Le SIDA en Afrique subsaharienne (serveur d'exploration)

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Condom Semiotics: Meaning and Condom Use in Rural Malawi

Identifieur interne : 001669 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001668; suivant : 001670

Condom Semiotics: Meaning and Condom Use in Rural Malawi

Auteurs : Iddo Tavory ; Ann Swidler

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:454A569C1D839600ADFBAEEAEF52BF52384CDD99

English descriptors

Abstract

This article examines the widespread resistance to condom use in sub-Saharan Africa by describing the major semiotic axes that organize how people talk about condoms and condom use. These axes include the “sweetness” of sex, trust and love between sexual partners, and assessments of risk and danger. Using data from rural Malawi, we show that framing the meaning of condoms as a simple choice between risky behavior and rational attempts to protect one's health ignores the complex semiotic space that Malawians navigate. Based on data from more than 600 diaries that record rural Malawians' everyday conversations, our analysis charts the semiotic axes related to condom use. Semiotic constraints operate most powerfully at the level of relationships. Condom use signifies a risky, less serious, and less intimate partner. Even when people believe that condom use is appropriate, wise, or even a matter of life and death, the statement that condom use makes about a relationship usually trumps all other meanings. We call for a more nuanced analysis of culture, one that is attentive to the ways agents navigate multiple, contested meanings, and that demonstrates how specific semiotic axes are brought to bear in particular interactional contexts.

Url:
DOI: 10.1177/000312240907400201

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:454A569C1D839600ADFBAEEAEF52BF52384CDD99

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<article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">10.1177_000312240907400201</article-id>
<article-categories>
<subj-group subj-group-type="heading">
<subject>Articles</subject>
</subj-group>
</article-categories>
<title-group>
<article-title>Condom Semiotics: Meaning and Condom Use in Rural Malawi</article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple">
<name name-style="western">
<surname>Tavory</surname>
<given-names>Iddo</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff1-000312240907400201"></xref>
<xref ref-type="corresp" rid="corresp1-000312240907400201"></xref>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple">
<name name-style="western">
<surname>Swidler</surname>
<given-names>Ann</given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff2-000312240907400201"></xref>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="aff1-000312240907400201">University of California-Los Angeles</aff>
<aff id="aff2-000312240907400201">University of California-Berkeley</aff>
<author-notes>
<corresp id="corresp1-000312240907400201">The first author was supported by grants from NICHD (RO1HD/MH41713, P.I.: Watkins, and R01 HD044228, P.I. Kohler, Hans-Peter) and the second author by the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research and the Committee on Research of the University of California, Berkeley.</corresp>
<fn fn-type="other" id="author-notes1-000312240907400201">
<p>Susan Watkins, Georges Reniers, and Kim Yi Dionne offered intellectual support and practical help at every stage of the research and writing. Philip Anglewicz and Kim Yi Dionne prepared Figure 1. Robert Bellah, Claude Fischer, Richard Madsen, Tom Pessah, William Sullivan, and Steven Tipton provided valuable feedback on an earlier draft. In Malawi, we would like to thank the interviewers McDaphton Bellos, Richards Bossom, Fanizo George, Esnat Sanudi, and Rosemary Sapangwa. We also want to thank Mara Grynaviski, Jonathan Vespa, and the anonymous reviewers whose comments greatly strengthened the article.</p>
</fn>
</author-notes>
<pub-date pub-type="epub-ppub">
<month>4</month>
<year>2009</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>74</volume>
<issue>2</issue>
<fpage>171</fpage>
<lpage>189</lpage>
<permissions>
<copyright-statement>© 2009 American Sociological Association</copyright-statement>
<copyright-year>2009</copyright-year>
<copyright-holder content-type="society">American Sociological Association</copyright-holder>
</permissions>
<abstract>
<p>This article examines the widespread resistance to condom use in sub-Saharan Africa by describing the major semiotic axes that organize how people talk about condoms and condom use. These axes include the “sweetness” of sex, trust and love between sexual partners, and assessments of risk and danger. Using data from rural Malawi, we show that framing the meaning of condoms as a simple choice between risky behavior and rational attempts to protect one's health ignores the complex semiotic space that Malawians navigate. Based on data from more than 600 diaries that record rural Malawians' everyday conversations, our analysis charts the semiotic axes related to condom use. Semiotic constraints operate most powerfully at the level of relationships. Condom use signifies a risky, less serious, and less intimate partner. Even when people believe that condom use is appropriate, wise, or even a matter of life and death, the statement that condom use makes about a relationship usually trumps all other meanings. We call for a more nuanced analysis of culture, one that is attentive to the ways agents navigate multiple, contested meanings, and that demonstrates how specific semiotic axes are brought to bear in particular interactional contexts.</p>
</abstract>
</article-meta>
</front>
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<title>Condom Semiotics: Meaning and Condom Use in Rural Malawi</title>
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<title>Condom Semiotics: Meaning and Condom Use in Rural Malawi</title>
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<description>Susan Watkins, Georges Reniers, and Kim Yi Dionne offered intellectual support and practical help at every stage of the research and writing. Philip Anglewicz and Kim Yi Dionne prepared Figure 1. Robert Bellah, Claude Fischer, Richard Madsen, Tom Pessah, William Sullivan, and Steven Tipton provided valuable feedback on an earlier draft. In Malawi, we would like to thank the interviewers McDaphton Bellos, Richards Bossom, Fanizo George, Esnat Sanudi, and Rosemary Sapangwa. We also want to thank Mara Grynaviski, Jonathan Vespa, and the anonymous reviewers whose comments greatly strengthened the article.</description>
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<description>Susan Watkins, Georges Reniers, and Kim Yi Dionne offered intellectual support and practical help at every stage of the research and writing. Philip Anglewicz and Kim Yi Dionne prepared Figure 1. Robert Bellah, Claude Fischer, Richard Madsen, Tom Pessah, William Sullivan, and Steven Tipton provided valuable feedback on an earlier draft. In Malawi, we would like to thank the interviewers McDaphton Bellos, Richards Bossom, Fanizo George, Esnat Sanudi, and Rosemary Sapangwa. We also want to thank Mara Grynaviski, Jonathan Vespa, and the anonymous reviewers whose comments greatly strengthened the article.</description>
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<abstract lang="en">This article examines the widespread resistance to condom use in sub-Saharan Africa by describing the major semiotic axes that organize how people talk about condoms and condom use. These axes include the “sweetness” of sex, trust and love between sexual partners, and assessments of risk and danger. Using data from rural Malawi, we show that framing the meaning of condoms as a simple choice between risky behavior and rational attempts to protect one's health ignores the complex semiotic space that Malawians navigate. Based on data from more than 600 diaries that record rural Malawians' everyday conversations, our analysis charts the semiotic axes related to condom use. Semiotic constraints operate most powerfully at the level of relationships. Condom use signifies a risky, less serious, and less intimate partner. Even when people believe that condom use is appropriate, wise, or even a matter of life and death, the statement that condom use makes about a relationship usually trumps all other meanings. We call for a more nuanced analysis of culture, one that is attentive to the ways agents navigate multiple, contested meanings, and that demonstrates how specific semiotic axes are brought to bear in particular interactional contexts.</abstract>
<note type="footnotes">Susan Watkins, Georges Reniers, and Kim Yi Dionne offered intellectual support and practical help at every stage of the research and writing. Philip Anglewicz and Kim Yi Dionne prepared Figure 1. Robert Bellah, Claude Fischer, Richard Madsen, Tom Pessah, William Sullivan, and Steven Tipton provided valuable feedback on an earlier draft. In Malawi, we would like to thank the interviewers McDaphton Bellos, Richards Bossom, Fanizo George, Esnat Sanudi, and Rosemary Sapangwa. We also want to thank Mara Grynaviski, Jonathan Vespa, and the anonymous reviewers whose comments greatly strengthened the article.</note>
<note type="author-notes">The first author was supported by grants from NICHD (RO1HD/MH41713, P.I.: Watkins, and R01 HD044228, P.I. Kohler, Hans-Peter) and the second author by the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research and the Committee on Research of the University of California, Berkeley.</note>
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