The development of sensorimotor influences in the audiovisual speech domain: some critical questions
Identifieur interne : 000891 ( Pmc/Checkpoint ); précédent : 000890; suivant : 000892The development of sensorimotor influences in the audiovisual speech domain: some critical questions
Auteurs : Bahia Guellaï [France] ; Arlette Streri [France] ; H. Henny Yeung [France]Source :
- Frontiers in Psychology [ 1664-1078 ] ; 2014.
Abstract
Speech researchers have long been interested in how auditory and visual speech signals are integrated, and the recent work has revived interest in the role of speech production with respect to this process. Here, we discuss these issues from a developmental perspective. Because speech perception abilities typically outstrip speech production abilities in infancy and childhood, it is unclear how speech-like movements could influence audiovisual speech perception in development. While work on this question is still in its preliminary stages, there is nevertheless increasing evidence that
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DOI: 10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00812
PubMed: 25147528
PubMed Central: 4123602
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<front><div type="abstract" xml:lang="en"><p>Speech researchers have long been interested in how auditory and visual speech signals are integrated, and the recent work has revived interest in the role of speech production with respect to this process. Here, we discuss these issues from a developmental perspective. Because speech perception abilities typically outstrip speech production abilities in infancy and childhood, it is unclear how speech-like movements could influence audiovisual speech perception in development. While work on this question is still in its preliminary stages, there is nevertheless increasing evidence that <italic>sensorimotor</italic>
processes (defined here as any motor or proprioceptive process related to orofacial movements) affect developmental audiovisual speech processing. We suggest three areas on which to focus in future research: (i) the relation between audiovisual speech perception and sensorimotor processes at birth, (ii) the pathways through which sensorimotor processes interact with audiovisual speech processing in infancy, and (iii) developmental change in sensorimotor pathways as speech production emerges in childhood.</p>
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<pmc article-type="review-article"><pmc-dir>properties open_access</pmc-dir>
<front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="nlm-ta">Front Psychol</journal-id>
<journal-id journal-id-type="iso-abbrev">Front Psychol</journal-id>
<journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">Front. Psychol.</journal-id>
<journal-title-group><journal-title>Frontiers in Psychology</journal-title>
</journal-title-group>
<issn pub-type="epub">1664-1078</issn>
<publisher><publisher-name>Frontiers Media S.A.</publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="pmid">25147528</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="pmc">4123602</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00812</article-id>
<article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Psychology</subject>
<subj-group><subject>Mini Review Article</subject>
</subj-group>
</subj-group>
</article-categories>
<title-group><article-title>The development of sensorimotor influences in the audiovisual speech domain: some critical questions</article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name><surname>Guellaï</surname>
<given-names>Bahia</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1"><sup>1</sup>
</xref>
<xref ref-type="author-notes" rid="fn001"><sup>*</sup>
</xref>
<uri xlink:type="simple" xlink:href="http://community.frontiersin.org/people/u/128923"></uri>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author"><name><surname>Streri</surname>
<given-names>Arlette</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2"><sup>2</sup>
</xref>
<uri xlink:type="simple" xlink:href="http://community.frontiersin.org/people/u/173784"></uri>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author"><name><surname>Yeung</surname>
<given-names>H. Henny</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2"><sup>2</sup>
</xref>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff3"><sup>3</sup>
</xref>
<xref ref-type="author-notes" rid="fn001"><sup>*</sup>
</xref>
<uri xlink:type="simple" xlink:href="http://community.frontiersin.org/people/u/137441"></uri>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="aff1"><sup>1</sup>
<institution>Laboratoire Ethologie, Cognition, Développement, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, Nanterre</institution>
<country>France</country>
</aff>
<aff id="aff2"><sup>2</sup>
<institution>CNRS, Laboratoire Psychologie de la Perception, UMR 8242, Paris</institution>
<country>France</country>
</aff>
<aff id="aff3"><sup>3</sup>
<institution>Université Paris Descartes, Paris Sorbonne Cité, Paris</institution>
<country>France</country>
</aff>
<author-notes><fn fn-type="edited-by"><p>Edited by: <italic>Maya Gratier, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, France</italic>
</p>
</fn>
<fn fn-type="edited-by"><p>Reviewed by: <italic>Caroline Floccia, University of Plymouth, UK; Robin Panneton, Virginia Tech, USA</italic>
</p>
</fn>
<corresp id="fn001">*Correspondence: <italic>Bahia Guellaï, Laboratoire Ethologie, Cognition, Développement, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, 200, Avenue de la République, 92000 Nanterre, France e-mail: <email xlink:type="simple">bahia.guellai@gmail.com</email>
; H. Henny Yeung, Laboratoire Psychologie de la Perception, 45 rue des Saints-Pères, 75006 Paris, France e-mail: <email xlink:type="simple">henny.yeung@parisdescartes.fr</email>
</italic>
</corresp>
<fn fn-type="other" id="fn002"><p>This article was submitted to Developmental Psychology, a section of the journal Frontiers in Psychology.</p>
</fn>
</author-notes>
<pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>06</day>
<month>8</month>
<year>2014</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2014</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>5</volume>
<elocation-id>812</elocation-id>
<history><date date-type="received"><day>27</day>
<month>5</month>
<year>2014</year>
</date>
<date date-type="accepted"><day>09</day>
<month>7</month>
<year>2014</year>
</date>
</history>
<permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright © 2014 Guellaï, Streri and Yeung.</copyright-statement>
<copyright-year>2014</copyright-year>
<license license-type="open-access" xlink:href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/"><license-p> This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) or licensor are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.</license-p>
</license>
</permissions>
<abstract><p>Speech researchers have long been interested in how auditory and visual speech signals are integrated, and the recent work has revived interest in the role of speech production with respect to this process. Here, we discuss these issues from a developmental perspective. Because speech perception abilities typically outstrip speech production abilities in infancy and childhood, it is unclear how speech-like movements could influence audiovisual speech perception in development. While work on this question is still in its preliminary stages, there is nevertheless increasing evidence that <italic>sensorimotor</italic>
processes (defined here as any motor or proprioceptive process related to orofacial movements) affect developmental audiovisual speech processing. We suggest three areas on which to focus in future research: (i) the relation between audiovisual speech perception and sensorimotor processes at birth, (ii) the pathways through which sensorimotor processes interact with audiovisual speech processing in infancy, and (iii) developmental change in sensorimotor pathways as speech production emerges in childhood.</p>
</abstract>
<kwd-group><kwd>speech perception</kwd>
<kwd>speech production</kwd>
<kwd>sensorimotor systems</kwd>
<kwd>infants</kwd>
<kwd>children</kwd>
</kwd-group>
<counts><fig-count count="0"></fig-count>
<table-count count="0"></table-count>
<equation-count count="0"></equation-count>
<ref-count count="132"></ref-count>
<page-count count="7"></page-count>
<word-count count="0"></word-count>
</counts>
</article-meta>
</front>
<body><sec sec-type="intro"><title>INTRODUCTION</title>
<p>A unique property of speech—compared to other auditory signals—is that it is multisensory. Speech involves not only auditory, but also visual, motor, as well as proprioceptive information, since we produce speech by moving our articulators (i.e., the jaw, tongue, lips, etc.). Accordingly, many speech researchers postulated that articulatory gestures, rather than acoustic cues, were the primary objects of speech perception (<xref rid="B62" ref-type="bibr">Liberman et al., 1967</xref>
; <xref rid="B63" ref-type="bibr">Liberman and Mattingly, 1985</xref>
; <xref rid="B26" ref-type="bibr">Fowler, 1986</xref>
, <xref rid="B27" ref-type="bibr">1996</xref>
; <xref rid="B7" ref-type="bibr">Best, 1995</xref>
; <xref rid="B30" ref-type="bibr">Galantucci et al., 2006</xref>
), and in recent years, vigorous debates about these ideas have continued (<xref rid="B104" ref-type="bibr">Scott et al., 2009</xref>
; <xref rid="B94" ref-type="bibr">Pulvermüller and Fadiga, 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B102" ref-type="bibr">Schwartz et al., 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B38" ref-type="bibr">Hickok, 2014</xref>
). Currently, proposals suggesting that articulatory input has an important role in auditory-only speech processing (<xref rid="B132" ref-type="bibr">Yuen et al., 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B80" ref-type="bibr">Möttönen et al., 2013</xref>
, <xref rid="B81" ref-type="bibr">2014</xref>
) have been viewed by some as highly controversial (<xref rid="B65" ref-type="bibr">Lotto et al., 2009</xref>
; <xref rid="B73" ref-type="bibr">McGettigan et al., 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B13" ref-type="bibr">Chevillet et al., 2013</xref>
).</p>
<p>Somewhat less controversial is the discussion of speech production in the context of <italic>multisensory</italic>
speech processing (<xref rid="B85" ref-type="bibr">Ojanen et al., 2005</xref>
; <xref rid="B107" ref-type="bibr">Skipper et al., 2007a</xref>
; <xref rid="B86" ref-type="bibr">Okada and Hickok, 2009</xref>
; <xref rid="B119" ref-type="bibr">Treille et al., 2014</xref>
). Just as visual influences on auditory speech processing have long been reported (e.g., <xref rid="B115" ref-type="bibr">Sumby and Pollack, 1954</xref>
; see <xref rid="B84" ref-type="bibr">Navarra et al., 2012</xref>
for review), recent reports have also shown similar effects from articulatory information. For example, subjects’ own silent articulations (<xref rid="B98" ref-type="bibr">Sams et al., 2005</xref>
; <xref rid="B101" ref-type="bibr">Sato et al., 2013</xref>
; <xref rid="B103" ref-type="bibr">Scott et al., 2013</xref>
) influence auditory perception in similar ways as seeing visual speech (although see <xref rid="B79" ref-type="bibr">Mochida et al., 2013</xref>
). Moreover, receiving haptic or tactile input related to another person’s articulatory movements can also influence auditory speech processing (<xref rid="B28" ref-type="bibr">Fowler and Dekle, 1991</xref>
; <xref rid="B33" ref-type="bibr">Gick et al., 2008</xref>
; <xref rid="B32" ref-type="bibr">Gick and Derrick, 2009</xref>
; <xref rid="B44" ref-type="bibr">Ito et al., 2009</xref>
; <xref rid="B119" ref-type="bibr">Treille et al., 2014</xref>
). Neuroimaging studies converge with these behavioral findings: For example, when visual-only or audiovisual speech are presented to subjects, activation is seen in primary auditory areas of the brain, such as the superior temporal sulcus (STS), <italic>and</italic>
in areas traditionally associated with speech production, such as Broca’s area (<xref rid="B10" ref-type="bibr">Calvert et al., 1997</xref>
; <xref rid="B11" ref-type="bibr">Calvert and Campbell, 2003</xref>
; <xref rid="B85" ref-type="bibr">Ojanen et al., 2005</xref>
; <xref rid="B91" ref-type="bibr">Pekkola et al., 2005</xref>
). TMS studies have now shown that the perception of visual and audiovisual speech is linked to primary motor cortex (<xref rid="B116" ref-type="bibr">Sundara et al., 2001</xref>
; <xref rid="B100" ref-type="bibr">Sato et al., 2010</xref>
), and from this accumulated evidence, there is emerging consensus that visual speech processing is closely linked to internal models of the vocal tract (<xref rid="B99" ref-type="bibr">Santi et al., 2003</xref>
; <xref rid="B122" ref-type="bibr">van Wassenhove et al., 2005</xref>
; <xref rid="B107" ref-type="bibr">Skipper et al., 2007a</xref>
, <xref rid="B108" ref-type="bibr">b</xref>
; <xref rid="B86" ref-type="bibr">Okada and Hickok, 2009</xref>
; <xref rid="B23" ref-type="bibr">Dick et al., 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B117" ref-type="bibr">Swaminathan et al., 2013</xref>
).</p>
<p>Here, we present a discussion of how developmental work may contribute to this broader literature. Infancy and childhood are particularly interesting because speech perception versus speech production capabilities are largely asymmetric during this period (see for reviews <xref rid="B87" ref-type="bibr">Oller, 1980</xref>
; <xref rid="B110" ref-type="bibr">Stark, 1980</xref>
; <xref rid="B127" ref-type="bibr">Werker and Yeung, 2005</xref>
; <xref rid="B31" ref-type="bibr">Gervain and Mehler, 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B112" ref-type="bibr">Stoel-Gammon, 2011</xref>
; <xref rid="B128" ref-type="bibr">Werker et al., 2012</xref>
). Nevertheless, infants sometimes show neurophysiological activation that belies their apparent deficits in production. For example, areas corresponding to Broca’s area are activated in response to auditory speech even in 6 month olds (<xref rid="B43" ref-type="bibr">Imada et al., 2006</xref>
), and while this area is also activated in a variety of adult tasks (including ones not strictly about production, see <xref rid="B29" ref-type="bibr">Friederici, 2012</xref>
), these infant data could potentially be interpreted as reflecting rudimentary perception-production loops.</p>
<p>In light of infants’ limitations in the speech production domain, we use <italic>sensorimotor</italic>
as a general term that broadly encompasses motor and proprioceptive information related to both speech-like and non-speech orofacial gestures. We focus on three issues that we see as being particularly pressing for future research: (i) the relation between audiovisual speech perception and sensorimotor processes at birth, (ii) the pathways through which sensorimotor processes interact with audiovisual speech processing in infancy, and (iii) developmental change in sensorimotor pathways as speech production emerges in infancy.</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>THE RELATION BETWEEN AUDIOVISUAL SPEECH PERCEPTION AND SENSORIMOTOR PROCESSES AT BIRTH</title>
<p>Infants receive filtered auditory input in the womb but necessarily do not experience audiovisual speech until birth. However, as soon as it can be measured, at least some basic aspects of audiovisual perception are already present. For example, newborns map abstract sensory and magnitude information across vision and audition (<xref rid="B75" ref-type="bibr">Meltzoff and Borton, 1979</xref>
; <xref rid="B113" ref-type="bibr">Streri, 1993</xref>
; <xref rid="B18" ref-type="bibr">de Hevia et al., 2014</xref>
), and it also appears that newborns are particularly sensitive to audiovisual temporal synchrony (<xref rid="B109" ref-type="bibr">Slater et al., 1999</xref>
). The precise origin of these interactions between vision and audition remain under debate (e.g., <xref rid="B4" ref-type="bibr">Bahrick et al., 2004</xref>
; <xref rid="B71" ref-type="bibr">Maurer and Mondloch, 2004</xref>
; <xref rid="B114" ref-type="bibr">Streri, 2012</xref>
), but it is clear that intersensory correspondences are powerful in that they can influence attention and learning, as shown in classic studies with precocial birds (e.g., <xref rid="B64" ref-type="bibr">Lickliter et al., 2002</xref>
). In human newborns, temporal synchrony between audition and vision plays an important role in matching monkey faces and voices (<xref rid="B60" ref-type="bibr">Lewkowicz et al., 2010</xref>
), and newborns’ can also match human faces and voices under some circumstances (<xref rid="B1" ref-type="bibr">Aldridge et al., 1999</xref>
), but further research showing the mechanisms driving this matching is needed. Here we define some critical issues with regard to the role of sensorimotor processes in audiovisual processing of speech- and speech-like stimuli at birth.</p>
<p>It is well established that newborns imitate faces at birth, suggesting early integration of vision and proprioception (e.g., <xref rid="B76" ref-type="bibr">Meltzoff and Moore, 1977</xref>
, <xref rid="B77" ref-type="bibr">1989</xref>
), although it is important to note that this has been questioned on both empirical (<xref rid="B2" ref-type="bibr">Anisfeld, 1996</xref>
) and interpretational grounds (<xref rid="B45" ref-type="bibr">Jones, 2007</xref>
). Still, studies using speech stimuli converge with these results. For example, newborns produce more mouth openings when listening to /a/ versus /m/ sounds, and they produce more mouth closing when listening to /m/ versus /a/ sounds (<xref rid="B12" ref-type="bibr">Chen et al., 2004</xref>
). However, future work will need to move beyond simple correspondences between sight, sound, and movement, and ask instead how such information interacts. For example, facial imitation at birth is more robust in the presence of congruent audiovisual speech: Infants produce more mouth-opening when presented with a face saying /a/, than with the face alone, or that face dubbed with an /i/ audio track (<xref rid="B15" ref-type="bibr">Coulon et al., 2013</xref>
). A speculative interpretation is that congruent audiovisual speech constitutes more robust input to an internal model of the vocal tract, increasing the production of relevant mouth shapes.</p>
<p>Another question concerns specificity: can imitation also be elicited from auditory or visual models that are <italic>not</italic>
identifiably human, and if so, what constraints on this system exist? For example, previous work has suggested preferential processing of speech stimuli over white noise (<xref rid="B14" ref-type="bibr">Colombo and Bundy, 1981</xref>
) and synthetic analogs of speech (<xref rid="B125" ref-type="bibr">Vouloumanos and Werker, 2004</xref>
, <xref rid="B126" ref-type="bibr">2007</xref>
). However, in a striking set of studies, a preference for human over monkey vocalizations was not found at birth, but was found at 3 months of age (<xref rid="B106" ref-type="bibr">Shultz and Vouloumanos, 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B124" ref-type="bibr">Vouloumanos et al., 2010</xref>
). Together, these data suggest evolutionary constraints on auditory preferences, and in turn, raise questions about the imitation studies above. Will infants produce more facial gestures in response to human versus non-human (or non-mammalian) auditory, visual, and audiovisual models? What attentional and/or evolutionary factors might drive such effects?</p>
<p>A final future research question must also examine the functioning of sensorimotor and perceptual systems in a more precise manner, and in more naturalistic situations. For example, recent work suggests that newborns are highly sensitive to both rigid (i.e., whole-head) and non-rigid movements (i.e., facial features) of a talking face (<xref rid="B36" ref-type="bibr">Guellaï et al., 2011</xref>
). Do newborns privilege one type of feature over the other when imitating (see also <xref rid="B77" ref-type="bibr">Meltzoff and Moore, 1989</xref>
)? Previous work has also shown that newborns are also more sensitive to talking faces with direct versus averted gaze (<xref rid="B37" ref-type="bibr">Guellaï and Streri, 2011</xref>
), suggesting that foundational aspects of social communication may exist at birth. However, it remains unclear how facial imitation may change with social gaze.</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>PATHWAYS THROUGH WHICH SENSORIMOTOR INFLUENCES INTERACT WITH AUDIOVISUAL SPEECH PROCESSING IN INFANCY</title>
<p>After the neonatal period, older infants continue to perceive audiovisual speech robustly. This has commonly been shown using a cross-modal matching procedure, where 2–4 month-olds are presented with side-by-side faces articulating the two visual vowels ([i] and [a]), accompanied by a single speech sound (either /i/ or /a/) in synchrony with both faces. Infants look longer at the matching face, showing an ability to associate vowels with the corresponding articulation (<xref rid="B49" ref-type="bibr">Kuhl and Meltzoff, 1982</xref>
, <xref rid="B50" ref-type="bibr">1984</xref>
; <xref rid="B66" ref-type="bibr">MacKain et al., 1983</xref>
; <xref rid="B88" ref-type="bibr">Patterson and Werker, 1999</xref>
, <xref rid="B89" ref-type="bibr">2002</xref>
, <xref rid="B90" ref-type="bibr">2003</xref>
; <xref rid="B131" ref-type="bibr">Yeung and Werker, 2013</xref>
). The effects of congruent versus incongruent audiovisual speech are also evident in a variety of other behavioral paradigms (<xref rid="B95" ref-type="bibr">Rosenblum et al., 1997</xref>
; <xref rid="B9" ref-type="bibr">Burnham and Dodd, 2004</xref>
; <xref rid="B22" ref-type="bibr">Desjardins and Werker, 2004</xref>
; <xref rid="B93" ref-type="bibr">Pons et al., 2009</xref>
; <xref rid="B118" ref-type="bibr">Tomalski et al., 2012</xref>
; <xref rid="B48" ref-type="bibr">Kubicek et al., 2014</xref>
; <xref rid="B92" ref-type="bibr">Pons and Lewkowicz, 2014</xref>
), as well as in electrophysiological recordings (<xref rid="B54" ref-type="bibr">Kushnerenko et al., 2008</xref>
; <xref rid="B8" ref-type="bibr">Bristow et al., 2009</xref>
). A few recent papers have also begun to test audiovisual matching with fluent streams of speech (instead of just vowels or consonants; <xref rid="B61" ref-type="bibr">Lewkowicz and Pons, 2013</xref>
; <xref rid="B48" ref-type="bibr">Kubicek et al., 2014</xref>
), suggesting that audiovisual matching abilities in infancy can be very broad.</p>
<p>What about the mechanisms driving audiovisual speech perception? As mentioned above, infants at birth detect subtle differences in temporal synchrony between auditory and visual channels (<xref rid="B60" ref-type="bibr">Lewkowicz et al., 2010</xref>
), and this is true of older infants as well (<xref rid="B57" ref-type="bibr">Lewkowicz, 1996</xref>
, <xref rid="B58" ref-type="bibr">2010</xref>
). It could be that intersensory redundancy facilitates the detection of amodal properties related to vowel identity. Indeed, previous research has already shown that intersensory redundancy can enhance the detection of other kinds of amodal properties from faces (e.g., emotional affect; <xref rid="B25" ref-type="bibr">Flom and Bahrick, 2007</xref>
), but at the cost of processing unimodal features (e.g., face identity; <xref rid="B3" ref-type="bibr">Bahrick et al., 2013</xref>
). Together, this work suggests that synchrony detection may enhance amodal aspects of audiovisual speech (e.g., <xref rid="B4" ref-type="bibr">Bahrick et al., 2004</xref>
).</p>
<p>An alternative proposal suggests that audiovisual speech information is mapped using sensorimotor information, perhaps via an internal model of the vocal tract (<xref rid="B50" ref-type="bibr">Kuhl and Meltzoff, 1984</xref>
, <xref rid="B51" ref-type="bibr">1988</xref>
; <xref rid="B46" ref-type="bibr">Kent and Vorperian, 2007</xref>
; <xref rid="B131" ref-type="bibr">Yeung and Werker, 2013</xref>
). Several lines of evidence are suggestive of this sensorimotor mechanism: first, audiovisual matching with non-speech stimuli is often less robust than with speech (<xref rid="B50" ref-type="bibr">Kuhl and Meltzoff, 1984</xref>
; <xref rid="B53" ref-type="bibr">Kuhl et al., 1991</xref>
), particularly at later points in development (<xref rid="B59" ref-type="bibr">Lewkowicz and Ghazanfar, 2006</xref>
), which suggests that audiovisual perception becomes more speech specific with age. Second, just as in newborns (<xref rid="B15" ref-type="bibr">Coulon et al., 2013</xref>
), older infants also produce more congruent mouth shapes when hearing audiovisually congruent vowels compared to incongruent vowels (<xref rid="B56" ref-type="bibr">Legerstee, 1990</xref>
; <xref rid="B52" ref-type="bibr">Kuhl and Meltzoff, 1996</xref>
; <xref rid="B88" ref-type="bibr">Patterson and Werker, 1999</xref>
). A recent report further shows that infants making /i/-like lip movements while chewing on a teething ring, or /u/-like lip movements while sucking on a pacifier, could no longer achieve match audiovisual speech matching if the heard vowel was similar the achieved lip shape (<xref rid="B131" ref-type="bibr">Yeung and Werker, 2013</xref>
). This suggests that direct activation of the motor system can indeed affect audiovisual speech perception, and it is strongly suggestive of sensorimotor influences.</p>
<p>Together, this work raises two critical areas of future research. First, these dueling approaches must be reconciled: Are auditory and visual speech are bound together by temporal synchrony cues, or is there some internal model of the vocal tract that accomplishes this mapping? A third alternative is that two separate modes of audiovisual processing will be identified. For example, recent work has suggested that synchrony detection in 5 month-old infants uses a fast and automatic pathway which could be similar to the kind of adult audiovisual pathways that activate the STS and its associated networks (<xref rid="B42" ref-type="bibr">Hyde et al., 2011</xref>
). More work is needed to see whether a slower, higher level pathway can also be distinguished, and if this pathway also taps sensorimotor information.</p>
<p>A second question concerns the definition of orofacial movements in infancy. Some work suggests that early vocalizations can already be considered speech-like: Cooing and babbling are influenced by the phonological properties of the native language (<xref rid="B16" ref-type="bibr">De Boysson-Bardies et al., 1989</xref>
; <xref rid="B97" ref-type="bibr">Ruzza et al., 2006</xref>
; <xref rid="B129" ref-type="bibr">Whalen et al., 2007</xref>
), and are argued to be continuous with the first productions of words (<xref rid="B17" ref-type="bibr">de Boysson-Bardies and Vihman, 1991</xref>
; <xref rid="B123" ref-type="bibr">Vihman, 1991</xref>
; <xref rid="B72" ref-type="bibr">McCune and Vihman, 2001</xref>
). Infant vocalizations also change in response to socially contingent responses from mothers, whether manipulated in the laboratory (<xref rid="B34" ref-type="bibr">Goldstein and Schwade, 2008</xref>
), or measured during free play (<xref rid="B35" ref-type="bibr">Gros-Louis et al., 2014</xref>
). Other work has even suggested that babbling capacities act as an attentional filter on auditory speech perception, modulating preferences to listen to words that either share or do not share commonalities between what is produced in babbling and in one’s early words (<xref rid="B19" ref-type="bibr">DePaolis et al., 2011</xref>
, <xref rid="B20" ref-type="bibr">2013</xref>
; <xref rid="B68" ref-type="bibr">Majorano et al., 2014</xref>
). At the same time, other research argues instead that universal constraints on the motor system (not specific to speech) play an equally important role in structuring how babbling is produced (<xref rid="B67" ref-type="bibr">MacNeilage and Davis, 1993</xref>
; <xref rid="B55" ref-type="bibr">Lee et al., 2010</xref>
). Moreover, coordinative movements differ when infants speak, babble, suck, or chew, suggesting that the physical mechanisms underlying babbling are not continuous with later speech motor control (<xref rid="B111" ref-type="bibr">Steeve, 2010</xref>
).</p>
<p>In conjunction with the results from <xref rid="B131" ref-type="bibr">Yeung and Werker (2013)</xref>
, which demonstrate an effect of non-speech movements, the above debate shows how difficult it is to define what counts as an articulatory (i.e., speech-like) gesture, which in turn makes it hard to speculate about how an internal model of the vocal tract might be structured in early development (although see <xref rid="B78" ref-type="bibr">Ménard et al., 2007</xref>
; <xref rid="B41" ref-type="bibr">Howard and Messum, 2011</xref>
). Future research postulating a sensorimotor pathway in infancy will need to bear this literature in mind. One intriguing possibility is that distinctions between “speech-like” or “non-speech-like” may not be important at all (at least in early development): For example, infants have more difficulties matching auditory whistles to visual faces that are whistling than auditory trills to visual faces that are trilling. One speculative reason for this asymmetry could be that infants <italic>produce</italic>
bilabial trills, but do not yet produce whistles (<xref rid="B82" ref-type="bibr">Mugitani et al., 2008</xref>
).</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>DEVELOPMENTAL CHANGE AS SPEECH PRODUCTION BECOMES MORE VARIED AND SOPHISTICATED</title>
<p>Of course, the development of perceptual and motor systems continues well beyond infancy. For example, previous reports show that children (up to the age of 10) increasingly weight visual speech information more heavily in cases of sensory conflict or ambiguity (<xref rid="B74" ref-type="bibr">McGurk and MacDonald, 1976</xref>
; <xref rid="B69" ref-type="bibr">Massaro, 1984</xref>
; <xref rid="B70" ref-type="bibr">Massaro et al., 1986</xref>
; <xref rid="B130" ref-type="bibr">Wightman et al., 2006</xref>
; <xref rid="B121" ref-type="bibr">van Linden and Vroomen, 2008</xref>
; <xref rid="B5" ref-type="bibr">Barutchu et al., 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B96" ref-type="bibr">Ross et al., 2011</xref>
). It seems likely that multiple mechanisms drive this developmental change: For example, <xref rid="B105" ref-type="bibr">Sekiyama and Burnham (2008)</xref>
find cross-cultural differences, which are likely unrelated to differences in motor ability. Nevertheless, there is also some correlational evidence supporting a sensorimotor pathway: children who have greater trouble articulating consonants show less sensitivity to visual speech information (<xref rid="B21" ref-type="bibr">Desjardins et al., 1997</xref>
), as is also the case for children with broader language deficits (<xref rid="B6" ref-type="bibr">Bergeson et al., 2005</xref>
; <xref rid="B24" ref-type="bibr">Dodd et al., 2008</xref>
).</p>
<p>Other studies provide further evidence for multiple pathways emerging in childhood that are reminiscent of adult models (e.g., <xref rid="B108" ref-type="bibr">Skipper et al., 2007b</xref>
; <xref rid="B86" ref-type="bibr">Okada and Hickok, 2009</xref>
; <xref rid="B39" ref-type="bibr">Hickok et al., 2011</xref>
). For example, while visual speech is more heavily weighted throughout childhood, non-speech audiovisual processing is relatively stable (<xref rid="B120" ref-type="bibr">Tremblay et al., 2007</xref>
; although see <xref rid="B40" ref-type="bibr">Hillock et al., 2011</xref>
). Such divergent trajectories suggest that two kinds of audiovisual binding mechanisms may be dissociated. Neurophysiological evidence for that dissociation comes from a study revealing two separable electrophysiological measures: amplitude versus latency of the commonly evoked N1/P2 complex to audiovisual speech (<xref rid="B47" ref-type="bibr">Knowland et al., 2014</xref>
). Critically, only amplitude changes in development, while latency remains stable. Additional evidence comes from functional imaging studies, which suggests two networks related to audiovisual binding of speech stimuli: One network is centered around primary auditory areas, while a second network involves inferior frontal areas (<xref rid="B23" ref-type="bibr">Dick et al., 2010</xref>
; <xref rid="B83" ref-type="bibr">Nath et al., 2011</xref>
). Developmental change in audiovisual speech processing correlates with changes in connectivity between these networks (<xref rid="B23" ref-type="bibr">Dick et al., 2010</xref>
).</p>
<p>Together these findings are highly suggestive of at least two distinct pathways in the brain that support audiovisual speech processing. A preliminary conjecture is that multiple pathways might be distinguished based on their developmental characteristics (stable, or increasing), their selectivity (to speech, or to may kinds of signals), and their mechanisms (depending on intersensory redundancy, or depending on an internal articulatory model). Critical lines of future research will need to investigate these hypotheses.</p>
</sec>
<sec sec-type="conclusions"><title>CONCLUSION</title>
<p>Speech perception is one of the most deeply explored aspects of language development. However, as this review highlights, several aspects of this phenomenon remain mysterious: in particular, the relation between speech perception and production. Here, we examine possible sensorimotor influences in multisensory speech processing, highlighting three areas for future research that will bridge between debates in the adult literature and emerging work in development.</p>
<p>First, we suggest that future research must examine the link between imitation and audiovisual speech perception at birth, and explore interactions among vision, audition, and the motor system. Second, we highlight two potential pathways involved in audiovisual speech perception in older infants, one of which may depend on sensorimotor information. Third, we illustrate the need to elucidate the behavioral and at the neural characteristics of these pathways in children, as speech production becomes more sophisticated.</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>Conflict of Interest Statement</title>
<p>The Guest Associate Editor Maya Gratier declares that, despite being affiliated to the same institution as author Bahia Guellaï, the review process was handled objectively and no conflict of interest exists. The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.</p>
</sec>
</body>
<back><ack><p>The authors thank Rana Esseily and Maya Gratier for inviting them in this special issue.</p>
</ack>
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