The paradox of journalistic representation of the other
Identifieur interne : 000084 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000083; suivant : 000085The paradox of journalistic representation of the other
Auteurs : Christine C. M. Leung ; Yu HuangSource :
- Journalism [ 1464-8849 ] ; 2007-12.
English descriptors
- Teeft :
- Academic universe, April, China journal, China morning post, Chinese government, Chinese leaders, Crisis management, English newspapers, External factors, Foreign news, Global, Global journalism, Globe mail, Hong kong, Hong kong baptist university, Huang, Journalism leung, Journalistic, Journalistic representation, July, June, Leadership contention, Leung, Mainland china, Media coverage, Media representation, Media systems, Media tones, News coverage, News stories, Newsweek, Online, Other countries, Other table, Outbreak, Same time, Sars, Sars cases, Sars coverage, Sars crisis, Sars epidemic, Sars outbreak, Sars stories, Singapore, Straits times, Sydney morning, Third world, Topical issues, Total sars stories, Vietnam, Vietnamese government, Washington post, Western media, Western news, Worldwide monitoring.
Abstract
This paper primarily looks at one of the essential aspects of global (usually western) journalists' praxis of covering and depicting the other (generally the non-western). Content analysis of quantitative and qualitative attributes of media coverage of the SARS outbreak with regard to China and Vietnam from newspapers in five countries, including the Washington Post (USA), The Times (UK), the Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), the Globe & Mail (Canada), the Straits Times (Singapore), Newsweek and online news was undertaken. Findings show that while the western news coverage on China corroborated the image of the other in an unfavorable light, Vietnam was not portrayed as the negative other. Differences in China's and Vietnam's handling of SARS have affected their news coverage by the media. Both internal forces and external factors, interplaying and often competing, have contributed to the dynamic process of news coverage and image construction in the international media.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/1464884907083118
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:2379B9A10B9752649567B2A9673AF87FB77B05C7Le document en format XML
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Leung</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation></mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>E-mail: 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author><author><name sortKey="Huang, Yu" sort="Huang, Yu" uniqKey="Huang Y" first="Yu" last="Huang">Yu Huang</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation></mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>E-mail: S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author></titleStmt><publicationStmt><idno type="wicri:source">ISTEX</idno><idno type="RBID">ISTEX:2379B9A10B9752649567B2A9673AF87FB77B05C7</idno><date when="2007" year="2007">2007</date><idno type="doi">10.1177/1464884907083118</idno><idno type="url">https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-N1SR3MFF-3/fulltext.pdf</idno><idno type="wicri:Area/Istex/Corpus">000084</idno><idno type="wicri:explorRef" wicri:stream="Istex" wicri:step="Corpus" wicri:corpus="ISTEX">000084</idno></publicationStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">The paradox of journalistic representation of the other</title><author><name sortKey="Leung, Christine C M" sort="Leung, Christine C M" uniqKey="Leung C" first="Christine C. M." last="Leung">Christine C. M. Leung</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation></mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>E-mail: 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author><author><name sortKey="Huang, Yu" sort="Huang, Yu" uniqKey="Huang Y" first="Yu" last="Huang">Yu Huang</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation></mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>E-mail: S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</mods:affiliation></affiliation><affiliation><mods:affiliation>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author></analytic><monogr></monogr><series><title level="j">Journalism</title><idno type="ISSN">1464-8849</idno><idno type="eISSN">1741-3001</idno><imprint><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage UK: London, England</pubPlace><date type="published" when="2007-12">2007-12</date><biblScope unit="volume">8</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">6</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="675">675</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="697">697</biblScope></imprint><idno type="ISSN">1464-8849</idno></series></biblStruct></sourceDesc><seriesStmt><idno type="ISSN">1464-8849</idno></seriesStmt></fileDesc><profileDesc><textClass><keywords scheme="Teeft" xml:lang="en"><term>Academic universe</term><term>April</term><term>China journal</term><term>China morning post</term><term>Chinese government</term><term>Chinese leaders</term><term>Crisis management</term><term>English newspapers</term><term>External factors</term><term>Foreign news</term><term>Global</term><term>Global journalism</term><term>Globe mail</term><term>Hong kong</term><term>Hong kong baptist university</term><term>Huang</term><term>Journalism leung</term><term>Journalistic</term><term>Journalistic representation</term><term>July</term><term>June</term><term>Leadership contention</term><term>Leung</term><term>Mainland china</term><term>Media coverage</term><term>Media representation</term><term>Media systems</term><term>Media tones</term><term>News coverage</term><term>News stories</term><term>Newsweek</term><term>Online</term><term>Other countries</term><term>Other table</term><term>Outbreak</term><term>Same time</term><term>Sars</term><term>Sars cases</term><term>Sars coverage</term><term>Sars crisis</term><term>Sars epidemic</term><term>Sars outbreak</term><term>Sars stories</term><term>Singapore</term><term>Straits times</term><term>Sydney morning</term><term>Third world</term><term>Topical issues</term><term>Total sars stories</term><term>Vietnam</term><term>Vietnamese government</term><term>Washington post</term><term>Western media</term><term>Western news</term><term>Worldwide monitoring</term></keywords></textClass><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage></profileDesc></teiHeader><front><div type="abstract" xml:lang="en">This paper primarily looks at one of the essential aspects of global (usually western) journalists' praxis of covering and depicting the other (generally the non-western). Content analysis of quantitative and qualitative attributes of media coverage of the SARS outbreak with regard to China and Vietnam from newspapers in five countries, including the Washington Post (USA), The Times (UK), the Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), the Globe & Mail (Canada), the Straits Times (Singapore), Newsweek and online news was undertaken. Findings show that while the western news coverage on China corroborated the image of the other in an unfavorable light, Vietnam was not portrayed as the negative other. Differences in China's and Vietnam's handling of SARS have affected their news coverage by the media. Both internal forces and external factors, interplaying and often competing, have contributed to the dynamic process of news coverage and image construction in the international media.</div></front></TEI><istex><corpusName>sage</corpusName><keywords><teeft><json:string>sars</json:string><json:string>april</json:string><json:string>online</json:string><json:string>july</json:string><json:string>huang</json:string><json:string>academic universe</json:string><json:string>leung</json:string><json:string>english newspapers</json:string><json:string>vietnam</json:string><json:string>washington post</json:string><json:string>singapore</json:string><json:string>journalistic</json:string><json:string>sars crisis</json:string><json:string>western media</json:string><json:string>june</json:string><json:string>sydney morning</json:string><json:string>globe mail</json:string><json:string>sars stories</json:string><json:string>hong kong</json:string><json:string>sars coverage</json:string><json:string>news coverage</json:string><json:string>global journalism</json:string><json:string>crisis management</json:string><json:string>news stories</json:string><json:string>sars epidemic</json:string><json:string>straits times</json:string><json:string>sars outbreak</json:string><json:string>western news</json:string><json:string>newsweek</json:string><json:string>hong kong baptist university</json:string><json:string>third world</json:string><json:string>foreign news</json:string><json:string>total sars stories</json:string><json:string>media tones</json:string><json:string>worldwide monitoring</json:string><json:string>chinese government</json:string><json:string>media coverage</json:string><json:string>china journal</json:string><json:string>outbreak</json:string><json:string>other table</json:string><json:string>sars cases</json:string><json:string>journalistic representation</json:string><json:string>mainland china</json:string><json:string>same time</json:string><json:string>media representation</json:string><json:string>chinese leaders</json:string><json:string>leadership contention</json:string><json:string>vietnamese government</json:string><json:string>other countries</json:string><json:string>external factors</json:string><json:string>journalism leung</json:string><json:string>topical issues</json:string><json:string>media systems</json:string><json:string>china morning post</json:string><json:string>global</json:string><json:string>foreign places</json:string><json:string>western news coverage</json:string><json:string>kowloon tong</json:string><json:string>news story</json:string><json:string>western press coverage</json:string><json:string>effective crisis management</json:string><json:string>cooperative authority</json:string><json:string>content analysis</json:string><json:string>health system</json:string><json:string>journalism practice</json:string><json:string>media frames</json:string><json:string>central government</json:string><json:string>sars information</json:string><json:string>freedom house survey</json:string><json:string>media reports</json:string><json:string>other frames</json:string><json:string>news manipulation</json:string><json:string>boston globe</json:string><json:string>qualitative attributes</json:string><json:string>other hand</json:string><json:string>special issue</json:string><json:string>vietnam model</json:string><json:string>news tone</json:string><json:string>asian socialism</json:string><json:string>research questions</json:string><json:string>mainstream media</json:string><json:string>handling sars</json:string><json:string>media technology</json:string><json:string>media representations</json:string><json:string>xinhua news agency</json:string><json:string>international coverage</json:string><json:string>national image construction</json:string><json:string>western media representation</json:string><json:string>other nations</json:string><json:string>mainstream newspapers</json:string><json:string>online news</json:string><json:string>press coverage</json:string><json:string>western press</json:string><json:string>diverse models</json:string><json:string>global issues</json:string><json:string>global media</json:string><json:string>internet edition</json:string><json:string>edwin mellen press</json:string><json:string>white plains</json:string><json:string>allyn bacon</json:string><json:string>sars news coverage</json:string><json:string>world information order</json:string><json:string>iowa state university press</json:string><json:string>american journalism</json:string><json:string>overall picture</json:string></teeft></keywords><author><json:item><name>Christine C. M. Leung</name><affiliations><json:null></json:null><json:string>E-mail: 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</json:string><json:string>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</json:string></affiliations></json:item><json:item><name>Yu Huang</name><affiliations><json:null></json:null><json:string>E-mail: S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</json:string><json:string>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</json:string></affiliations></json:item></author><subject><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>K E Y W O R D S</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>China and Vietnam</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>global journalism</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>representation of other</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>SARS</value></json:item></subject><articleId><json:string>10.1177_1464884907083118</json:string></articleId><arkIstex>ark:/67375/M70-N1SR3MFF-3</arkIstex><language><json:string>eng</json:string></language><originalGenre><json:string>other</json:string></originalGenre><abstract>This paper primarily looks at one of the essential aspects of global (usually western) journalists' praxis of covering and depicting the other (generally the non-western). Content analysis of quantitative and qualitative attributes of media coverage of the SARS outbreak with regard to China and Vietnam from newspapers in five countries, including the Washington Post (USA), The Times (UK), the Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), the Globe & Mail (Canada), the Straits Times (Singapore), Newsweek and online news was undertaken. Findings show that while the western news coverage on China corroborated the image of the other in an unfavorable light, Vietnam was not portrayed as the negative other. Differences in China's and Vietnam's handling of SARS have affected their news coverage by the media. 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Rawnsley</json:string></persName><placeName><json:string>Cuba</json:string><json:string>Malaysia</json:string><json:string>Singapore</json:string><json:string>Vietnam</json:string><json:string>United States</json:string><json:string>NY.</json:string><json:string>Australia</json:string><json:string>Korea</json:string><json:string>New Delhi</json:string><json:string>Beijing</json:string><json:string>UK</json:string><json:string>Chernobyl</json:string><json:string>Taiwan</json:string><json:string>Canada</json:string><json:string>Facticity</json:string><json:string>American</json:string><json:string>India</json:string><json:string>China</json:string><json:string>Japan</json:string><json:string>America</json:string><json:string>United Kingdom</json:string><json:string>York</json:string><json:string>El Salvador</json:string></placeName><ref_url></ref_url><ref_bibl><json:string>Glasser and Marken, 2005</json:string><json:string>Lawrence, 2003</json:string><json:string>Huang and Lee, 2003</json:string><json:string>Pomfret, 2003b</json:string><json:string>Lee et al., 2002</json:string><json:string>Merrill, 2004</json:string><json:string>York, 2003a</json:string><json:string>Meyers, 2003</json:string><json:string>Louw, 2004</json:string><json:string>Murphy, 2001</json:string><json:string>Herbert, 2001</json:string><json:string>Fursich, 2002</json:string><json:string>Mindich, 1998</json:string><json:string>Pomfret, 2003a</json:string><json:string>Lai, 2004: 89</json:string><json:string>Mason, 2003</json:string><json:string>Greenspon, 2003</json:string><json:string>De Beer, 2004</json:string><json:string>Jakes, 2003</json:string><json:string>Leu, 2003</json:string><json:string>Weaver and Wilhoit, 1984</json:string><json:string>Dorogi, 2001</json:string><json:string>BBC Worldwide Monitoring, 2003b</json:string><json:string>Reporters without Borders, 2006: 7</json:string><json:string>Jingsheng, 2003</json:string><json:string>Picard and Appleby, 2003</json:string><json:string>Gamson, 1992</json:string><json:string>as suggested by Polumbaum, 2002</json:string><json:string>South China Morning Post, 2003</json:string><json:string>Meeting on SARS, 2003</json:string><json:string>BBC Worldwide Monitoring, 2003a</json:string><json:string>Gans, 1979</json:string><json:string>Xinhua News Agency, 2003</json:string><json:string>Lawson, 1998</json:string><json:string>McQuail, 2000: 329</json:string><json:string>Macan-Markar, 2003</json:string><json:string>BBC Monitoring International Reports, 2003</json:string><json:string>Pasquali, 2005</json:string><json:string>De Burgh, 2005</json:string><json:string>Carragee and Roefs, 2004</json:string><json:string>Boston Globe, 2003</json:string><json:string>Oehlkers and College, 2000</json:string><json:string>Campbell, 2004</json:string><json:string>Nakashima, 2003</json:string><json:string>Stevenson and Cole, 1984</json:string><json:string>Demers, 2002</json:string><json:string>York, 2003b</json:string><json:string>Kerkvliet et al., 1998</json:string><json:string>Gans,1985</json:string><json:string>Root, 2002</json:string><json:string>McCormick, 1998</json:string><json:string>Chao, 2003</json:string></ref_bibl><bibl></bibl></unitex></namedEntities><ark><json:string>ark:/67375/M70-N1SR3MFF-3</json:string></ark><categories><wos><json:string>1 - 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M.</forename><surname>Leung</surname></persName><email>03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</email><affiliation></affiliation><affiliation>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</affiliation></author><author xml:id="author-0001"><persName><forename type="first">Yu</forename><surname>Huang</surname></persName><email>S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</email><affiliation></affiliation><affiliation>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</affiliation></author><idno type="istex">2379B9A10B9752649567B2A9673AF87FB77B05C7</idno><idno type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-N1SR3MFF-3</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1177/1464884907083118</idno><idno type="article-id">10.1177_1464884907083118</idno></analytic><monogr><title level="j">Journalism</title><idno type="pISSN">1464-8849</idno><idno type="eISSN">1741-3001</idno><idno type="publisher-id">JOU</idno><idno type="PublisherID-hwp">spjou</idno><imprint><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage UK: London, England</pubPlace><date type="published" when="2007-12"></date><biblScope unit="volume">8</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">6</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="675">675</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="697">697</biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>2007</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This paper primarily looks at one of the essential aspects of global (usually western) journalists' praxis of covering and depicting the other (generally the non-western). Content analysis of quantitative and qualitative attributes of media coverage of the SARS outbreak with regard to China and Vietnam from newspapers in five countries, including the Washington Post (USA), The Times (UK), the Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), the Globe & Mail (Canada), the Straits Times (Singapore), Newsweek and online news was undertaken. Findings show that while the western news coverage on China corroborated the image of the other in an unfavorable light, Vietnam was not portrayed as the negative other. Differences in China's and Vietnam's handling of SARS have affected their news coverage by the media. Both internal forces and external factors, interplaying and often competing, have contributed to the dynamic process of news coverage and image construction in the international media.</p></abstract><textClass><keywords scheme="keyword"><list><head>keywords</head><item><term>K E Y W O R D S</term></item><item><term>China and Vietnam</term></item><item><term>global journalism</term></item><item><term>representation of other</term></item><item><term>SARS</term></item></list></keywords></textClass></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="2007-12">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-N1SR3MFF-3/fulltext.txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus sage not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="other" dtd-version="2.3" xml:lang="EN"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">spjou</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">JOU</journal-id><journal-title>Journalism</journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">1464-8849</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Sage Publications</publisher-name><publisher-loc>Sage UK: London, England</publisher-loc></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1177/1464884907083118</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">10.1177_1464884907083118</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Articles</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>The paradox of journalistic representation of the other</article-title><subtitle>The case of SARS coverage on China and Vietnam by western-led English-language media in five countries</subtitle></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Leung</surname><given-names>Christine C. M.</given-names></name><aff>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, <email xlink:type="simple">03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</email></aff></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Huang</surname><given-names>Yu</given-names></name><aff>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, <email xlink:type="simple">S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</email></aff></contrib></contrib-group><pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>12</month><year>2007</year></pub-date><volume>8</volume><issue>6</issue><fpage>675</fpage><lpage>697</lpage><abstract><p>This paper primarily looks at one of the essential aspects of global (usually western) journalists' praxis of covering and depicting the other (generally the non-western). Content analysis of quantitative and qualitative attributes of media coverage of the SARS outbreak with regard to China and Vietnam from newspapers in five countries, including the Washington Post (USA), The Times (UK), the Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), the Globe & Mail (Canada), the Straits Times (Singapore), Newsweek and online news was undertaken. Findings show that while the western news coverage on China corroborated the image of the other in an unfavorable light, Vietnam was not portrayed as the negative other. Differences in China's and Vietnam's handling of SARS have affected their news coverage by the media. Both internal forces and external factors, interplaying and often competing, have contributed to the dynamic process of news coverage and image construction in the international media.</p></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>K E Y W O R D S</kwd>
<kwd>China and Vietnam</kwd>
<kwd>global journalism</kwd>
<kwd>representation of other</kwd>
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ArticleThe
paradox of journalistic representation of the otherThe case of SARS coverage on China
and Vietnam by western-led English-language media in five countries
SAGE Publications, Inc.200710.1177/1464884907083118
Christine C. M.Leung
Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk
Yu Huang
Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, S03033@hkbu.edu.hk
This paper primarily looks
at one of the essential aspects of global (usually western) journalists'
praxis of covering and depicting the other (generally the non-western). Content
analysis of quantitative and qualitative attributes of media coverage of the
SARS outbreak with regard to China and Vietnam from newspapers in five countries,
including the Washington Post (USA), The Times (UK), the Sydney Morning Herald
(Australia), the Globe & Mail (Canada), the Straits Times (Singapore),
Newsweek and online news was undertaken. Findings show that while the western
news coverage on China corroborated the image of the other in an unfavorable
light, Vietnam was not portrayed as the negative other. Differences in China's
and Vietnam's handling of SARS have affected their news coverage by the media.
Both internal forces and external factors, interplaying and often competing,
have contributed to the dynamic process of news coverage and image construction
in the international media.
K E Y W O R D S
China and Vietnam
global journalism
representation of other
SARS
Introduction
A constant issue in international news journalism is the journalistic predica-
ment of representing the other. Professional global journalism practice means
that journalists have to provide accurate, fair, balanced and contextual report-
ing on countries about which they know little (Herbert, 2001). This becomes
problematic when `tourist journalists' jet into foreign locations, grab the
story and jet out as quickly as they can (so that they can get on to the next
story),
676
hardly
interacting at all with the local natives or context (Louw, 2004). News manipulation
can also be easy when people have little rst-hand knowledge
of the country reported on. Critical studies scholars contend that western
media, in uenced by their ideological position and/or national
interest considerations, will use their hegemonic power systematically to
construct negative images (i.e. violent and con ictual) and
media representations of underprivileged others: usually the less-developed
countries (Weaver and Wilhoit, 1984). Today, as the world of journalism faces
a challenging new communication environment and journalists are increasingly
perceived as untrustworthy, out of touch, dishonest or biased, questions of
quality and standards of journalism practice come to the forefront. Is the
allegation made by the cultural studies scholars still valid in this global
age? Is international news coverage of other countries as bad as critics claim?
As the 2003 SARS outbreak received universal and substantial media coverage,
it has provided a unique sample for direct, detailed comparison of news content
across nations with regard to China and Vietnam (two similar types of state
in post-communist transition). It provides a great opportunity to address
this journalistic dilemma of representing the other by studying how global
(mainly western) journalists construct different depictions of others, and
exploring why the other may have received international media treatment differently.
Literature overview The western press has been charged with being biased,
negative crisis-oriented, inaccurate and having a strong western orientation
in their coverage of foreign countries, particularly third world nations (De
Beer, 2004; Merrill, 2004). They often construct a negative other stereotype
(i.e. violent, bizarre and con ictual) of many developing and
(post-)communist countries (Weaver and Wilhoit, 1984). Ethnocentrism means
that journalists, when describing foreign contexts, routinely use binary oppositions
(Gans, 1979) that essentialize the complex and contradictory reality into
core attributes of a nation and history to construct a reductive ideological
contrast between `us' and `them' (Lee et al., 2002). The home audiences are
shone under positive light at the expense of a seemingly incomprehensible
or immoral other (Oehlkers and College, 2000). For example, the western press
rarely gives positive news coverage to communists and others on the `far left'
(Demers, 2002). Among other in uential gures,
Said shows how the `West', through `orientalism', constructs an image of orient
as other to strengthen its identity and as rationale for political oppression
(Said,
677
1979,
1981, 1993). This inclination, aggregated with a global news ow
imbal- ance, means that improper conclusions and assumptions about other people
are formed (De Burgh, 2005), international understanding and cooperation are
obstructed and international (and national) friction and animosity are often
caused (Louw, 2004). Journalists themselves, however, would argue that they
are neutral, objec- tive, fair and non-ideological. Forces of professionalism,
the self-correcting nature of the press (creditibility and believability)
and fear of litigation make it highly unlikely that the press will engage
in deliberate bias or allow the political leanings of a reporter to overly
distort news reporting (Gans,1985). `Facticity' in American journalism means
separating facts from values (Mindich, 1998), where journalists as `professional
communicators' report news that has no necessary relation to their own thoughts
and perceptions (Glasser and Marken, 2005). For example, a study by Liang
(2002) demonstrated that US international correspondents in China were mostly
fair in their reporting of China, despite being extremely critical of the
Chinese system. Eric Louw (2004) suggests that distorted reporting of the
other arises when journalists misread and misunderstand the unfamiliar foreign
contexts (i.e. dif- ferent language, history and culture) to which they are
assigned. Bias identi ed in the reporting of foreign places
(others) may not be deliberate or conscious (Campbell, 2004). The critical
model has not taken into consideration the epis- temological dilemma and hostile
environment journalists face when covering others (Fursich, 2002). For example,
western journalists have argued that bureaucratic obstacles and poor cooperation
in China have prevented them from reporting fully or well. They believe that
their news stories re ect honest reporting of Chinese actions.
Negative press often results from China's own policies and actions, not from
media bias or an independent agenda to harm relations between China and the
West (Lawson, 1998). The accepted discourse of West vs East is also challenged.
Some scholars have argued that foreign coverage is more balanced than critics
say (Pasquali, 2005). Very few examples can be found of journalists who deliberately
skew their reporting to the bene t or disadvantage of any point
of view (Stevenson and Cole, 1984). The alleged emphasis on natural disasters
and accidents in news from the third world may be true, however, because there
simply is more open, armed con ict and crisis in these countries
than in more developed countries (Weaver and Wilhoit, 1984). These scholars
contend that many of the complaints about western coverage of and service
to the third world are not justi ed. By examining western press
coverage of the SARS crisis, this study looks at the journalistic praxis of
depicting the other.
678
Two
nations, one model: a comparative pro le of China and Vietnam
China and Vietnam share many similarities. As two of the few communist states
that still survive, both have had long historical traditions of Confucianism,
dictatorial political legacies and bureaucracy. Both have shifted quietly
away from Marxist ideology and rhetoric, have witnessed a progressive retreat
in the ambit of what their ruling parties attempt to control, and are in the
same process of transforming themselves from centrally planned economies into
far less planned, market-based ones. Yet at the same time, both countries
persist in a Leninist structure of one-party dominance. With regard to freedom
and democratic politics, both China and Vietnam had the same ratings in terms
of political rights and civil liberties freedom measures, being `not free'
countries according to the 2001 Freedom House Survey (Root, 2002). Media freedom
is still tightly controlled by these two countries' repressive governments.
China and Vietnam are both included in the list of `15 enemies of the Internet'
that was drawn up by Reporters without Borders (Reporters without Borders,
2006: 7). In the West, mainland China and Vietnam are generally viewed through
a contemptuous lens of anti-socialist disdain (Dorogi, 2001; Kerkvliet et
al., 1998). The two countries are commonly categorized as the communist other
in the western media (Mason, 2003; Boston Globe, 2003). Critical cultural
studies analysts have for some time pointed out that the western press's tone
when reporting on China and Vietnam is often highly critical of selective
aspects of these two countries' internal environment, particularly when domestic
happen- ings in these areas con ict with western (usually US)
cultural principles of indi- vidual liberty, democracy and human rights. The
ideological character of Cold War stereotype frames regarding communist and
post-communist nations (such as North Korea or El Salvador) can be seen in
western media over the past four decades (Carragee and Roefs, 2004). Socialism
and communism are viewed negatively because of their denial of opportunities
to individuals. In effect, Vietnam and China do share a distinctive `Asian
socialist experience' (Kerkvliet et al., 1998; see The China Journal 40, special
issue on `Transforming Asian Socialism: China and Vietnam Compared', for a
detailed comparative study regarding these two countries' similarities in
terms of their recent social reform program and other aspects). Research questions
Based on the above analysis and with these theoretical inquiries in mind,
the following three research questions were proposed:
679
RQ1:
In terms of media coverage, how were China and Vietnam (the others) portrayed
in the mainstream western-led English-language media during the SARS crisis?
Were there any differences? RQ2: How did China's and Vietnam's handling of
SARS affect their coverage by the media? How did these two countries' internal
and external factors affect their approaches to the SARS epidemic? RQ3: What
implications do the ndings from RQ1 and RQ2 have on the debate
of international coverage of other nations? Method Content analysis of quantitative
and qualitative attributes of media coverage of the SARS outbreak in China
and Vietnam from newspapers, online western news and Newsweek was undertaken.
Newspapers Five mainstream western-led English-language newspapers from ve countries were chosen for comparison: the United Kingdom (The
Times), the United States (Washington Post), Canada (Globe & Mail), Australia
(Sydney Morning Herald ) and Singapore (Straits Times). The UK was selected
as it was the country where othering in the context of orientalism originated
and its media still exercise global in uence. The USA was selected
because it is the only superpower in the world dominating the international
agenda. The UK and the USA also represent two western hemisphere countries
that were hardly affected by SARS. Canada was selected because it became the
SARS hotspot outside the Asia Paci c region. As for Australia
and Singapore, these countries are geographically situ- ated in Asia, with
Singapore suffering badly from SARS and its national press displaying heavy
coverage of the outbreak. The ve mainstream newspapers were
chosen as samples due to their perceived prestige both in their respective
countries and internationally. SARS coverage during the period from 14 March
2003 to 24 June 2003 in the ve papers was studied. 14 March
2003 was identi ed as a branching point because the rst
western-led press coverage of SARS appeared in the Washington Post and Straits
Times on that day (although the virus was not then termed SARS). As for 24
June 2003, this was the date when the World Health Organiza- tion (WHO) removed
its travel warning for China. Samples were selected by choosing newspaper
coverage from Monday, Wednesday and Friday for one week and Tuesday, Thursday
and Saturday the next week alternately, starting from Friday 14 March 2003.
Sundays were excluded because The Times, the Sydney Morning Herald and the
Globe & Mail do not publish on Sundays. Thus,
680
the
overall picture of the ndings might be a little underrepresented
as Sundays do generally play an important role in reviewing and analyzing
the past week's events. The coverage was counted by `author' basis. An article
would still be coded as one story even if it started on one page and continued
on other pages. `News in brief ' and news coverage that merely mentioned China
or Viet- nam in passing were excluded for examination, since `excluding non-signi cant portions of the texts helps to provide uniform criteria and
focus on the most important content in text analysis' (Murphy, 2001). Eventually
there was a total of 1,160 articles on SARS – of which 256 stories
were on China and 13 on Vietnam – for analysis (see Table 1). Online
western news articles Since the SARS news coverage on Vietnam was more limited
than we had rst anticipated, a remedy measure was adopted in
the late stage – the Lexis-Nexis database was included in order to
provide a more meaningful analysis. One general note shall be mentioned here:
despite the relatively small amount of Vietnam coverage in the western media,
the overall picture and indication of Vietnam's situation and performance
in western media reporting (both print and online) nevertheless remain clear
and consistent. The key terms used for searching in the Lexis-Nexis database
were `SARS, China' and `SARS, Vietnam' during the period from 14 March 2003
to 24 June 2003. The source criteria included `World News', `European news',
`North/ South America news' and `Asia/Paci c News'. `General
news' in `major news- papers' was also included in the search. News sources
that were non-western (i.e. Asian countries such as Malaysia, mainland China,
Hong Kong or Japan) were removed, with the exception of Singapore (it is one
of the ve countries that we have included for this study).
News coverage from the Washington Post, The Times, Sydney Morning Herald,
Straits Times and the Globe & Mail were also excluded to avoid duplication.
The research criteria for `SARS, China' were restricted to `headline' search
instead of `full text' because of the large volume of coverage on China. The
search revealed a total of 357 articles retained for analysis, with 181 covering
China and 60 covering Vietnam (see Table 1). News magazine To provide some
insights into which forces and key individuals were at work behind the scenes,
the in uential international weekly magazine Newsweek (Asian
edition) was included in our analysis. There were 16 issues of this maga-
zine within the study period, with a total of 31 SARS stories: 23 covering
China and one covering Vietnam (see Table 1).
681
Table
1 Number of SARS coverage of China and Vietnam by ve western-led
English newspapers, online western news and Newsweek
This
collection of news stories from the ve newspapers, online news
sources and Newsweek was then analyzed in terms of how news information was
presented: what frames and tones were used. Deviations in tone between three
time spans were also examined, the time spans being: China's cover-up phase
(14 March 200319 April 2003), China's u-turn phase (20 April 2003–24
May 2003) and China's tailing-off phase (25 May 2003–24 June 2003).
Narrative structure of the news stories – i.e. words, headlines, themes,
sentences and paragraphs – have all been taken into consideration.
In the end, there were 460 stories on China (256 from newspapers, 181 from
online western news and 23 from Newsweek) and 74 stories on Vietnam (13 from
newspapers, 60 from online western news and 1 from Newsweek) studied (see
Table 1). Coverage of China or Vietnam is not necessarily mutually exclusive,
as a news story can discuss China and Vietnam at the same time. Finally, in
order to estimate inter-coder reliability, a sample of 10 percent of the SARS
stories on China (46 articles) and on Vietnam (8 articles) was randomly selected,
and was coded by a second coder. Coder agreement rates were computed using
the Holsti (1969) formula that showed an average correspondence of 0.867 (86.7%).
Findings and analysis RQ1: Coverage of China and Vietnam in the mainstream
western-led English-language media during the SARS crisis Emerging from the
analysis, the four most prevalent frames on China: `political/ media institutional
faults', `local bureaucratic obstacles', `leadership contention' and `poor
health system' were identi ed (see Table 2). In Vietnam, the
country that had comparatively much less press coverage, two frames: `effective
crisis management' and `cooperative authority' could be identi ed
(see Table 3).
682
Table 2
683
Type
of frame was derived according to Entman (1993): `To frame is to select some
aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a com- municating
text'. We started with loosely de ned presuppositions of the
frames, which enabled us to identify all the possible frames (Gamson, 1992).
Various frames encountered in the analysis of the news stories, which highlighted
an association of word–image narratives in the stories were subsequently
con- structed. These frames were not necessarily mutually exclusive; however,
only the most prominent one was coded. Tones that indicated the stand of the
press of each country were also summarized into four types: positive, negative,
mixed and neutral. They were determined by following McQuail's (1992: 227)
strategy: to decide based on a `speculation of a common-sense kind on the
likely impression made on an average audience'. Media Frames on China Political/media
institutional faults. China was blamed for the spread of SARS to the rest
of the world through its mismanagement, especially during the early period
of the outbreak – a result of the many weaknesses in China's authoritarian
poli- tical system (Pomfret, 2003a). This most frequently used frame included
news stories that critically described China as non-transparent (even lying),
irrespon- sible, non-cooperative, bureaucratic, non-democratic and repressive.
Local bureaucratic obstacles. The weak relation between China's central government
and its local authorities, the fragmented bureaucratic authority in China
and the secretive culture of the Chinese of cials, all of which
had led to ineffective SARS management in the early months in China (and to
certain extent across the globe), are the main themes of this second most
frequently used frame. After China's new leader, Hu Jintao, pledged to be
open with SARS information, a senior Chinese of cial was reported
to have said, `It doesn't matter if [President] Hu has ordered more transparency.
As long as your immedi- ate boss does not tell you to speak to the press,
you don't do it' (Leu, 2003). Leadership contention. The cover-up of the Chinese
government during the initial SARS outbreak was reported to be related to
the transition of political power at the top (Chao, 2003). This third most
prominent frame is concerned with the lingering in uence of
China's previous political leader Jiang Zemin, the factional struggle between
the two camps (i.e. Hu's and Jiang's) within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP),
and how the dismissed Health Minister Zhang Wenkang ( Jiang's protégé, who
had also served as Jiang's personal doctor) and Beijing's Mayor Meng Xuenong
(Hu's supporter) were just political scapegoats: `A truce where each side
loses one scapegoat in order to save their common skin – the Communist
Party' ( Jingsheng, 2003).
684
Table 3
685
Poor
health system and living conditions. Concern for China's primitive living
conditions and impoverished health system was revealed in the media reports.
News stories in this frame also exposed China's ailing healthcare system as
underfunded and underdeveloped by the Chinese government, and unable to effectively
handle the SARS crisis. China was considered a hotbed for new viruses (even
before SARS) with its high density of population and families and animals
living in close quarters (image of an uncivilized other). `If in Guangdong
province, 80 million people live cheek by jowl with chickens, pigs, and ducks,
so, in effect, do us all. Global village, indeed' (Greenspon, 2003). There
were also some other stories that could hardly be grouped into the above four
frames and were referred to as `other frames' (see Table 2). They were mainly
stories about the background and development of SARS (i.e. statis- tical information
concerning the nature and the pattern of the outbreak), travel bans that were
related to SARS, impact of SARS on life and economy, local SARS control measures
and effects, local health/hospital work on SARS, medical back- ground and
advances of SARS, human stories of heroism, SARS as a consequence of a global
world, China/Chinese as discriminated-against communities, China's con ict with Taiwan, etc. Media Frames on Vietnam Effective crisis management.
This most commonly used frame highly publicized Vietnam's achievement. Vietnam
was the rst country to have effectively con- tained SARS and
to be taken off the WHO's list of affected areas (on 28 April 2003). Its success
in combating SARS was primarily attributed to a range of effec- tive crisis
management factors – swift detection, prompt action, effective and
appropriate SARS control measures and transparency with SARS information (CNN.com,
2003). Cooperative authority. This second popularly adopted frame centered
on Vietnam's international cooperation in the battle against SARS and the
`effective collaboration among Vietnam's concerned ministries, agencies and
localities at all levels' (BBC Monitoring International Reports, 2003). Vietnam
allowed WHO to assemble an international team of experts to help deal with
SARS. It also shared its data and statistics of its SARS cases with the global
community, which helped to make advances towards a SARS cure (BBC Worldwide
Monitor- ing, 2003b). Like China, there were also a certain number of other
frames found in the news coverage on Vietnam. They included themes such as
statistical gures of SARS, impact of SARS on life and economy,
the result of Vietnam's successful SARS combat as a stroke of luck, local
quarantine measures, etc. Looking at the frames and tones that the press used
on China and Vietnam, the two countries were represented quite differently.
China was mostly reported
686
negatively
(sometimes even to the point of hostility), with frames that were xated
on China having grave political and social problems (see Tables 2 and 4):
`China has not a great capacity for crisis management. It's not something
they've had to deal with for a long time' (Meyers, 2003). On the other hand,
media tones and frames on Vietnam were mostly positive, showing it in a good
light (see Tables 3 and 5). Vietnam was portrayed as ethical, transparent
with information, cooperative with the WHO and with other countries, and its
crisis management and communication as effective – the Vietnam model
(Picard and Appleby, 2003). The main implication of such contrasting media
representations was that China's reputation became damaged `by their govern-
ments of the SARS outbreak' (York, 2003a), while Vietnam's reputation became
enhanced: `Vietnamese cautiously hails progress on SARS' (Nakashima, 2003).
The considerable amount of `other news' that did not fall into the main media
frames on China or Vietnam could be viewed as an indication that during a
global health crisis like SARS, the media took on its natural informative
role rather than an image constructor role. Instead of tending to attribute
blame to who was at fault (something that is perhaps for a later date), it
focused on factual information that de ned the nature of the
outbreak, both in the disease's pattern of increasing or decreasing in severity
and in quantifying the literal threat posed by the outbreak. In times of crisis,
it seems that providing information is critical above all else for the media.
Table 4 Media tones on China as % of all SARS stories by ve
western-led English news- papers and online western news
687
Table
5 Media tones on Vietnam as % of all SARS stories by ve western-led
English news- papers and online western news
RQ2:
Internal and external factors affecting China's and Vietnam's approaches to
the SARS epidemic and media representation Our ndings showed
that media representation of China and Vietnam during the SARS crisis was
quite different. Why? Put simply, China's behavior during the SARS period
(particularly in the beginning) justi ed a bad press, whereas
Vietnam's handling of the SARS disaster was a cause for praise. China and
Viet- nam behaved very differently during the SARS crisis and this difference
in their approaches affected the western media coverage they received. For
China, there were two phases in its handling of SARS: before 20 April 2003
and after. Western press coverage on China corresponded to these two phases,
especially in the intensity of coverage and tones. During China's cover-up
phase, before 20 April 2003, China responded to SARS with secrecy, denial
and cover-up. Chinese leaders initially fobbed off the outbreak as a purely
medical issue for provincial governments to handle. At the same time, local
and provincial of cials, with the coming Chinese New Year holidays
(when people spend heavily on food and shopping) and a leader of just a few
months' standing in power, did not want bad news occurring on their watch
(Lai, 2004: 89). To this end, the Chinese authorities (both central and local
level) went to considerable effort to conceal the extent of SARS. However,
their cover-up only back red. The media, in amed
by mainland China's un- ethical handling of SARS, compiled headlines such
as, `The cover-up is more frightening than the disease' (Lawrence, 2003) and
`China's Chernobyl' (The
688
Table
6 Number of SARS stories on China by ve western-led English
newspapers and online western news during three time spans
Times,
2003). It followed that the amount of coverage on China noticeably went up
(see Table 6), with negative media tones drastically increased (see Table
7). Then came China's u-turn phase. When SARS made its presence felt in other
parts of the world and international pressures mounted, China's new leader,
Hu Jintao, nally publicly admitted (to a great extent) to China's
past cover-up of the disease on 20 April 2003. He dismissed the health minister
and the mayor of Beijing and `ordered China's of cials to stop
lying about the extent of the SARS epidemic and vowed an all-out war against
the disease' (Pomfret, 2003b). After foot-dragging with the WHO for weeks,
China nally cooperated and allowed a WHO team to enter Guangdong
to investigate. At the international level, key Chinese leaders and of cials went on a public relations drive to salvage China's tarnished
reputation (Meeting on SARS, 2003). These tactics paid off. Following their
initial dismay over China's dis- honest behavior, the media's grave concern
about China gradually died down. Media tones became much less scathing with
some `mixed' reporting: `China has, to its credit, now admitted that it released
information too slowly and has pledged to remedy this' (Khanna, 2003; see
Table 7). There were four major factors concerning China that contributed
to its u-turn in handling SARS. Firstly, advanced media technology meant that
infor- mation about the virus had already ltered through text
messages and internet chat rooms. Therefore, it was hard for the Chinese government
to keep the
689
Table
7 Number of media critical tones for SARS coverage on China by ve
western-led English newspapers and online western news during three time spans
cover
up for long (Pomfret, 2003b). Secondly, Dr Jiang Yanyong (the whistle blower),
a retired People's Liberation Army doctor in Beijing, exposed the Chinese
government's efforts to cover up the SARS crisis in the in uential
American magazine Time (online) on 8 April 2003 ( Jakes, 2003; York, 2003b).
The allegation triggered a restorm of controversy and greater
international pressure that `ultimately forced the government to end its cover-up
and admit the scope of its outbreak' (Chao, 2003). Thirdly, foreign in uences also played important roles, namely the WHO and the foreign
press. WHO's travel alert on China and critical foreign media reports clamoring
for accountability hurt China's economy and its credibility. The Chinese leaders
were therefore forced to act. Fourthly, SARS had become a battle eld
in a power struggle between China's political leaders. When Hu Jintao took
over the state presidency on 19 March 2003, the SARS outbreak was already
into its fourth month in China. If he did nothing, he would face loss of control
over information, lower economic growth, social instability and an international
publicity crisis. If he acknowledged a cover-up but failed to beat back the
virus, he risked losing power to Jiang Zemin (China's previous political leader).
In the end, Hu took the u-turn that paid off (South China Morning Post, 2003; Xinhua News Agency, 2003). Vietnam's approach in its handling of SARS showed
a rather different pic- ture from China's. First, the Vietnamese government,
unlike the Chinese, did
690
not
deny that Vietnam had patients suffering from SARS (Macan-Markar, 2003). The
doctor (Dr Urbani) who discovered the rst SARS case in Vietnam
was a WHO employee; and because SARS cases were discovered in a private French
hospital (unlike the state-controlled military hospital system in China),
it would have been dif cult for the Vietnamese government to
cover up the out- break. Second, Vietnam embarked on effective measures to
combat the SARS crisis from an early stage: All provinces and cities have
been instructed to set up steering committees to over- see and coordinate
activities to prevent the infection and make preparations should the disease
be detected in their locality. The Ministry of Public Health set up mobile
medical teams. (BBC Worldwide Monitoring, 2003a) Third, whereas the Chinese
government was non-transparent and non- cooperative, the Vietnamese government
undertook an aggressive information campaign about SARS, disseminating data
of the latest SARS developments both nationwide and worldwide. Vietnam, had
it so wished, also had the capability to monopolize vital infor- mation regarding
the regime and pending crises, just as China had done. Its contrasting behavior
to China in handling SARS can be explained as a product of differences in
the political climate between the two countries at the time. Vietnam's Communist
Party regime is generally less ideologically strident and its system of rule
less divisive than its Chinese counterpart. Vietnamese leaders neither denounce
and persecute intellectuals in a nationwide campaign style (as occurred during
China's Cultural Revolution) nor purge and jail their rival party leaders
and political opponents in the same relentless way as the CCP (like the tragic
fate of Liu Shaoqi or Lin Biao). Past records show that Vietnam has an institutionalized
mechanism and party culture, which have facilitated a less troublesome transition
to reform-oriented leaders than in China. In Viet- nam, the same group governed
from the 1950s into the 1980s. On the other hand, China's practices impeded
collegiality and undermined institutions. The burden of the legacy of the
Tiananmen Massacre of 1989 on the Chinese leadership complicated the process
of reaching an accommodation with society. Our analysis found that the Tiananmen
Square incident was linked with the Chinese government's behavior regularly
during the SARS news cover- age. As such, Vietnamese political leaders enjoy
somewhat greater institutional exibility and security than
their Chinese equivalents. All these suggest that the Vietnamese state may
be better able to adapt to social change with inclusive and exible
strategies and to be more transparent with information during a time of crisis,
while China's leaders may be tempted towards more repressive and authoritarian
strategies in their crisis management (McCormick, 1998).
691
RQ3:
What implications do the ndings from RQ1 and RQ2 have on the
debate of international coverage of other nations? Of all the complaints against
journalistic practices, none has been made with more passion than the proposition
that the western media single out the developing and post-communist world
for inaccurate, unfair coverage. Our data indicates that the western media
are not nearly as biased as this critical model argument would have us believe.
Rather, journalists largely give credit where credit is due. While the western
news coverage on China may perhaps corroborate the image of a bad other, it
was China's handling of SARS in particu- lar that was the source of the problem.
In contrast, despite bearing such same labels as China: `post-communist',
`authoritarian state', `third world developing country', Vietnam was not,
however, portrayed as the negative other because of its effective containment
of SARS. The long-established journalistic objectivity and professionalism
principle can still be regarded as a realistic media performance. Critical
studies of representing other scholarship generally look at the issues of
international communication and national image construction with a pre- vailing
and often one-dimensional assumption. As our study has shown, one other can
be very different from the other. Each commands a different story and journalistic
representation in real life contexts and practices. National image construction
as a whole is largely the result of a con uence of factors interacting
within social and cultural contexts – a particular country's institutional
arrange- ment and its performance in certain conditions within a given global
com- munication structure. (Several key issues have been highlighted in Figure
1, a framework of western media representation of the other in context.) Each
other has certain internal and external in uences that contribute
to its image out- come. In failing to recognize such `reality', the concept
of other can be twisted into an instrument available for the authoritarian
rulers, who shift the blame and direct the attention of their unreasonable
or inhumane behavior to the unreal and unjust representation of the western
media for their own convenience and interest (Huang and Lee, 2003). Finally,
this study should be instructive for Chinese functionaries. It illumi- nates
just how counterproductive Chinese authorities' attempts to control foreign
news coverage actually are. `Soft' news manipulation in the future, especially
as Beijing prepares to host visitors from around the globe for the 2008 Olympics
(as suggested by Polumbaum, 2002), would be more fruitful.
692
Figure 1
693
Conclusions
and limitations Journalistic practice when reporting on foreign others is
of new importance during this emerging postmodern and media-saturated era
in which these others have become a prevalent part of today's global journalism.
The critical study of representing the other, despite its many shortcomings,
is a useful model that asks journalism and its academic research to critically
examine the praxis and routines of media representation processes and the
underlying power dynamics of textual representations of the other. The digital
age global journalist has to come to grips with the problems of accuracy,
balance and per- spective to overcome the complex predicament of representation
process. Adopting self-re ective and critical approaches towards
traditional-ritualistic reporting and new professional routines is important
(Fursich, 2002). Global journalists need to be sensitive and knowledgeable
about what is happening on the ground in individual countries. There are often
internal contradictions and aspects of different compelling forces in a country
that jointly work toward a media event that commands attention and investigation
(as our case study has shown). There are, however, several limitations to
our analysis. The research singles out the SARS coverage on China and Vietnam
to illustrate a different perspective from the traditional line of approach.
Additional cases are needed to test the propositions that have been put forward
here in order to assess their validity in other scenarios. It would be interesting
to see how a third world democratic nation (e.g. India) and a suppressive
authoritarian one (e.g. Cuba) are depicted differently (if indeed they are).
Although we anticipated from the beginning that SARS coverage on Vietnam would
be comparatively less than coverage on China, there is a large imbalance in
sample size between the two countries. A larger sample size (especially for
Vietnam) would have been helpful (e.g. the inclusion of more western newspapers
from the ve countries that we examined in this study – tabloids as well as elite newspapers – and a broader representation
of western countries, such as France and Germany). In determining the frames
of the news stories studied, it is unavoidable that a certain level of subjectivity
was introduced – when `one chooses one form of classi cation
rather than another' (McQuail, 2000: 329). The same issue also applied when
identifying tones of a news story in our analysis. Whichever mode of portrayal
or whatever frames applied, each story had an element of positivity and negativity
attached, since all languages and images are subject to interpretation.
694
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank two reviewers for their insightful and critical views
which allowed us to improve the quality of the research project. An early
version was presented at the International Communication Association (ICA)
2005 Annual Conference, 29 May 2005, New York, NY.
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Biographical
notes Christine Chi Mei Leung is a PhD candidate in the Department of Journalism
at Hong Kong Baptist University. As a person with physical disabilities, her
research focuses are within the eld of disability study and
`othering' in journalism. Her PhD thesis looks at the diversity and the politics
of media production in the Chinese press through news representation of disability.
Yu
Huang is a professor at the Hong Kong Baptist University, since 1994, and
teaches within the Journalism Department. He came from China and received
his professional journalism training in China and the UK. His current research
interests include: media communication in Hong Kong and mainland China, media
represen- tation/construction, social relations and media changes, and political
economy of media/communication studies.</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><ref><citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>BBC Monitoring International Reports</surname></name> (<year>2003</year> ) <source>`Vietnam ``Successfully'' Contains SARS: Ministry'</source>, 20 June <year>2003</year>, <publisher-name>Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe</publisher-name>, URL (consulted 31 July <year>2004</year>): <uri xlink:type="simple">http://www.lexis-nexis.com</uri></citation></ref><ref><citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>BBC Worldwide Monitoring</surname></name> (<year>2003</year>a) <source>`Vietnamese Authorities Remain Alert to New Outbreak of SARS'</source>, 18 April <year>2003</year>, <publisher-name>Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe</publisher-name>, URL (consulted 31 July <year>2004</year>): <source>http://www.lexis-nexis.com</source></citation></ref><ref><citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>BBC Worldwide Monitoring</surname></name> (<year>2003</year>b) ` <source>Vietnam Announces Successful Control of SARS</source>', 29 April <year>2003</year> , <publisher-name>Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe</publisher-name>, URL (consulted 31 July <year>2004</year>): <uri xlink:type="simple">http://www.lexis-nexis.com</uri></citation></ref><ref><citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Boston Globe</surname></name> (<year>2003</year>) `<source>Disease in China</source>', 8 April <year>2003</year>, Lexis-Nexis Academic Universe, URL (consulted 31 July <year>2004</year>): <uri xlink:type="simple">http://www.lexis-nexis.com</uri></citation></ref><ref><citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Campbell, V.</surname></name> (<year>2004</year>) <source>Information Age Journalism: Journalism in an International Context</source>. <publisher-loc>London</publisher-loc>: <publisher-name>Arnold</publisher-name>.</citation></ref><ref><citation citation-type="journal" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Carragee, K.</surname></name> and <name name-style="western"><surname>W. Roefs</surname></name> (<year>2004</year>) `<article-title>The Neglect of Power in Recent Framing Research</article-title> ', <source>Journal of Communication</source>
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M.</namePart><namePart type="family">Leung</namePart><affiliation></affiliation><affiliation>E-mail: 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</affiliation><affiliation>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, 03414221@hkbu.edu.hk</affiliation><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Yu</namePart><namePart type="family">Huang</namePart><affiliation></affiliation><affiliation>E-mail: S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</affiliation><affiliation>Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, S03033@hkbu.edu.hk</affiliation><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="other" displayLabel="other" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-7474895G-0">other</genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage UK: London, England</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2007-12</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2007</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><abstract lang="en">This paper primarily looks at one of the essential aspects of global (usually western) journalists' praxis of covering and depicting the other (generally the non-western). Content analysis of quantitative and qualitative attributes of media coverage of the SARS outbreak with regard to China and Vietnam from newspapers in five countries, including the Washington Post (USA), The Times (UK), the Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), the Globe & Mail (Canada), the Straits Times (Singapore), Newsweek and online news was undertaken. Findings show that while the western news coverage on China corroborated the image of the other in an unfavorable light, Vietnam was not portrayed as the negative other. Differences in China's and Vietnam's handling of SARS have affected their news coverage by the media. Both internal forces and external factors, interplaying and often competing, have contributed to the dynamic process of news coverage and image construction in the international media.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>K E Y W O R D S</topic><topic>China and Vietnam</topic><topic>global journalism</topic><topic>representation of other</topic><topic>SARS</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Journalism</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">1464-8849</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1741-3001</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">JOU</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spjou</identifier><part><date>2007</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>8</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>6</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>675</start><end>697</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">2379B9A10B9752649567B2A9673AF87FB77B05C7</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-N1SR3MFF-3</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/1464884907083118</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_1464884907083118</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-N1SR3MFF-3/record.json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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