide.”<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN45"><sup>45</sup>
</xref>
</p>
</sec>
</body>
<back><fn-group><fn id="FN1"><p><sup>1</sup>
 For a summary of Tsukudo’s theory and Jien’s project of national placation, see Hyōdō (1989: 51-54). Reprints of several of Tsukudo’s key essays on these topics can be found in Tsukudo (1987: 1-6; and 1976: 270-299).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN2"><p><sup>2</sup>
 See <italic>Daisenpōin jōjō kishō no koto</italic>
 in <italic>Kamakura ibun</italic>
, vol. 3, doc. 1659; and <italic>Jien no ganmon</italic>
, in <italic>Kamakura ibun</italic>
, vol. 5, doc. 3038.</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN3"><p><sup>3</sup>
 The <italic>Shishuki</italic>
 師守記, the fourteenth century diary of Nakahara no Morokami 中原師守 (collected in <italic>Dai nihon shiryō</italic>
 大日本史料), records three occasions on which the master reciter Kakuichi was summoned to perform <italic>Heike</italic>
 at a private prayer hall after a Buddhist memorial service: Ryakuō 3; 2; 4 (1340); Jōwa 3; 2; 21 (1347); and Jōji 2; 1; 3 (1363). For a discussion see Watanabe (1991: 51-52). The three entries are also collected in Takagi (1960: 313-314).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN4"><p><sup>4</sup>
 For a detailed analysis of the musical structure of <italic>Goshōraku</italic>
, see Nelson (2008b: 52-59).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN5"><p><sup>5</sup>
 Ying music was also part of the ritual music performed by shrine attendants and worshippers at the Itsukushima Shrine. Its special quality is captured by the term <italic>arigataki</italic>
: “As musical entertainment for the goddess, there was chanting of new songs and Chinese poems, ballads, country dances, and the like, and other <italic>unusual</italic>
 Ying music.” (<italic>Shinmei hōraku no tame ni, imayō rōei utai, fuzoku saibara nando, arigataki eikyoku domo arikeri</italic>
 神明法楽のために、今様朗詠うたひ、風俗催馬楽なンど、ありがたき郢曲どもありけり) (<italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, vol. 1: 173).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN6"><p><sup>6</sup>
 Tomoyasu’s <italic>geinō</italic>
, for example, in the episode “Tsuzumi hōgan” 鼓判官 (The Tsuzumi Police Lieutenant), in scroll eight of the Heike, signals a complete collapse of royal authority and stands in contrast with the power of royal speech that could once command obedience from a heron (<italic>sagi</italic>
 鷺) in the royal garden of the Shinzen’en 神泉苑, which is recounted in “Chōteki zoroe” 朝敵揃 (An Array of Court Enemies) in scroll five of the <italic>Heike</italic>
. For a detailed discussion, see Abe (1996: 131-135); and Bialock (2007: 247-249).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN7"><p><sup>7</sup>
 <italic>Tsurezuregusa</italic>
, NKBT (vol. 30: 271-273); Keene (1967: 185-188).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN8"><p><sup>8</sup>
 For the background to the medieval phenomena of <italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
 and the various musical genres and styles implicated in the accusation, see the excellent accounts in Nabata (1981: 173-183; 1987: 18-38); Yuge (1989: 37-52); and Taira (1992: 287-328).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN9"><p><sup>9</sup>
 The <italic>locus classicus</italic>
 for the mournful strains associated with <italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
 is in the <italic>Yue ji</italic>
 樂記 (Record of Music) chapter of the <italic>Li ji</italic>
 禮記 (Book of Rites). See “Record of Music” (<italic>Gakuki</italic>
) in Fukunaga (1971: 14). The association between <italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
 and the <italic>shō</italic>
 mode in the medieval Japanese tradition is consistent throughout the musical treatises <italic>Kangen ongi</italic>
 管絃音義 (The Meaning of Instrumental Music, 1185), <italic>Kyōkunshō</italic>
 教訓抄 (Selections for Instruction and Admonition, 1233), and the musical digest <italic>Taigenshō</italic>
 體源抄 (1512) of Toyohara Sumiaki 豊原統秋 (1450-1524). See for example the article on <italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
 in <italic>Taigenshō</italic>
 4 (<italic>jū-ichi–jū-san</italic>
), 1477-1478, which also references the <italic>Kangen ongi</italic>
 passage on <italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
. For the <italic>Kyōkunshō</italic>
 passage on <italic>bōkoku no oto</italic>
, see footnote 11.</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN10"><p><sup>10</sup>
 On this point, see Nagaike (1988: 62-63).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN11"><p><sup>11</sup>
 According to <italic>Kyōkunshō</italic>
, “Sad music is the sound of a nation going to ruin” (<italic>gaku no aware naru oba bōkoku no oto to iu</italic>
). It also links this to specific musical modes, including the <italic>hyōjō</italic>
 mode: “The <italic>hyōjō</italic>
 mode’s element is metal. Its direction is west. It is the sound of a nation going to ruin.” (<italic>Hyōjō wa kinjō nari. Saihō no oto nari. Bōkoku no oto nari</italic>
 平調ハ金商也。西方音也。亡国音也) (see <italic>Kyōkunshō</italic>
: 119). An excellent example of Confucian musical ethos and <italic>biwa</italic>
 music is the <italic>Taiheiki</italic>
 episode “Kitayama-dono no muhon no koto” (Concerning the Rebellion of Lord Kitayama), which recounts the decline of the Saionji house’s tradition of <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmission. For the episode, see <italic>Taiheiki</italic>
, NKBT (vol. 35: 28-29); and for a discussion of the episode, see my article, “Onmyōdō and Medieval (13th-14th C.) Japanese Theories of Sound, with special attention to <italic>The Tale of the Heike</italic>
 as Performed Narrative” (Bialock forthcoming).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN12"><p><sup>12</sup>
 The first citation is from the section of elegies (scroll six: 789) in Minamoto Shunrai’s personal poetry collection, <italic>Sanboku kikashū</italic>
 散木奇歌集 (Irregular Poems from the Lumber Yard); and the second citation, from the poetic treatise <italic>Kaen renjo kotogaki</italic>
 歌苑連署事書 (Joint Signatories of the Garden of Poetry, 1315). Both are cited and discussed in Kami Hiroshi (1995: 208-209). For the <italic>Kaen renjo kotogaki</italic>
 passage, see also Takagi (1960: 51-52); and <italic>Nihon kagaku taikei</italic>
 (vol. 4: 104).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN13"><p><sup>13</sup>
 On the connection between blind musicians and water, see Hattori (1979: 32-53).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN14"><p><sup>14</sup>
 Attributed to the Nijō house <italic>waka</italic>
 lineage, the poetic treatise <italic>Kaen renjo kotogaki</italic>
 was extremely critical of the imperial <italic>waka</italic>
 collection <italic>Gyokuyō</italic>
 <italic>wakashū</italic>
, which was compiled by the rival poetic faction of Kyōgoku Tamekane in 1312. For Matsuo’s reassessment of this passage, see Matsuo (1996: 180-182). On the disputes between the Nijō and Kyōgoku poetic houses, see Carter (2007: 81-109).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN15"><p><sup>15</sup>
 Cited from the opening passage in the <italic>Saki</italic>
 左記, a medieval miscellanea attributed to Shukaku Hoshinnō (1150-1202), who was referencing the turmoil of the Genpei War. See <italic>T</italic>
 vol. 78, no. 2492: 607b17. Also cited and discussed in Abe (2001: 6).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN16"><p><sup>16</sup>
 On the suppression of Hōnen’s <italic>nenbutsu</italic>
 chanting, see Nabata (1987: 19-20); and on the complicated history of Seikaku’s reversal and suppression of Hōnen’s exclusive <italic>nenbutsu</italic>
, see Taira (1992: 329-387).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN17"><p><sup>17</sup>
 Gomi (1987: 176-210); and on their ties to the Nakahara family, Shimizu (1998: 41-52).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN18"><p><sup>18</sup>
 See Bialock (2003: 293-310), where I analyzed the scroll as both a performed piece in the tradition of medieval <italic>Heike</italic>
 recitation and also in relation to its main subject matter centered on Kenreimon’in’s encounter with Go-Shirakawa.</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN19"><p><sup>19</sup>
 On Benzaiten and <italic>Heike</italic>
 reciters, see Hyōdō (2000: 174-184).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN20"><p><sup>20</sup>
 <italic>Kono kyoku o kiku mono wa, shōji gedatsu no kokoro ari</italic>
 此曲ヲ聞物ハ、生死解脱ノ心アリ (<italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
, vol. 6: 32).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN21"><p><sup>21</sup>
 <italic>Gashin muge hokkai dō / gashin kokū go hon ichi / gashin henyū mushabetsu / gashin honrai jōjū butsu</italic>
 我心無碍法界同 我心虚空其本一 我心遍用無差別 我心本来常住仏 (<italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
, vol. 6: 32).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN22"><p><sup>22</sup>
 A representative example is John Ashbery’s poem “Self-Portrait in a Convex Mirror” (see Ashbery 1985: 188-204).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN23"><p><sup>23</sup>
 For discussions, see Koelb (2006: 1-42); Francis (2009: 1-23); and Krieger (1992) for a more extended theoretical analysis.</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN24"><p><sup>24</sup>
 My conjoining of ekphrasis with <italic>shōgon</italic>
 shares points in common with Cynthea Bogel’s discussion of “adornment” (<italic>shōgon</italic>
) as a Buddhist “visual rhetoric,” though Bogel’s study focuses more on material objects than the synaesthesia of auditory, visual, and tactile cross-overs that I attempt to address in this essay. See Bogel (2009: 54-57).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN25"><p><sup>25</sup>
 On the identification of the Ninnaji Princely Abbot (<italic>Ninnaji no omuro</italic>
 仁和寺の御室) with Shukaku Hosshinō and some of the chronological problems that it raises, see Tomikura (1966-1968, vol. 2: 412-413).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN26"><p><sup>26</sup>
 Shukaku’s observations on music are contained in his miscellaneous notes the <italic>Uki</italic>
 右記 and <italic>Saki</italic>
 左記, today regarded as apocryphal by some scholars. For a discussion, see Abe (2001: 5-10; and 1998: 18-19, 24-26).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN27"><p><sup>27</sup>
 In her detailed discussion of the background to secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 transmissions, Iso Mizue notes the absence of rules for transmission prior to those attributed to Moronaga and his disciple. One of these sets of rules, to be discussed below, embellishes upon the spare details of Fujiwara Sadatoshi’s trip to China that are recorded in <italic>Sandai Jitsuroku</italic>
 三代実録 (Record of Three Reigns) and other historical documents. The thirteenth century <italic>Bunkidan</italic>
 文机談, which is somewhat later than the rules for transmission (<italic>shidai</italic>
 次第), contains additional details that echo some of the legends recorded in <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
’s Tsunemasa section, including reference to a <italic>kanjō</italic>
 ceremony supposedly held in the Shinsen’en 神泉苑 during the reign of Emperor Seiwa 清和 (r. 858-876). The Shinsen’en also had a spring, a detail echoed in one of the <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 legends to be discussed below. See Iso (2003: 66-67).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN28"><p><sup>28</sup>
 Genjō is the subject of a strange story in <italic>Konjaku</italic>
 24: 24, which recounts how it was stolen from the court by a demon (<italic>oni</italic>
 鬼) and taken to the Rashōmon Gate. For a discussion, see Bialock (2003: 304-305).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN29"><p><sup>29</sup>
 On the imperial taboos associated with Genjō, see Iso (2000: 90-92); and Nakahara (2009: 208-222).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN30"><p><sup>30</sup>
 <italic>Kō wa shitō no kō, natsuyama no mine no midori no ko no ma yori, ariake no tsuki no izuru o, bachimen ni kakaretarikeru yue ni koso, Seizan to wa tsukeraretare</italic>
 甲は紫藤の甲、夏山の峰のみどりの木の間より、有明の月いづるを、撥面に書かれたりけるゆゑにこそ、青山とは付けられたれ (<italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
, vol. 2: 102).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN31"><p><sup>31</sup>
 <italic>Hakushi, kono biwa o tanjitsutsu, kyoku o Sadatoshi ni oshieshi ni, aoyama no midori no kozue ni, tenjin amakudaritsutsu, kaisetsu no sode o hirugaesu. Hakushi zuisō ni odorokite, Seizan to na o tsukeki</italic>
 博士、此琵琶ヲ弾ジつヽ、曲ヲ貞敏ニヲシヘシニ、青山ノ緑ノ梢ニ、天人天降ツヽ、廻雪ノ袖ヲヒルガヘス。博士瑞相ニ驚テ、青山と名ヲツケキ (<italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
, vol. 6: 30).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN32"><p><sup>32</sup>
 <italic>Butei no mae nite kono kyoku o shirabetamaishi toki, ryūō hisoka ni kitarite, nantei no izumi soko ni kakureite, kore o chōmon seshikaba, teishō ni izumi nagarete, michitarishi yori, kono kyoku oba ryūsen to nazuketari</italic>
 武帝ノ前ニテ此曲ヲ調ベ給シ時、龍王窃ニ来テ、南庭ノ泉底ニ隠居テ、此ヲ聴聞セシカバ、庭上ニ泉流テ、満タリシヨリ、此曲ヲバ流泉ト名タリ (<italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
, vol. 6: 32).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN33"><p><sup>33</sup>
 Sakaki Taijun (1964: 133-195); Inui (1965a: 8-13; 1965b: 7-12); Sōma (1984: 26-39); Iso (2000: 60-110); Shimizu (2005: 179-222); and Toyonaga (2006: 58-75).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN34"><p><sup>34</sup>
 Both the <italic>Gakka dengyō shiki</italic>
 and <italic>Biwa kanjō shidai</italic>
 are transcribed and quoted in parallel text in Iso (2000: 67-72). The regulations include indications for silk screens (<italic>kinu byōbu</italic>
 きぬ屏風), woven mats with embroidering of various sizes (<italic>kōrai hanjō</italic>
 高麗半帖, <italic>kōrai chōjō</italic>
 高麗長畳), and embroidered cushions (<italic>nishiki no shitone / kin-in</italic>
 錦茵).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN35"><p><sup>35</sup>
 <italic>Ōkata sankyoku denju wa, mina kanjō to mōsu, shingon no sanbu kanjō dōji naru yue nari</italic>
 大方三曲伝受は、皆灌頂と申す、真言の三部灌頂同事なる故也 (Iso 2000: 70).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN36"><p><sup>36</sup>
 <italic>Takuboku no tsugi ni wa, ryūsen koto ni omoku shi, fukaku hisubeshi</italic>
 啄木のつきには、 流泉ことにをもくし、ふかく秘すへし (Iso 2000: 70).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN37"><p><sup>37</sup>
 <italic>Biwa wa Myōonten sanmayagyō nari, kyoku mata honzon no sanmaji nari</italic>
 琵琶は妙音天 三摩耶形なり、曲又本尊の三摩地なり (Iso 2000: 71-72).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN38"><p><sup>38</sup>
 On the <italic>Bunkidan</italic>
 account of Chōmei’s playing of <italic>Takuboku</italic>
, see Iso (2000: 60-61); and Pandey (1998: 60-62). On secrecy in medieval culture, see Teeuwen and Scheid (2006); and from the same volume, Rambelli’s chapter, “Secrecy in Japanese Esoteric Buddhism” (Rambelli 2006: 107-129).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN39"><p><sup>39</sup>
 McCullough (1988: 226); <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
 (vol. 2: 46). Discussed in Bialock (2003: 307-308).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN40"><p><sup>40</sup>
 The passage weaves in the names of two secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 compositions, <italic>Sekijō</italic>
 and <italic>Ryūsen</italic>
, which materialize in the wooded outcropping of rock above a flowing spring where Moronaga performs <italic>Jōgen</italic>
, another secret <italic>biwa</italic>
 composition. Both <italic>Jōgen</italic>
 and <italic>Sekijō</italic>
 are mentioned in <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 as well as the <italic>Kakuichibon</italic>
 as part of Tsunemasa’s repertoire in his visit to Chikubushima. See scroll twenty-eight in <italic>Genpei seisuiki</italic>
 (vol. 5: 133); and <italic>Heike monogatari</italic>
 (vol. 2: 46).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN41"><p><sup>41</sup>
 As the <italic>Engyōbon</italic>
 commentary notes, it is unclear whether names of compositions or something else is being referenced in this passage. My translation of the phrases <italic>kyūshōdan</italic>
 宮商弾 and <italic>gyokushōdan</italic>
 玉商弾 as referring to kinds of musical composition is tentative. See <italic>Engyōbon Heike monogatari zenchūshaku</italic>
 (vol. 2: 501).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN42"><p><sup>42</sup>
 The italicized phrases are almost all direct quotations from Bai Juyi’s widely popular <italic>Pipa xing</italic>
 琵琶行. For a translation into English, see Watson (1984: 249-252). For commentary see <italic>Engyōbon Heike monogatari zenchūshaku</italic>
 (vol. 2: 501-502).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN43"><p><sup>43</sup>
 For another response to Sharf’s critique of visualist assumptions in premodern Buddhist meditative practices, see Bogel (2009: 213-224).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN44"><p><sup>44</sup>
 Abé (1999: 278), citing from <italic>Kōbō daishi zenshū</italic>
 (1: 524). For another edition of this text and passage, see <italic>Shōji jissōgi</italic>
, in <italic>Kōbō Daishi Kūkai zenshū</italic>
 (2: 274).</p>
</fn>
<fn id="FN45"><p><sup>45</sup>
 Iwasa (2007: 106). It is worth noting that in the <italic>Bunkidan</italic>
 account Chōmei’s playing of <italic>Takuboku</italic>
 affects both hearing <italic>and</italic>
 sight.</p>
</fn>
</fn-group>
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<!--Version 0.1 générée le 13-10-2015--><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo><title>Biwa Masters and Musical Hierophanies in the Heike monogatari and Other Medieval Texts</title>
</titleInfo>
<titleInfo type="alternative" contentType="CDATA"><title>Biwa Masters and Musical Hierophanies in the Heike monogatari and Other Medieval Texts</title>
</titleInfo>
<name type="personal"><namePart type="given">David T.</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Bialock</namePart>
<affiliation>University of Southern California, Los Angeles</affiliation>
<affiliation>E-mail: bialock@usc.edu</affiliation>
</name>
<typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource>
<genre authority="originalCategForm">research-article</genre>
<originInfo><publisher>Brill</publisher>
<place><placeTerm type="text">Netherlands</placeTerm>
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<dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2013</dateIssued>
<dateCreated encoding="w3cdtf">2013</dateCreated>
<copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2013</copyrightDate>
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<abstract>Abstract The Heike monogatari has long been at the center of discussions about the function of medieval Japanese performing arts, linked variously to ritual placation, purification, and to Buddhist sermonizing and entertainment. The present essay complicates this view by connecting Heike and biwa playing to several musical phenomena that have received less attention. These include the accusation of bōkoku no oto (sounds of a nation going to ruin), which criticized certain kinds of music from a Confucian ethical perspective, as well as the practice of esoteric biwa initiation (biwa kanjō) along with the related phenomena of the musical hierophany (yōgō) and the elaborate descriptions of music in Heike texts that I call ‘musical ekphrasis.’ The essay is divided into two parts. The first half highlights aspects of vocal, musical, and textual performance in the Heike, including the kinesthetic dimension of dance. The second part examines parallels between medieval guides to esoteric biwa initiation, such as the Biwa kanjō shidai, and descriptions of musical instruments and hierophanies in the Genpei seisuiki and Engyōbon Heike monogatari, two lesser known Heike variants. Moving away from a purely instrumental use of description in the Heike narratives, i.e., what might a certain passage tell us about biwa playing, I argue instead that these elaborate musical ekphrases woven into the Heike texts are themselves synaethesias, or auditory-visual-tactile manifolds, that gesture toward the epiphanic moment of enlightenment through music that is also echoed in the adornment (shōgon) of the esoteric biwa initiation ceremony.</abstract>
<subject><genre>Keywords</genre>
<topic>performance</topic>
<topic>music</topic>
<topic>medieval</topic>
<topic>enlightenment</topic>
<topic>biwa</topic>
<topic>Heike</topic>
</subject>
<relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Journal of Religion in Japan</title>
</titleInfo>
<titleInfo type="abbreviated"><title>JRJ</title>
</titleInfo>
<identifier type="ISSN">2211-8330</identifier>
<identifier type="eISSN">2211-8349</identifier>
<part><date>2013</date>
<detail type="title"><title>Buddhism and the Performing Arts (Geinō)</title>
</detail>
<detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption>
<number>2</number>
</detail>
<detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption>
<number>2-3</number>
</detail>
<extent unit="pages"><start>119</start>
<end>151</end>
</extent>
</part>
</relatedItem>
<identifier type="istex">2F039E05BD5E23A6E45ACDF0C01D4886E3DF52F3</identifier>
<identifier type="DOI">10.1163/22118349-12341256</identifier>
<identifier type="href">22118349_002_02-03_s002_text.pdf</identifier>
<accessCondition type="use and reproduction" contentType="Copyright">© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</accessCondition>
<recordInfo><recordOrigin>Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</recordOrigin>
<recordContentSource>BRILL JOURNALS</recordContentSource>
</recordInfo>
</mods>
</metadata>
<serie></serie>
</istex>
</record>

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Biwa Masters and Musical Hierophanies in the Heike monogatari and Other Medieval Texts

Biwa Masters and Musical Hierophanies in the Heike monogatari and Other Medieval Texts

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