Serveur d'exploration sur les pandémies grippales

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Book Department

Identifieur interne : 002539 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 002538; suivant : 002540

Book Department

Auteurs :

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:BE8DA544CE435F058F74255F942439AD1B90FCA6

English descriptors


Url:
DOI: 10.1177/000271627743000118

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:BE8DA544CE435F058F74255F942439AD1B90FCA6

Le document en format XML

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<meta-value>179 Book Department SAGE Publications, Inc.1977DOI: 10.1177/000271627743000118 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE CALVIN D. DAVIS. The United States and the Second Hague Peace Conference : American Diplomacy and International O.rganization, 1899- 1914. Pp. 398. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1975. No price. Idealists look primarily to intema- tional law and organization as the means through which the security-power dilemma among nation-states can be resolved. Leaving aside the numerous peace plans and grand designs from Kant to Woodrow Wilson, the world took its first major step in the long history of international organization with the First and Second Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907. No one has chronicled the events leading to and surrounding these conferences with greater historical insight and judgment than Professor Calvin D. Davis. Writing in 1962 of the First Conference, Davis concludes: "... The First Hague Peace Conference achieved little in the way of progress for humanity.... The conventions and declarations ... and later agreements based upon those documents were paper achievements- masks concealing failure." Looking back a decade later in his history of the Second Conference, Professor Davis found his own judgment too harsh, explaining that while the conference had overlooked the prime political problems of the era, it had laid the foundations for new approaches to arms limitation, international arbitration and the laws of warfare, especially the latter. The First Conference founded the Permanent Court of Arbitration with a list of names of arbiters and judges; the Second Conference drew up a convention for a world court failing only to agree on the means of appointing judges, a failure that was resolved when the Permanent Court of International Justice was inaugurated on February 15, 1922. Of four American members of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, only one, John Bassett Moore, accepted election by the Council and Assembly of the League, "not- withstanding that he had opposed American entry into the League" (p. 363). From the outset, it was the forces of international politics and fear of other nations, coupled with the high costs of armaments, that inspired international initiatives however vocal and persistent the peace groups may have been. For example, the decision to call the Conference of 1899 originated within the Russian Finance Ministry as Russia and Austria sought to avoid the strains of matching France and Germany in an artillery buildup. Reactions to this reflected security-power concerns. Lord Salisbury warned that "arms were a serious deterrent to war." The Prince of Wales suspected the Russian ministers of intrigue. Kaiser Wilhelm II 199180 privately warned his foreign minister, Count von Bulow, that there could be a "bit of deviltry" in Russia's move. The French feared dire effects on their military position and the United States telegraphed acceptance but explained that the war with Spain made arms limitations below present levels impractical. Mahan pointed to Russian concern with American power as its motivation and Rudyard Kipling wrote the poem, "The Bear that Walks Like a Man." Notwithstanding, the First Conference went forward in part because "all questions concerning the political relations of States ... [were] absolutely excluded." Enthusiasm then and in the Second Conference centered less on armaments than on arbitration and the role of permanent international conferences. Writing of the Second Conference, Professor Davis notes that any student of international affairs "would have quickly decided that the appellation 'Peace Conference' meant little" (p. 137). "Proposals for limiting armaments had failed even before the Second ... Conference opened" (p. 161). In all the notes and confidential talks in the year preceding the Conference, "none believed that his government threatened his neighbors, yet each feared his country's neighbors" (p. 161). It was this and not novel methods and procedures at the Hague that shaped national policies and brought on World War I. The thousands of documents and millions of words that passed among statesmen were less important than a mutual recognition of the security-power dilemma. Professor Davis dwells on this less than would a political realist but the lesson is clear from the historical account he so faithfully and lucidly provides. His is at least a minor classic. KENNETH W. THOMPSON University of Virginia Charlottesville EUGENE LINDEN. The Alms Race: The Impact of American Voluntary Aid Abroad. Pp. x, 275. New York: Random House, 1976. $10.00. Linden's title, with its cuteness, is inaccurate: there is no account of a "race"; "voluntary aid" is really just CARE which he notes is largely public (that is, tax-financed) anyway; "abroad" is Lesotho, a most atypical country. The result is a much less general volume than the title suggests, especially with respect to its conclusions. The conclusions appear in the latter third or so of the book in terms far more general than the bases of analyses should allow: charity has a self-serving role to play in the "consumer" economies ; ridding ourselves of guilt through contributions to such agencies as CARE inevitably leads to the breakdown of traditional Third World institutions to the detriment of the recipients. This occurs as the economic "missionaries" seek to prepare traditional institutions for "free enterprise" in much the same way as religious missionaries proselyte. And as for their religious counterparts, enthusiasm in converting varies inversely with the degree of the "faith" of the individual. This is the principal criticism of the book: the conclusions-valid or no-are essentially independent of the early parts of the work but on which they presumably rely. There is just too much dog here to be set into motion by the little tail. The history of CARE through various stages-as a means of delivering assistance to specified individuals, as a general relief agency, and finally as a self-appointed development agency-is interesting. And the setting of Lesotho into which Linden takes us is also fascinating. He writes well. But literary skill is no substitute for analytic solidity. He deals mostly with short-term change, and he frequently gives the impression that demonstration of weakness in a particular project is tantamount to proving that the project was counter-productive. Abkhasia is painted in terms of extreme underdevelopment but also producing many who live past 120 years of age, with male potency well into the nineties. Almost any "develop- ment" to be offered by the West would damage this entirely enviable situation. 200181 Possibly true, but this says very little to policy for the 90 or more percent of the Third World where life expectancy is far short of that in the "consumer world." The New Guinea Maring tribe is for Linden a sort of model of the traditional. This tribe practices slash- and-burn. Each decade or so it has an enormous feast by killing off almost its entire swine herd, and then engages in bloody battle decimating the various clans. This behavior limiting animal and human population permits prolonged survival of the Marings in delicate ecological balance. Linden does not say that the traditional is better than any other conceivable arrangement, but he implies it is better than any alternative which can be expected from the West's charitable and/or developmental efforts. This leaves the final problem: What to do? Is there a preferred pattern for charitable/development assistance? Is zero charity really better than a positive amount? Is the guilt relieved from giving to CARE really less than the guilt acquired (after reading Linden) from giving to it? JOHN M. HUNTER Michigan State University East Lansing MICHAEL OAKESHOTT. On Human Conduct. Pp. viii, 329. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975. $18.50. The first question I ask of any writer "On Human Conduct" is whether a man is responsible for his actions or is a creature of his environment and/or the stars? This author answers, Understood in terms of its postulates, 'human conduct' is 'free' (that is, intelligent) agents disclosing and enacting themselves by responding to their understood contingent situations in chosen actions and utterances related to imagined and wished- for satisfactions sought in the responses of other such agents, while subscribing to the conditions and compunctions of a multitude of practices and in particular to those of a language of moral understanding and intercourse. A human relationship is not a 'process' made up of functionally or causally related components; it is an intelligent re- lationship enjoyed only in virtue of having been learned and understood or misunderstood.... Civitas is an engagement of human conduct; cives are not neurophysiological organisms, genetic characters, psychological egos of components of a 'social process', but 'free' agents whose responses to one another's actions and utterances is one of understanding; and civil association is not organic, evolutionary, teleological, functional, or syndromic relationship but an understood relationship of intelligent agents (p. 112). The preceding is a summary of his first essay, defining terms and presuppositions of his concept of civil association, the 'state' as societas in which socii pursue their own interests under accepted conditions, and the state as universitas, a partnership which itself becomes a person. His third essay traces tensions of such ideas in the European 'state' or 'nation' of the past five centuries. In this book the retired Fellow of Cambridge University shares a lifetime of reflection, seeking to "enlighten" rather than to "instruct". His political philosophy draws from many disciplines, for example, history, philosophy, political science, psychology, economics, sociology, jurisprudence, theology and current and classical literature in many languages. Vocabulary and sentence structures give a reading level of perhaps Grade 20, if there is such a Grade! For example, ... Psychology ... has emerged from the enterprise of theorizing such 'goings-on' as feeling, being interested, perceiving, being disposed, learning, remembering and forgetting, wanting, wishing, willing, believing, playing, acquiring habits, etc., etc., identified, not as states of consciousness or exhibitions of intelligence, but as observable processes; that is, understood in terms of theorems which denote regularities which are not themselves exhibitions of understanding and do not have to be learned in order to be operative ... they have equipped this science with concepts (often borrowed from other sciences) in terms of which to formulate theorems about the postulates of these processes-faculty, instinct, drive, association, reflex, organic tension, function, valence, canalization, tolerance, conservation, latency, threshold, trace, reinforcement, prdgnaz, deflection, sublima- 201182 tion, repression, field of perception, configuration, etc., etc... (pp. 20-21). Concern for the future rather than the past is suggested by Footnote 1 on page 313: It is perhaps worth noting that notions of 'world peace' and 'world government' which in the eighteenth century were explored in terms of civil association have in this century become projects of 'world management' concerned with the distribution of substantive goods. The decisive change took place in the interval between the League of Nations and the United Nations. What is a 'state', a 'nation'? The modern European state developed from 'feudal' backgrounds, seeking to bring together persons, communities and fragments of communities, strangers to one another, separated in respect of language, moral imagination, customs, aspirations, conditions of living, moved by local affections and animosities, exhibiting the differences of religious belief commonplace in Christendom since the twelfth century. Professor Oakeshott would like to see preserved in the modern state individual freedoms of citizens, seeing them threatened by political promises to give plush benefits if we will just turn over everything to the state. Shall we call it a "social service state', a 'Welfare state', 'social security', 'socialization', 'social ownership', 'nationalization', 'integration', 'cultural engineering', 'communism', 'collectivism', a state understood as a 'public service corporation'? The teleocratic drift which two world wars imparted to all European governments (combatants and neutrals alike) and the techniques of control and integration devised in these circumstances have been reflected in an ever more confident belief in its appropriateness. The notion of a state as an all-embracing, compulsory corporate association and of its government as the manager of an enterprise is then to be recognized as one of the most obtrusive of the strands which constitute the texture of modem European political reflection (p. 311). How can the man limit such remarks to Europe? How different are any of our 'states'? ROLFE L. HUNT New Rochelle New York ALVIN Z. RUBINSTEIN, ed. Soviet and Chinese In fl uence in the Third World. Pp. v, 231. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1976. $17.50. Alvin Z. Rubinstein has edited and written the introductory chapter to a very important volume on the foreign policy of the Soviet Union and China toward Third World nations. The book is a significant contribution in two senses: firstly, in that it deals with the highly essential, albeit difficult, concept of influence, and secondly, in that it examines substantively a variety of aspects of Soviet and Chinese policies. Among these aspects are the military assistance programs of the two communist powers, their economic links with developing countries, the diplomatic dimension, and so on. By concentrating on the notion of influence, Rubinstein and his associates seem to reject the tendency of some political scientists to ignore this concept as too ambiguous and complex. If politics is the science of influence, then influence must be conceptually defined, operationally measured, and empirically assessed. The major contribution of the introductory chapter is in taking the first step toward a better conceptual understanding of influence. Unfortunately, however, Dr. Rubinstein conceives of influence as a product, not as a process-a conception which tends to ignore the dynamics of the phenomenon. The editor errs also by making the methodologically unsound distinction between explanation and prediction. If we can come to understand what causes influence, we can definitely predict it. The eight substantive chapters deal with Soviet and Chinese influence over particular regions (the Persian Gulf, Black Africa, and Latin America), coun- 202183 tries (India, Indonesia, Egypt, and Cuba), and the Palestinian guerrilla movement. The papers are usually the products of careful research, clear writing, and extensive documentary support (an exception, insofar as documentation is concerned, is Mr. Kerr's analysis of Soviet-Egyptian relations). A major problem with this set of papers, however, is that they are only loosely related to each other and to the theoretical framework set by the editor. Though some contributors occasionally refer to this framework, others write with a minimal awareness of it, and some depart totally from Rubinstein's scheme in order to develop their own concep- tualizations. The papers of Maoz and Ginsburgs, for example, are of an a-theoretical nature, while the study of Legvold adopts an independent theoretical outlook. The result is conceptual disintegration, a problem so common to edited volumes. Nevertheless, this book should whole- heartedly be recommended to those who are interested in the development of a theory of influence in international relations, as well as to those who are interested in Soviet and Chinese relationships with Third World countries. ILAN PELEG Lafayette College Easton Pennsylvania WILLIAM SCHNEIDER. Food, Foreign Policy and Rau; Material Cartels. Pp. vii, 122. New York: Crane, Rus- sak & Co., 1976. $5.95. Paperbound, $2.95. The OPEC-induced energy crisis has catapulted economic issues into the main arena of international politics. Combined with the post-Vietnam disenchantment of the U.S. toward the use of military force, oil embargo and other potential raw material cartels, the potential of economic weapons as instruments of foreign policy has received new attention. What William Schneider has done in this brief and readable book is to review the contemporary global economic situation map and postulate the utility of various economic strategies as foreign policy instruments. Schneider stated his thesis succinctly in his introduction: Economic warfare may become the gunboat diplomacy of the backward nations of the world. Arab nations influencing the policies of the United States and its allies in the Middle East crisis are subject to at least some degree of emulation by other states or collection of states in certain circumstances. In the second chapter, Schneider reviewed U.S. experience with economic warfare. He concluded that we had set too high expectations in both the World War II bombing of German industry and in abortive efforts to slow down Soviet economic-military developments. At the same time Schneider asserted that economic warfare could be a useful adjunct to an integrated foreign policy. In disarming the possibility of agricultural exports as a component of economic warfare, Schneider contended that "The U.S. lead in agriculture is greater than Arab dominance of the petroleum market." This factor matched with the chronic inadequacies of Soviet agriculture and food deficiencies elsewhere, rnakes U.S. agricultural products "a very useful element in support of foreign policy." In addition to oil, however, Schneider next demonstrates that the United States and its industrialized allies in Western Europe and Japan are increasingly dependent upon foreign sources for critical materials. After examining both sides of the coin, Schneider advocates the creation of a U.S. government grain reserve for both humanitarian and political purposes. He suggests that few raw material cartels (oil aside) appear feasible in the long run. The availability of a grain reserve, insulated from the U.S. domestic market, would "make possible the exercise of an economic warfare in agricultural products a routine component of U.S. 203184 diplomacy." Even if this weapon might not be used with enthusiasm, "its mere existence could constitute a new force in the arsenal of American diplomacy." Schneider's exploration of how the United States might take advantage of a major U.S. edge in dealing with the increasingly complex problems facing the United States in many areas of the world merits consideration by U.S. policy makers at the highest level. WILLIAM R. KINTNER Foreign Policy Research Institute Philadelphia Pennsylvania ROBERT WARREN STEVENS. Vain Hopes, Grim Realities: The Economic Consequences of the Vietnam War. Pp. 229. New York: New Viewpoints, 1976. $5.95. Paperbound. Citizens, politicians, and scholars do not wish to be reminded of the events and consequences of the Vietnam War, but this study is a classic review of the damage to the American economy in the last decade because of the economic policy decisions by the Johnson and Nixon administrations. The bungling of foreign policy in Vietnam sabotaged the noble experiment of achieving reasonably full employment without inflation and with significant social legislation that occurred from 1961 to 1966 in the brief tenure of the "age of the econo- mist." The deception by LBJ of the escalation of war expenditures in 1965- 66 with the economy near capacity without a reduction in private spending terminated the experiment in economic rationalism and generated the shocks to the economy that have yet to be stabilized. The first part of the book is a brief review of the textbook tools of macro- economic policy as applied from 1961 to 1966 and the textbook case of how not to use the tools in the past decade. The abuse and doubt of the role of economic policy-making by the public and even economists since 1966 was created because of the lack of information concerning the defense ex- penditures and the lack of broad public support of the "government's dirty little war." There never was a coordinated policy to finance the war once it escalated beyond that stage and the resulting political and policy debates were distorted by the ideological stances on the war. The war on poverty was the first t domestic casualty of the war. LBJ's attempt to have guns and butter was effectively jettisoned after 1965 due to the lack of political leadership and a lack of funds; however, the attempt to maintain the war on poverty and the political infeasibility of passing a tax increase to fight both wars led to the inflation that still persists. The real gains achieved in the 1960s due to social legislation were exceeded by the increased aspirations which led to disillusionment and defeatism. The violent distortions in the economy and the destabilizing monetary and fiscal policies utilized because of a lack of a coordinated economic plan to finance the war have led to increased unemployment, inflation, balance of payment disequilibria, and an international financial crisis. A less obvious victim was the attack on the economic education of the polity and politicians. The balanced budget as an end and the return of the "old-time religion" of fiscal conservatism threaten to make economic stabilization policy even more difficult to implement through the political process. The Vietnam War is the classic example of how not to finance a war. The attempt to save face while disentangling from the war, created additional costs and policy errors by the Nixon administration. The demand-pull inflation engineered by LBJ's deception in 1966 was vigorously attacked by the policies of Nixon in 1969-71 when the cause of inflation had already passed into the cost-push stage; hence, the restrictive policies were not effective and only generated more unemployment. The ideological position of the Republicans to balance the budget and reduce federal spending would have been justified by the economic conditions in 204185 1964,-6$. The readiness of the Democrats to use fiscal stimulus and incomes policy from 1965-73 would have greatly reduced the economic consequences of the war; ironically the classic blunders of economic policy were due to the process of policy-making and not due to a lack of understanding of economic stabilization. The quantification of budgetary cost of the war is based on James Clay- ton's testimony before the Joint Economic Committee and alternative estimates to allocate defense costs added by the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War was the second most costly that we have been engaged in and the cost yet to be paid in veteran benefits and interests will be at least double the original outlay of $110 billion. The full costs including future budgetary costs, opportunity cost of conscription, and the indirect cost of recession and inflation due to the war burdens are estimated to be about eight times the budgetary costs. The cost allocations are indeed crude estimates and alternate means of estimation by the defense department are given fair presentation by the author. This social accounting and economic debate may be somewhat confusing to the layman and still repetitious; but the lesson to be learned from this evaluation is vital if we are to avoid such massive errors in the future. Professor Stevens has provided an interesting, readable account of the economic and political errors that have resulted from the "dirty little war." If the United States is to be involved in future wars or police actions, it can avoid the tremendous costs imposed by not protecting the civilian economy from disruptions due to war financing. The underlying theme of the book is the evils that are generated by policy made from an ideological position and the evils of secrecy in government. The problem of secrecy as practiced by Johnson and Nixon can be used to explain many of the political and economic problems of the past decade. If not, hope for the future will again be dashed by the grim realities of the consequences of war-related effects on the economy. W. E. SPELLMAN Coe College Cedar Rapids Iowa TED TAPPER. Political Education and Stability: Elite Responses to Political Conflict. Pp. viii, 265. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1976. $17.95. Classical political theory assumed that the character of a citizen is a reflection of his regime. How political character is developed and the implications of that development has been a principal theme of the seminal works of political science. In the 1960s political science became almost wholly engrossed with the traditional problem of character development. However, the vocabulary of traditional analysis was changed. Concern for the character of a citizen was replaced by a preoccupation with his 'behavior,' and the processes which determined political behavior were referred to as 'socialization.' As Tapper explains, "political socialization is both a process through which individuals acquire their political behavior and a framework within which some things are learnt rather than others" (p. 249). His work then is an analysis of these processes and a general survey of the primary socialization literature. Tapper concedes that an "obituary" for this literature might just as easily have been penned; but he takes the position that socialization research can be carried forward if the "crisis in political science" is properly addressed. Tapper's understanding of crisis follows from the central tenet of socialization studies- namely, that the function of political socialization as an input of the political system is to provide stability. If, given the postulation of system theorists that the political system seeks simply to maintain itself, and in light of the many socialization studies which revealed how efficiently the values of the state were imbibed by children, how is it to be explained that these same children 205186 later as graduate students raised havoc at Berkeley? Similarly, if the system was socializing citizens as effectively as the literature seemed to presume, how is it possible to account for the agitation of blacks, women and other dissident groups? Tapper suggests that to answer these questions it is necessary to recognize that while socialization and stability constitute the pre-eminent reality of politics, socialization is not a neatly coordinated and monolithic education for citizenship. Instead, the author states that while socialization may aim for consensus it also provides for role differentiation which may in fact be counter-productive to the requirements of stability. In five well- drawn case studies Tapper explains how socialization processes often work at cross purposes and occasionally produce tension and disharmony in the political system. What is lacking from this critique of socialization theory is an appreciation of its more profound shortcomings. The greater problem is not that socialization may be dysfunctional and its theory unprepared to explain dissensus. More to the point, socialization theory has not identified the political and has simply failed to explain politics. This in no small way is due to the pronounced ideological biases of such theory made evident by the twin concepts of behavior and stability. But why should it be supposed that stability and behavior or conformism are the essence of politics? Tapper does note in passing criticism which in effect holds that socialization theory is a celebration of the status quo; yet he does not adequately rebut that charge. The author denies, for example, that class provides a useful perspective for understanding conflict, and then proceeds to case studies of conflict (Afro- Americans, Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, working-class Tories, women and students), which if anything undercut that denial. The cardinal question however for an objective political science is not how these groups were socialized or whether their socialization in terms of the needed inputs of the system was useful or not. It is better to ask what are the reasons for such political action and whether the current political order ought to be preserved, modified or radically restructured. In other words, dissensus and revolutionary action do not pose a crisis for political science, but only for theory based on the assumption that politics can and should be controlled. If political science suffers from a crisis, this is only because politics has been confused with public administration. This is not to say that socialization is an uninteresting subject; it is to suggest that the study might be extended, that someone ask how political scientists are socialized or inclined to think or not think about politics. Political theory has always recognized the need for the political education of the citizenry. But classical political theory was also cognizant that the political education of the good citizen did not necessarily make that citizen a good man. PAUL L. ROSEN Carleton University Ottawa, Canada W. ALLEN WALLIS. An Overgoverned Society. Pp. ix, 292. New York: The Free Press, 1976. $10.00. Not only by the title of this book, but also by the answers given to the questions raised within, this volume cannot be viewed as an objective analysis of American political-economic society. All the answers go against government, mostly in this case the national government. To be sure, it is gaining more operating room, it is breaking down traditional constitutional barriers, it is becoming more and more collectivist. Free enterprise and the market economy are fighting for survival. The author follows Walter Lippman: "the sickness of an overgoverned society." Yet, while there is another side to the coin, in this book you don't get it. Be that as it may, there is much to be said for this approach. But what can be done? How can this trend be constrained ? Who will lead the way back? Professor Wallis picks out the intellec- 206187 tuals, "the academic-journalistic com- plex." They are the ones, not creators of ideas, nor actually too sharp at analyzing them. Rather they are what Friedrich Hayek calls "intellectual mid- dlemen," following the lead of top scholars and researchers. Over a long period of time, they will spread the good word around-the truth makes free. What the rest of us are going to do until this happens deponent saith not. We are on our own. Pretty thin gruel. The author shows considerable economy savvy, but not too much on the political ball. Furthermore, the book is a heterogeneous package of essays and speeches, not at all geared for solid reading, not integrated into the conservative philosophy Professor Wallis strives for. He covers all manner of subjects: the draft, the price of steel, Watergate (who doesn't), business and government, unmet social needs, the consumer, the welfare explosion, political entrepreneurship, the power of the people, social security, modern communication, and so on. All very well, much of it is informative and knowledgeable, but without much readability. As a guide for thinking and acting conservatively, it just won't do. It is not a milestone in the battle with the Big State. Are there enough scholars and researchers out in the open who are bending their talents for the free society, limited government, individualism, private property, the free market, and unfettered enterprise? Professor Wallis names some, and they have eminent qualifications, but they are all too few, and besides they lack charisma. Liberals-not conservatives-are the academic, literary and journalistic majority today. HAROLD F. ALDERFER Mechanicsburg Pennsylvania AFRICA, ASIA AND EUROPE MICHAEL AVI-YONAH. The Jews of Palestine: A Political History from the Bar Kokhba War to the Arab Conquest. Pp. xviii, 278. New York: Schocken Books, 1976. $16.50. This work, now happily made available in English, has long (1946) been a standard text for the given period among scholars with access to the Hebrew original (In the Days of Rome and Byzarttium.). The comprehensive analysis by Professor Avi-Yonah of the socio-political forces that shaped this largely neglected period should prove of great value to the larger scholarly community that will now be enabled to examine his tightly reasoned and broadly documented study. The topics covered in this treatise are self-evidently significant-the disastrous Judean revolts against Rome; subsequent efforts at evolving a compromise modus vivendi between the Jews and Rome; the evolving relationships between Judaism and Christianity; the Church as the spokesman for Rome; the Byzantines and the Jews; the Persian invasion; and finally, the Arab conquest. The author clearly brings to bear a solid background in the elements centrally necessary for a proper understanding of the dynamics ofthis period- Roman political documents, Jewish traditional texts and the patristic literature of the Church; without any of these, this synthetic history could clearly not have been written. Avi-Yonah chose his point of departure well-the end of the Bar Kokhba rebellion, and the grave challenges its failure placed before the Palestinian Jewish community. Professor Salo Baron, writing in Volume II of his monumental Social and Religious History of the Jews, put it this way: When the failure of the Bar Kocheba uprising put a stamp of finality on their loss of national independence and central sanctuary as well as on the total separation of Christianity, the Jews faced one of the greatest crises in their history. Although long accustomed to life in Exile amidst more or less hostile neighbors, they were now confronted with an internal foe who either denied or tried to arrogate to himself all those traditional doctrines which had made Jewish minority existence worth living (p. 170). This newly militant Christianity, along with its main competitor, the newly 207188 revitalized pluralistic paganism, was to be the major challenge to Jewish loyalty and survival for the next several centuries. In the course of his presentation, Avi-Yonah focuses appropriate attention on the political conflicts of the 2nd century, the economic upheavals of the 3rd, and the religious .persecutions of the 4th century. He properly highlights the distinguished 500 year history of the Patri- archate, and the significant roles played by nationalism on the one hand, and messianism on the other, in maintaining Jewish autonomous aspirations throughout the period. The work is appropriately subtitled a "political history," clarifying the absence of substantial bodies of available archeological and theological historical material. Similarly, although much documentary use is made of Talmudic texts, the climactic completion and sealing of the Palestinian Talmud is virtually glossed over in silence. These caveats quite aside, the volume is a most welcome addition to the library of materials now available on the history of this sensitive period, and as another major exemplar of the important works of scholarship Professor Avi-Yonah has made available to the English-reading public. HERBERT ROSENBLUM Hebrew College Brookline Massachusetts WALTER BARROWS. Grassroots Politics in an African State: Integration and Development in Sierra Leone. Pp. iii, 265. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1976. $25.00. THOMAS S. Cox. Civil-Military Relations in Sierra Leone. Pp. viii, 271. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976. $14.00. With interest in black Africa heightened by current events, the appearance of these two timely studies compels our attention. Although both focus on political development and decay in Sierra Leone, their conclusions contribute to an understanding of third world politics in general. Walter Barrows, through a study of the role of the paramount chief, offers thought-provoking insights into the viability in the modern political setting of traditional institutions. He rejects the notion of a contradiction between traditional and modern institutions and questions whether the latter inevitably displace the former during political development. Instead, he offers a synthetic model of change. Barrows also questions a static view of pre-colonial society, urging the reader to see the fluidity and motion which existed in the traditional setting. Further, he notes that some aspects of traditional politics, such as the establishment of chiefly ruling families, were actually grafted onto native society by the colonial administration. It would have been interesting had he explored further why some innovations took hold and similar ones failed, as in the case of the Mammy Queens and rotating chiefs. Barrows' case studies of grassroots politics are most instructive and his references to the activities of the Poro secret societies are particularly fascinating. The overall picture that emerges is one of intra-elite conflict and cleavage sparked by a utilitarian search for self-interest, rather than any sense of identity or ideological purpose. Thomas S. Cox's study rejects the notion that the military establishment entered into Sierra Leone politics as a modernizing elite impatient with traditional forces and the slow pace of change. Although this motive has impelled other military takeovers elsewhere in the third world, Cox sees the coups d'etat in Sierra Leone as part of intra-elite cleavages. He supports Barrows' view that the pursuit of individual self-interest and utility is a guiding principle in Sierra Leone politics. Cox traces the origins of the military establishment, which as an arm of the colonial power, was designed primarily for internal security functions. Since it offered fewer opportunities for advance- 208189 ment and social status than did the civil service, it attracted second-rate candidates. Cox argues that only under the British administration did the army represent state-wide interests rather than private ones. He shows how independence produced a situation where opportunism prevailed and self-serving drives for power and prestige became commonplace. Once primordially inspired cliques emerged, ethnicity and tribal loyalties became a dominant factor in political life and in civil-military relations in Sierra Leone. In discussing the role of the military throughout the third world, Cox makes some generalizations about Middle Eastern armies which an area specialist might question. For example, is there a "class orientation" of Middle Eastern armies, a pattern of "ideological polar- ization" and "interclass confict" of civil-military relations in the area and a "North African tradition" in the armies of Egypt, Libya, Algeria and Morocco (see pp. 2-3, 12, 79-80)? His reference to Israeli assistance in training officers and in developing an intelligence service under the Lansana-Sir Albert Margai faction is disconcerting, particularly if Cox intended to imply Israel's involvement in Sierra Leone's domestic politics. Sir Albert's arrangements with Israel were not unique. In fact, during Sir Milton Margai's tenure, Israel had undertaken assistance projects in Sierra Leone in such non-military and apolitical areas as medicine and construction. Thus a cooperative relationship antedated Sir Albert's assumption of power and, in fact, was already established by 1961, when this reviewer served as Assistant Director of Information in the Israel Foreign Ministry's Department for International Cooperation. Both the Cox and Barrows books are primarily for the specialist although of the two, Barrows is more readable. His theoretical chapters devoted to model-building are clear and concise. He offers excellent maps, tables and figures. Unfortunately the book is marred by the absence of an index and bibliography and, considering the price, by an inexcusable number of printing errors (for example, pp. 43, 53, 61, 69, 103, 121, 223, 234, 249, 257). Cox's study, on the other hand, reads like a doctoral dissertation, which indeed it was. There is no map, no glossary of terms and none of the useful background information on Sierra Leone which Barrows includes. SYLVIA KOWITT CROSBIE Immaculate Heart College Los Angeles California JOHN F. COVERDALE. Italian Intervention in the Spanish Civil War. Pp. xxi, 455. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975. $18.50. In its origins, its prosecution, and its consequences, the civil war in Spain was basically a Spanish affair. But contemporaries, confronted with the evidence of foreign assistance to both sides, saw the war as an international conflict, a transcendent struggle between the forces of good and evil, variously defined. This interpretation did little to clarify the role of foreign intervention; on the contrary, the passions aroused by outside aid quickly distorted its extent, influence, and intent. Only in recent years have historians attempted to evaluate objectively the impact of foreign involvement on the outcome of the war. The present volume by Professor Coverdale of Princeton University makes possible a balanced assessment of Italian aid to the Nationalist forces of General Franco and its consequences for both Spain and Italy. Based primarily on hitherto inaccessible Italian diplomatic sources, this study necessarily focuses on the formulation and implementation of policy in Italy by Mussolini, who made all major decisions with regard to Spain throughout the conflict. Coverdale demonstrates that especially in the opening stages of the war, Mussolini's strategy was more defensive than offensive ; ideological and economic imperialism were secondary to the protection of traditional Italian interests in the Mediterranean, potentially en- 209190 dangered by the pro-French policies of the Second Republic. Subsequently, the commitment of 50,000 Italian troops, together with substantial material aid, made prestige an equally important motive for continued Italian intervention. The author's analysis illuminates the pitfalls of foreign involvement in domestic conflicts. Mussolini's desire for a spectacular Italian victory (especially after the debacle at Guadalajara) and for a rapid conclusion to the war brought his officers into frequent disagreement with General Franco, whose principal concern was the effective occupation of conquered territory. Despite their contribution to the war effort, the Italians were forced to endure their frustration because only Franco seemed to hold out the possibility of ultimate victory. For the same reason, the Italians hesitated to offend Franco by insisting on a Fascist political orientation within the Nationalist zone. The formal similarities between the Nationalist regime and Italian Fascism were not the result of Italian pressure but of Franco's political opportunism. Coverdale's sources also enable him to provide accurate information on the amount of Italian aid to reach the Nationalists during the war; he concludes that while Italian and German aid was not overwhelmingly superior to that provided the Republicans, it was nevertheless "an essential element in the Nationalist victory." Unfortunately but unavoidably missing from his otherwise comprehensive analysis is an examination of Nationalist policy vis- a-vis its foreign supporters. Until Spanish archives are opened to investigators, this study will stand as the best existing treatment of a highly controversial subject. CAROLYN P. BOYD University of Texas Austin DONALD K. EMMERSON. Indonesia's Elite: Political Culture and Cultural Politics. Pp. 303. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1976. $14.50. In an effort to determine how various cultural, including religious, differences are reflected in "politically relevant orientations" Emmerson, during 1967- 69, interviewed forty members of the then Indonesian political elite, twenty of them higher ranking bureaucrats in the central administration (drawn from a list of 651 senior officials of major government departments), and twenty from the 369 members of the Indonesian parliament. The size of this sample was governed, according to the author, by his consideration that a larger sample might entail the danger of "quick, artificial" interviews that would confirm the researcher's bias rather than reflect the position of the respondents. Three chapters, the heart of the book, deal with the results of Emmerson's interviews, and they are preceded by a brief historical chapter on the evolution of the bureaucracy and representative organs in Indonesia, and by a chapter detailing the life and career of two interview respondents, presumably characteristic of the two categories sampled. A concluding chapter essentially seeks to place the findings in a contemporary setting, and a "Post- script" describes Emmerson's re-inter- views in 1974 and 1975 of the two respondents whose backgrounds he had presented earlier. It is difficult to find anything of significance, either in the author's interview results (is this small a sample really an advantage?), or in his method of presentation. Among the general conclusions, for example, are (1) that cultural minorities are likely to be generally more defensive than "their counterpart majorities" and less inclined to tolerate alternate religious truths, and (2) that secularization, to the extent that it erodes religious or ethnic identity, may reduce "extreme views" and so contribute to a consensus. Neither of these two observations is likely to raise an eyebrow of a student of minority problems or of political modernization. As the majority of respondents were raised in the Dutch colonial period before the Second World War, with its long enduring bureau- 210191 cratic-administrative traditions, it is not surprising to read that (1) the great majority of Emmerson's sample of bureaucrats had fathers who also were civil servants, and had a "colonial nostalgia," while (2), for those without such traditions in their own family lives, that is Emmerson's sample of members of parliament, the fathers were more likely to have had careers in the private sector. Again, considering Emmerson's bureaucratic sample, in terms of its family background, it was to be expected that the majority in this sample were of Javanese origin. But then, considering the syncretic thoughtworld of the Javanese bureaucracy, pre-war and today, it is hardly remarkable that those in Emmerson's bureaucratic sample had a higher degree of "eclectic religious tolerance" (and, presumably, had "weak" Islamic religious identities) than his group of parliamentarians, some of whom, by virtue of their office, would likely be much more attuned to political parties with a definite religious commitment. There have been only two general parliamentary elections in Indonesia, in 1955 and 1971, and one wonders about the representativeness of Emmerson's sample of legislators, as interviewed in 1967-69. Indeed, the presumably representative legislator introduced by Emmerson in his second chapter lost his parliamentary seat in the 1971 election ; his values and political orientations no doubt remain felt in the Indonesian legislative sphere today, but one can only speculate in what representative degree. There are other problems with Em- merson's methodological categories. Degrees of intensity in religious commitments are generally hard to establish with precision. For Emmerson, however, a "medium strength Muslim" (as opposed to a "strong" or "weak" Muslim) is one who, though keeping the fast, neither prays "regularly" nor refers "frequently" to his religion, yet is one for whom Islam is "not insig- nificant" as a "personal referent." What is meant by "regularly," or "frequently," or "not insignificant," or "personal referent," is unfortunately not disclosed. As for a "weakly religious" Muslim, Emmerson defines him as one "whose formal affiliation" only "minimally" affects behavior and "self-image" (of religiosity?)-surely a largely tautological definition. The reader is expected to take all this seriously, however, since Emmerson finds it "note- worthy," for example, that "among bureaucrats more than four-fifths of the weak Muslims had fathers in the public sector, whereas only half of the medium- strength Muslims did." The book is not entirely without merit. It is good to see Emmerson make the point that the concepts of santri (orthodox Muslim) and abangan (referring to religiously more eclectic persons), concepts rediscovered and greatly overdrawn by some U.S. writers on Indonesia in recent years, may at least in some instances be inherently less antithetical than has been suggested, becoming polarized primarily in a partisan political context. Then, too, for those unfamiliar with the literature on Indonesian political institutional development, the bibliography cited in the notes of the introduction, and in the first chapter, and again at the end of the book, can, despite some selectivity, be quite helpful On balance, however, the reader should not be misled by the title of this volume. Because of its narrow focus, the dated quality of the samples analyzed, and the questions that must be raised about its methodology, the insights of the book are as little representative of "Indonesia's 61ite" or of Indonesia's "political cul- ture" as Pluto is representative of our planetary system. JUSTUS M. VAN DER KROEF University of Bridgeport Connecticut C. P. FITZGERALD. Mao Tse-tung and China. Pp. vi, 166. New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1976. $9.50. This study by a former Professor of Far Eastern history at Australian National University in Canberra is a 211192 eulogy of Mao which preceded his death. by some three to four months. It is a brief, popularized version of Mao's life that leaves no doubt that the author considers Mao one of the greatest, if not the greatest, figure in the twentieth century, perhaps in history. Against a background of contemporary developments, Fitzgerald traces Mao's life from a young scholar through the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, the war with Japan and the civil war, to the period of the Cultural Revolution and his conflict with Lin Piao. Unfortunately, the lack of objectivity which characterizes Fitzgerald's book does a disservice to Mao for it makes no differentiation between the earlier and later period of his career and glosses over the complexity of his struggle to gain control of the Chinese Communist Party (the Tsunyi Conference is mentioned only as electing Mao as Chairman), the subtlety of his strategy in dealing with the Japanese and Chiang Kai-skek, and the ebb and flow of his power between the fifties and seventies. While it is recognized that in such a short study little space can be devoted to the contributions of Mao's colleagues, the result is a one-dimensional product. Fitzgerald also seems loath to admit the depth of the conflicts over policy within China. For example, in the 1958-59 conflict he tends to downgrade the Commune program, the Great Leap Forward, or relations with the Soviet Union as major issues. He prefers to depict the conflict as centering on personalities, on differences between Mao and Liu Shao-chi, on the role of the creative force of mass opinion versus hierarchy and discipline. This latter issue is also used to explain both the Cultural Revolution and the break with Lin Piao. The author suggests that Lin, like Liu, would have imposed a rigid hierarchical structure on China in contrast to Mao's reliance on his revolutionary instinct, disbelief in elite rule and faith in the masses. This oversimplification ignores the fact that the Lin Piao affair was a succession struggle fought over hard policy issues, particularly with regard to economic development and perhaps foreign affairs, and a struggle between Party and Army for control of China's political system. The political role of the military is minimized as is the widespread support that Lin had within the Army. Finally, this affects Fitzgerald's prognosis for the future where he nowhere mentions the key role the military may play in determining the nature of the succession to Mao. ALICE LANGLEY HSIEH Arlington Virginia TOM FORESTER. The British Labour Party and the Working Class. Pp. x, 166. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1976. $11.50. Since World War I the British Labour Party has been able to provide alternative governments to the Conservative Party. After World War II the Labour Government of Clement Attlee nationalized major industries and greatly extended the social benefits of the welfare state. But in recent years the enthusiasm for socialist reform has abated. This decline has enabled the Marxian Socialists to contend that the Labour Party has lost its radical zeal and is being taken over by the middle classes. Tom Forester is quick to refute these criticisms and to deny that there is a permanent trend downward in the fortunes of the Labour Party. His book demonstrates clear continuities between the Party of today with the Labour Representation Committee of seventy-five years ago when the Labour Party was founded. The author further shows that the Labour Party, although dedicated to the interests of the working class, has never been able to win more than two-thirds of the electoral support of the working classes. He finds that working classes, like other people, cherish a multitude of values, both social and cultural, that divide them from one another and create enmity among neighbors in every community. In this book the author carefully distinguishes between the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) and the Con- 212193 stituency Labour Parties (CLPs), and he is concerned primarily with the latter and not the former. The PLP comprises the MPs and the Ministers who form the Government when Labor is in office and the Shadow Government when the Conservatives have a majority. The PLP elects their own Leader who eventually becomes the Prime Minister. The CLPs are the local units of the Labour Party whose primary purpose is to maintain the electoral organization which turns out the vote at elections. The strength of the CLPs depends more on the economic and social conditions of local communities than on the quality of the national leadership. Most histories of the Labour Party have been written without much knowledge of the CLPs, but in recent years scores of studies have been made by social scientists of the Labour Party at the local level. Since this careful research has been embodied in scholarly books and articles not readily available to the general reader, Tom Forester has written his book to survey this literature and to show the relationship between the CLPs and the working class. This excellent introduction to the literature deserves a place on the shelves of all those teaching comparative politics, social stratification, and recent British history. RAYMOND G. COWHERD Lehigh University Bethlehem Pennsylvania ARNOLD J. HEIDENHEIMER, HUGH HECLO AND CAROLYN TEICH ADAMS. Comparative Public Policy: The Politics of Social Choice in Europe and America. Pp. 296. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1975. $12.95. Paperbound, $5.95. A growing number of universities in North America have recently been adding courses on comparative public policy. Useful articles have appeared in the journals investigating the content and purpose of a new approach to the traditional concerns of both comparative politics and public policy. The problem of teaching such courses to undergraduates and graduates in a coherent manner has received less attention. With the appearance of this informative and useful volume that problem will be at least temporarily eased. The authors have sought "to enable those interested in public policy and the social sciences to surmount disciplinary and national boundaries" (p. 1). They have generally succeeded in presenting comparative data and alternative explanations for the similarities and differences in the public policy experience of several Western industrial societies. Using the United States as their reference point, the authors have drawn most of their material from Britain, Sweden, and West Germany with briefer references to France, Holland, and Denmark. In the first of three parts, the study focuses on three areas of social reform: health policy, secondary education, and housing policy. The first of these areas is a popular topic because not only does the United States remain the only advanced industrial society without a comprehensive health policy, but in most other cases the basic principle of universal access to medical treatment has not recently even been an area of real controversy. To be certain, costs and administration have been a challenge in both Sweden, Britain, and other states providing collectively financed health care. In housing policy the problem of coherence between means and ends is more universal. Secondary educational policy finds the United States providing the benchmark with Sweden pursuing similar goals, and West Germany sticking firmly to the traditional early "tracking" of youth into specialized secondary schools. The authors use the widely available quantitative data on number of students (percentage of age groups) attending secondary schools for varying numbers of years. There is, however, little consideration of qualitative differences between secondary education systems or within national systems over time. It is often claimed by opponents of comprehensive secondary schools in West Germany and Great Britain that Amer- 213194 ican and Swedish comprehensive schools have often lowered the quality of education and that American students study longer but do not reach the same average levels of academic achievement as the students in the traditional European tracked secondary schools. Such qualitative questions are, of course, very difficult to address, but they are essential to the systematic comparison of national policies. Recent UNESCO studies of comparative secondary school achievement levels in science and mathematics may provide a clue. Ensuing chapters consider issues of local-national governmental policy interaction with specific reference to urban, educational, and transportation policies. There is some overlap between the treatment of educational issues here and those already treated in Part I, but the focus is somewhat different. For instructional purposes the treatment of educational governance issues in a separate section probably makes sense. The last section looks at income distribution issues through both maintenance and taxation policies. These questions are the heart of current reappraisal of the welfare state, and the authors manage to present complex material in a form that is readily understandable by non-economists. These chapters are fairly complete, but one could wish that an effort to introduce the concept of "life- time incomes" had been made. The impact of taxation and transfer payments and social services provided without charge (or at less than cost) to the user can be considerably different over an extended period than in a single year. A concluding chapter on growth and reform potentials in Europe and America does a good job of tying the case studies together. It also raises several questions about the future of the "wel- fare state" in the light of current economic, social and political changes in Western industrial societies. Three broad variables are noted as explaining differences in national social policy: structure of the political system, ideologies dominant in national cultures, and social conditions that give priorities to specific programs. Although the authors indicate that the expansion of social policies has nowhere created a social utopia, America lags severely in most programs. The prevalent attitude in the United States that social programs do not work reminds one, in the face of the evidence presented here, of Mark Twain's quip about Christianity. ERIC S. EINHORN University of Massachusetts Amherst CHAE-JIN LEE. Japan Faces China: Political and Economic Relations in the PostwarEra. Pp. v, 242. Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976. $12.50. Based largely on Tokyo and Peking publications, this compact book deals essentially with the manner in which Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party and opposition Socialist Party reacted between 1949 and 1972 to the shifting policy of the People's Republic of China. The JSP, which generally supported the policies of the People's Republic, was powerless to influence the LDP, which followed the U.S. policy of maintaining diplomatic relations with Taiwan and containing main- land China. China's aim was to loosen Japan's ties with the U.S. and Taiwan, prevent Japan from rearming, and normalize Chinese-Japanese relations. Some progress was made by Prime Minister Hatoyama in improving relations between Japan and China, but his successors, Kishi, Ikeda, and Sato, conscious of the U.S. connection and of Japan's large and profitable trade with Taiwan, were repelled by such things as China's Great Leap Forward, Cultural Revolution, abortive military coup in Indonesia, diplomatic strains with certain African countries and Cuba, and self-isolation. Even JSP leaders found that their close identification with China was a serious political liability. Though retreating in 1969 from her past militant and xenophobic foreign policy, China bitterly denounced the Nixon-Sato communique 214195 that year on the reversion of Okinawa as signaling "Okinawanization" of Japan, revival of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, and sabotage of Korea's unification. The Soviet Union welcomed Okinawa's reversion as a deterrent to the development of a unilateral strategic force by Japan and to China's regional military temptations. Sudden news of Nixon's visit to China in 1971 produced a profound shock throughout Japan. No less shocking was the UN General Assembly vote to seat the People's Republic of China. China's new spirit of cooperation was attributed to her concern over the Soviet threat. Despite strong resistance from the pro- Taiwan forces in the LDP and top Japanese business circles, Prime Minister Tanaka, responding to Japanese public opinion and softening Chinese demands, established diplomatic relations with China in 1972, laying the foundation for exchanging advanced Japanese technology for Chinese oil and coal. Thus, without weakening her vital security arrangements with the U.S., Japan broadened her participation in the international power game. The three core chapters of the book are amplified by an introductory chapter and a closing chapter. The ap- pendixes consist of six pertinent papers on the progress of negotiations between Japan and China. Numerous illustrations and tables fortify the author's main points. The index is adequate. JUSTIN WILLIAMS, SR. Washington, D.C. LINCOLN LI. The Japanese Army in North China, 1937-1941: Problems of Political and Economic Control. Pp. 278. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975. $27.00. This book furnishes another chapter in the slowly growing literature on Japanese-occupied Asia. Drawing extensively on Chinese and Japanese sources, particularly material from the archives of the Japanese Foreign Ministry and records of the North China Army, the author examines the policies by which the Japanese sought to consolidate their control over North China during the period between the renewal of hostilities in 1937 and the outbreak of the Pacific War. Those familiar with Japanese policies in occupied areas elsewhere in Asia will recognize numerous similarities. There were conflicts not only between civilian and military components of the government, between Tokyo and local commands, but also between military units-for example, between the North China Army and the Kwantung Army, its neighbor to the north. Japanese distrust produced local, collaborationist administrations which were very decentralized, virtually unarmed, and without a significant measure of autonomy. Little attention was paid to education, except of a narrowly technical kind, so that the number of schools and students declined. The goal of economic self-sufficiency tended to discourage any attempt at reforms and, in a food deficit area, intensified friction with the local population. Japanese civilian economic and financial interests, even the Zaibatsu, played a distinctly subordinate role. How did Japanese policies affect the history of the Chinese Communist Party? At the heart of Japan's problem in North China, Li asserts, was a shortage of manpower which made it impossible for them to control the whole territory and which produced a four- zone arrangement which included neutral as well as Communist-held areas. In the attempt to quell opposition, the Japanese resorted to terrorist measures such as the notorious Three-All policy which intensified Chinese hostility, provoked guerrilla warfare and provided the Communists with the opportunity to assert their leadership. The fact that the Japanese eliminated virtually all non- Communist military units in the region also worked to the advantage of the Communists. In the argument as to whether the basis of the Communist appeal lay in their role as nationalist leaders or as social and economic reformers, Li's position is that both were involved but that, in North China, the 215196 national leadership role did not emerge until after 1941. Neither the Communists nor the Chinese population are the central actors in this book, however. The focus is on the Japanese, what they did and why. It is from this perspective that the book makes its contribution-an important one-to the study of a significant period in Asian, as well as Japanese, history. WILLARD H. ELSBREE Ohio University Athens ALAN P. L. Liu. Political Culture ~; Group Conflict in Communist China. Pp. 205. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC- Clio Press, 1976. $17.95. Paperbound, $5.75. The temptation to apply analytical political theories to the study of Chinese politics is almost irresistible for political scientists with a behavioral orientation and a special interest in China. Alan P. L. Liu's book Political Culture rb. Group Conflict in Communist China is one of the examples attempting to "link Chinese studies with general social science concepts" (preface). This work . examines group conflicts in China during the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1969. Liu's basic approach is to interpret the Red Guard Movement in a theoretical framework of group conflict. The book is divided into three parts dealing with the conflict process, conflicting groups and, conflict and order. It discusses the various aspects of group conflict during this period, such as political culture, mobilization, violence, the major groups involved, and conflict resolution. The strength of this book is its comprehensive coverage of the theoretical concepts applicable to the Cultural Revolution. It views the Red Guard Movement with one single analytical focus-group conflict. Many of Liu's interpretations are based on general theories of group conflict and thus have gone beyond the descriptive analysis in historical narratives. Liu has done a thorough and meticulous job in gathering relevant theories. The difficulty with this book is that in his preoccupation with fitting events in the Cultural Revolution for theoretical explanation, Liu has failed to pay sufficient attention to the larger perspective of the Red Guard Movement in the Chinese political system. The Cultural Revolution is conceived, initiated, promoted, directed and finally suspended by Mao Tse-tung and his close associates. Contrary to Liu's contention that the Cultural Revolution lacks a clear and identifiable goal (p. 174), Mao has definite and officially stated objectives in launching this movement. The Red Guard organization is one of the several instruments used by Mao to achieve his goals. Space does not permit elaboration on this point here. The rivalry among Red Guard groups is largely confined to lower levels. They are not spontaneous pressure groups as those in Western societies. They have never challenged Mao's precepts nor his authority, and they only attack people who are not protected by Mao. Their activities are constrained by the basic policies laid down by the Chairman. The break down of control over the Red Guards in some provinces cannot be construed as the total collapse of Mao's leadership over them. The dissolution of the Shen-wu- lien by the Central Cultural Revolution Group in January 1968 and the final crack down on radical Red Guards by the People's Liberation Army have convincingly demonstrated Mao's control over the course of the Cultural Revolution. A more serious problem of this book is its extremely limited sources on Red Guards' personal experience which is the basis of most of Liu's theoretical conclusions. For this first hand observation, Liu relies chiefly on the account of two former high school Red Guards, Ken Ling and Dai Hsiao-ai, from Fukien and Kwangtung respectively. One of the frustrations for students of Communist China is the scarcity of reliable data. Fortunately, the study of the Cultural Revolution is a rare exception. 216197 Many original documents and eyewit- ness reports including interviews with former Red Guards are available in Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan and other countries. Liu does not appear to have consulted many of these sources. The heavy dependence on the experience of two high school students from the two southernmost provinces of China may not reflect the reality of the nationwide situation. Furthermore, the Red Guards are led by college students in Peking, not by high school students in the provinces. Two minor matters ought to be pointed out also. The book includes too many unnecessary lengthy quotations. In a small book of only 205 pages, these quotations seem to be a waste of valuable space. The name K'ang Sheng, one of the top Chinese leaders who played an important role in the Cultural Revolution, is misspelled as Kang Shen throughout the book. Liu's book has not shed any new light on our understanding of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, nor has his work added any new information on the subject. But Liu's commendable effort to apply general social science concepts and theories to the analysis of the Cultural Revolution has provided a significant example of the rewards and pitfalls in the theorization of Chinese studies. It is a useful book for students of political science, especially for those who are interested in comparative politics. GEORGE P. JAN The University of Toledo Ohio EDWARD J. SCHUMACHER. Politics, Bureaucracy, and Rural Development in Senegal. Pp. xxi, 279. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975. $18.75. While providing a general introduction to government in Senegal from 1957 to 1970, the particular value of this study lies in two areas. One is the exploration of the inner workings of Senegalese politics, which the author likens to a political machine. The other is an attempt to evaluate the ability of the governing elite to create and implement policy that is designed to modernize rural economic structures. Senegal's political life is historically indebted to the institution of patron- clientage-a system that preceded colonial rule. Today its one-party state is sustained and nourished by an extended series of patron-client networks leading from local to national levels. In return for support, loyalty, or esteem, the leader offers material or status- oriented rewards. Politics is not centered on ideology or symbolic values, but is materially oriented. Jobs, contracts, licenses, loans, scholarships, and the like are the spoils, and the struggle to gain access to positions that control and mete out the rewards is intense. In Schumacher's view politics of this type hinders administrative efforts to secure compliance with innovative development policies, and allows only for the perpetuation of the status quo. Modernization, too, is undermined by the fact that traditional leaders and structures in rural areas are more effective than representatives of the centralized bureaucracy. (This is a debatable point and I shall return to it.) On the whole this is the rationale the author develops in order to account for the fact that there have been more failures than successes in Senegal's rural development. Official response to failure has been to shape new strategies. Time-tables have been lengthened for attaining goals; individual (rather than ideological) rewards are emphasized; expectations and preferences of international funding agencies are being catered to. But will this achieve the desired reforms and facilitate development? Schumacher thinks not. Others have suggested that increased development is dependent upon a more efficient and publicly accountable bureaucracy. For them the bureaucracy based on a Western model is appropriate to Africa, and Schumacher is in agreement. In fact he recommends Senegal's bureaucratic establishment be strengthened, although he is quick to warn that 217198 specific research on how to implement this is yet to be done. In coming to this recommendation the author has relied heavily on previous prescriptions by his peers, whereas his own investigations have suggested alternative lines of action. For example Schumacher finds that traditional institutions, leaders, and values in rural areas are extremely resilient and adaptable. Yet this sector is glossed over as the author-and he is not alone in this regard-searches for ways to strengthen rural productivity. Perhaps it is here and not at the bureaucratic level that it is appropriate to ask if the Western model of development has obscured a possible source of support. Suggestions that the bureaucracy be reinforced still overlook the practical issue of who is to oversee the implementation of policy, the introduction of innovative elements, and especially the securing of compliance on a day-to-day basis. Civil servants as a rule do not like to live and work in rural communities. Traditional leaders and notables do. In their recently announced plans to restructure local government, Nigerian administrators indicate they will design units large enough to be development-oriented but flexible enough to utilize traditional authorities as leaders, advisors, and enforcement officials. Thus while development-oriented scholars continue to urge there be stronger bureaucracies, they miss a point that some administrators are themselves beginning to recognize: impersonal dealings with unknown civil servants do not necessarily produce compliance. Local leaders have well-established relationships, influence with their public, and a vested interest in the welfare of their communities. As conduits for development policy they may still offer one of the least tapped resources of the new nations. Schumacher has not considered this possibility. Any shortcomings in his policy recommendations, however, are more than compensated for in other respects. He has provided an abundance of information on Senegal's bu- reaucratic and agricultural sectors. Interest in rural development in Africa is gaining momentum and therefore Schu- macher's solid contribution comes at an appropriate time. SANDRA T. BARNES University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia RISHIKESH SHAHA. Nepali Politics: Retrospect and Prospect. Pp. viii, 208. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975. $7.50. This excellent work constitutes an extremely informative, comprehensive, and up-to-date treatment of the government and politics of Nepal. It presents a balanced and objective analysis as well as a reasoned critical assessment of the Nepali political system. The analysis is complemented by selective and compact historical accounts of the evolution of principal institutions and political circumstances. Mr. Shaha is an experienced participant-observer who judiciously and skillfully combines the perspectives of political theorist, statesman, and social scientist. He is completely familiar with the major events and central figures in Nepali politics, and he brings to this study not only systematic scholarship but exceptional interpretative insight. While he has often been a candid but constructive critic of the current regime, he has played an important role in the government of Nepal and has served as a principal architect of the present constitution as well as ambassador to both the United States and the United Nations. The book is divided into three parts which deal with political development, the Panchayat system of legislative representation, and international relations. The basic theme is the impact on politics of the tension between the indigenous culture and modernization. Mr. Shaha correctly perceives the paradox involved in a traditional Hindu monarchy embracing an ideology of development when most of the characteristics associated with the various dimensions of development and West- 218199 ernization would tend to undermine the bases of traditional authority. His general recommendation seems to be for Nepal to pursue an active development program which, he believes, can best be facilitated by a relaxation of the tendency toward the centralization of power in the palace, a broadening of representation and the revival of party and opposition politics, and a realization of the more democratic principles of the constitution in order to increase political participation and social mobilization. Mr. Shaha tends to accept too uncritically the views of American political scientists regarding the character and requirements of development and institution building. He also too easily accepts the Western image of politics as an ideal of democracy and a criterion of political development. Intellectuals in developing countries would do well to pay as much attention to recent critics of pluralism and interest group liberalism as they do to social scientific literature which implicitly equates political development with political culture and institutions. However, the deficiencies of this book are minor, and, after living for a year in Kathmandu, I judge it to be a thorough and lucid account of the politics of this Himalayan kingdom and the best general work on this subject that is available. JOHN G. GUNNELL State University of New York Albany ROBERT L. TIGNOR. The Colonial Transformation of Kenya: Kamba, Kikuyu, and Maasai from 1900 to 1939. Pp. 372. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976. $25.00. This is a very competent book. From the introductory passages one feared it might be just another diatribe against colonial exploitation, but in fact the author is both well-informed and dispassionately critical. His examination of the pros and cons of the controversial system of indirect rule as practised in Kenya is excellent. His portrait of John Ainsworth as the type-figure of the administrator whose paternal concern for the welfare of his charges conflicted on occasion with their social and economic interests brings out more clearly than any general commentary could do the virtual impossibility of finding a satisfactory solution for the problems with which he was confronted. Education and the Christian Missions; dispossession from tribal land; forced recruitment of labour for private as well as public service; alien legal institutions ; these problems have arisen time and again all over the world ever since Columbus discovered America. (Curiously enough, considering their record further south, the Spanish rulers of California seem to have solved them better, or perhaps avoided creating them more successfully, than most.) They are considered here in great detail in their East African setting. It t is ironical how often the most furious resentment was aroused not by punitive action, to which Africans were only too well accustomed, but by well-intentioned reforms. Such was the attempt to compel people to send children to school, and above all the interference with the barbarous but vital custom of female circumcision, which was destined to provide the major incentive to Mau Mau. It is remarkable how public opinion has changed during the last fifty years. Up till late in the 19th century nobody seriously questioned the principle that a strong nation expanded at the expense of its neighbours. Sometimes the latter were exterminated, as happened in North America and Australia. Sometimes they were absorbed, as happened to the Picts in Scotland. Sometimes they were assimilated, as in the ancient Roman and modern French empires. A remarkable manifestation of this expansionist ideology was the Anglo- Saxon dream of world domination, a tremendous pioneering force in its day. The half-hearted attempt after the '14-'18 war to create a white dominion in the highlands of Kenya was, apart 219200 from the creation of the state of Israel, which was sui generis, the last example of this attitude, though not, alas, of nationalist aggression. Not the.least important aspect of this book is its discussion of the reasons for the emergence of the Kikuyu as the dominant power in post-colonial Kenya. Like the Ibos in Nigeria, they seem to have a special capacity for adaptation to modern conditions, coupled with a quickness of wit and a general ability which leave their rivals far behind. Knowledgeable persons used to tip the Luo as their most likely rivals. When you have finished reading this excellent book you may be interested in two others. One is Julian Huxley's Africa View, which strongly influenced British colonial policy in this area from 1931. The other is a novel by Nicholas Montserrat, called The Tribe Which Lost Its Head. K. D. D. HENDERSON Wittshire England LATIN AMERICA COLIN G. CLARKE. Kingston, Yo~otca: Urban Growth and Social Change, 1692-1962. Pp. xii, 270. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976. $25.75. In this, the first systematic study of a city in the English-speaking Caribbean, Colin G. Clarke (a geographer from the University of Liverpool) is essentially asking: how and why did Kingston develop so badly? This city, with more than 500,000 inhabitants in 1970, or one quarter of Jamaica's population, is of course the storm center of Jamaica's current political/economic/ social crisis. Clarke blends geography, history, economics, sociology and demography in his analysis, with prime focus on the post-World War II period, especially the Kingston census returns for 1943 and 1960. His text is richly illustrated with 32 tables, 93 maps, and 32 photographs of the city. Clarke tells a depressing story of a town that has never begun to fulfill its great practical and aesthetic potential. Kingston has a magnificent natural setting, facing a superb protected harbor, and is built on a spacious rising plain flanked by mountains. It was originally laid out on a generous grid- iron plan, echoing William Penn's plan for Philadelphia ten years earlier, but this plan was sabotaged (as in Philadelphia) by the early inhabitants, who wanted to crowd along the harbor front and business center. The merchants who dominated the place in the eighteenth-century heyday of Jamaican sugar production spent little of their wealth on domestic architecture, and-as in all towns in English America-expended almost nothing on public buildings, parks or promenades. As large numbers of free coloureds, ex-slaves and fugitive slaves began to filter into Kingston to escape from labor on the sugar estates, the rich whites withdrew into northern suburbs above the city, where their successors remain today. Clarke shows how the city has always been so rigidly stratified along static geographic/economic/color lines that it is nearly pointless to debate whether race or class is the more important determinant. Up to the 1960s the small white (or European) sector has controlled Kingston. The far more numerous coloured (or Afro-European) sector-joined over time by Jews, Chinese and Syrians-has held low to median jobs and lived in the city center or inner suburbs. The Negroes (or Africans) and East Indians, the largest sector of the population by far, have consistently been relegated to the worst jobs or to permanent unemployment, and have long lived in overcrowded tenements and stockaded squatter camps in West Kingston. Though this city has been a magnet for two hundred years to peasants and plantation laborers, it has always lacked the industrial base for adequate working class employment. As Clarke demonstrates, throughout the colonial period the white island leaders did little or nothing to meet the economic 220201 and social problems of the Kingston poor. Since World War II the new black leaders have tried hard to promote industrialization and have instituted significant improvements in education and in housing for middle income Kingstonians, but so many poor and uneducated people have flooded into the city in the last generation that all plans have totally failed to meet their needs. Nearly 200,000 slum dwellers are now increasingly turning to murder and political violence as outlets for their frustration. In assessing an interdisciplinary book such as Clarke's, it is easy to think of additional things the author might have done. Being an historian, I wish he had not relied on thin and antiquated secondary sources for his treatment of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: there is a wealth of unexploited data in the island archives, such as the thousands of inventories listing the possessions of colonial Kingstonians in the probate records. An architectural historian would wish for much fuller treatment of Kingston's consistently unimpressive experiments in tropical building. A city planner would like fuller discussion of the changing physical layout of the town, or perhaps some comparison with other Caribbean towns-for example, Port-of- Spain, Trinidad, which despite its crowded natural setting has devoted far more open space to parks and promenades than Kingston has. A sociologist could - wish that Clarke had supplemented his excellent carto- graphic and tabular analysis of the 1943 and 1960 censuses with interviews of a cross-section of residents from key enumeration districts. A political scientist would want the story carried past 1962 so as to trace geographic/economic/ color changes (if any) during the first decade of independence. But no one author can do everything, and Colin Clarke should be congratulated for accomplishing an innovative, imaginative and highly interesting analysis of a very important Caribbean city. RICHARD S. DUNN University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia SHEPARD FORMAN. Tl2e Brazilian Peasantry. Pp. viii, 319. New York: Columbia University Press, 1975. $13.50. Shepard Forman is an anthropologist whose professional interest in, and human concern for the Brazilian Peasantry dates to the early 1960s. His latest work on the subject is a clearly- written, well-organized attempt to describe and explain the past and current condition of that important but oppressed segment of Brazilian society. The author approaches his subject in a direct and logical manner, beginning with the historical evolution of the Brazilian Peasantry, proceeding to the economic, social and political dimensions of the agrarian crisis, and concluding with peasant religion and movements of social protest. The historical section is useful in that it provides evidence that, contrary to what many authorities believe, peasants are, and for centuries have been a very important element in the Brazilian socio- economic system. Slaves, of course, were important during the colonial period and throughout most of the Empire; but, from the earliest times a free peasantry also existed and, indeed, played a crucial role in the economy. The relationship between peasants, patrons, and the land has always been subject to change, but, in the twentieth century, increased emphasis on commercialization has created a situation of severe crisis for the agrarian lower classes. In describing the peasant's social position, the author sheds further light on a society which others have described as "patrimonial." "Hierarchy," says Forman, "is a fundamental tenet of Brazilian Social life" (p. 75.). Peasants are obliged to seek out "patron- dependancy" relationships in order to survive. The patron is often extremely harsh but the peasant rarely questions his authority since he sees it as basically legitimate. This, in part, explains why organized peasant reform movements are extremely rare in Brazil. Forman's discussion of the economic 221202 dimension is also quite useful. In it, the author maintains that recent increased emphasis on commercial export agriculture has threatened the peasant in two ways. First, it has increased the value of the land, therefore leading to the displacement of peasants through mechanization. Second, it has changed market relationships shifting the advantage from peasant vendors to middle- men who prefer to buy from large producers. What is more, various panaceas-such as group colonization and the creation of cooperatives-which have been proposed as ways of alleviating the economic insecurity of the peasants, do not seem to work very well when put into practice. The political picture is no brighter. The peasant has never had much real political power. To this day he remains disenfranchized and unorganized while the agricultural elite-though now somewhat less influential in national politics-continues to dominate the rural scene. The study concludes with a particularly poignant examination of peasant religion. Though nominally Catholic, Brazilian peasants, according to Forman, are manipulative and this-worldly in their approach to religion. Individuals enter into "contracts" with saints, groups from time to time cast their lot with latter-day Messiahs, all in an attempt to alter a world in which they are otherwise virtually helpless. Religion in this sense, is a pressure valve for peasant discontent. Forman's study, then, is a welcome contribution to the literature. It is a well-written, well-documented treatment of an important subject. What is more, it provides a number of fresh insights which help the reader to understand and empathize with the plight of this "agglomerate of dispairing people, longing to be saved, still seeking the miracle, and still acquiescing to the will of God" (p. 245). THOMAS W. WALKER Ohio University Athens PETER D'A. JONES. Since Columbus: Poverty and Pluralism in the History of the Americas. Pp. vi, 282. Totowa, N.J.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1976. $12.50. As an ostensible five-century history of some two dozen diverse cultures, this book is an unmitigated failure. There are only about 220 pages of text-260~ less those used for maps and photographs. Not all historians, even if using a more suitable size of book, would want to analyze together both of the Americas, for essentially they are profoundly different. In spite of its faults and lacks, the United States has been an economic and social success ; and one can therefore draw parallels with less favored countries only by emphasizing its every negative element and passing lightly over every positive one. The distortion is not incidental, in a tendentious detail here or there, but rather pervasive, comprising the framework of the entire content. The substance of the book consists largely of lists of dates, names, places, more dates. Some of these facts are wrong (for example, Allende was not a lawyer but a physician). Some summarize complex social questions with a truly sophomoric assurance (for example, "FDR simply did not spend enough on public works and employment"). But most of these details, with no discernible context, are simply meaningless and thus unutterably dull. Since one of the author's reiterated points is that in most of Latin America the "nation" has been a more or less artificial construct, the organization of the book's material by country is seldom successful. If the "revolution" by which Panama broke away from Colombia is put between quotation marks, should one then discuss the opinions and actions of "Panamanians"? If in Latin America the difference between "lib- eral" and "conservative" parties is often nominal, should one devote space in a too short book to contests between them? In fact, then, the dimensions of the principal framework are several highly questionable concepts-"dependency," "neo-colonialism," "plural society," and the like. It is not merely that some of 222203 these reify political biases but, as Jones uses them, they change their meaning with the locale. As developed in Horace Kallen's analysis of the United States, "cultural pluralism" meant that immigrant groups should not be forced to adapt fully to established American norms. Such a policy recommendation differs fundamentally from French Canadians' demands for cultural or even quasipolitical independence, as well as from the economic-cultural- political denigration of Indians in Mexico, Brazil, or Bolivia. To cook up all these in one pot is to prepare a stew that no knowledgeable person will find palatable. WILLIAM PETERSEN Ohio State University Columbus ALEJANDRO PORTES and JOHN WALTON. Urban Latin America: The Political Condition from Above and Below. Pp. 217. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976. $13.95. In the midst of the publication explosion on urbanization and urban life in Latin America, Portes and Walton have written important interpretive and analytical essays. Using the extant literature, utilizing their own research, and unafraid to be conjectural, they have produced a book that is often exciting. Other than the joint, brief Introduction and Conclusion, each author is represented by two long essays. In "Elites and the Politics of Urban De- velopment," Walton compares the civic concern of the leaderships in Guadalajara, Monterrey, Cali and Medellin, and proceeds to seek the causes of the very different records. His "Structures of Power in Latin American Cities" is far more ambitious. With evidence from 26 studies (of which four are his own) he explores the validity of seven propositions that have been posited as to "the structural correlates and consequences of the distribution of power." Inter alia he finds that in the shift from rule by small, tightly interrelated elites there is neither a displacement of those elites nor a widening of effective political participation to incorporate groups outside the elites. Rather, there are merely new styles of elite domination : The emergence of new urban elites based on alliances among the class interests of landowners, industrialists, exporters, development-minded politicians, and foreign investors has at least perpetuated, if not exacerbated, earlier structures of inequality. Nowhere do we encounter evidence of a net gain in the power or privilege of the peasantry and the urban worker (p. 168). Or, again: he finds no example, in the studies, of "a viable and representative pattern of political pluralism ... Seldom do middle-class interests constitute an independent source of political power, and there are no cases of regularized lower-class access to policy-making circles (p. 164). The fundamental sources of elite attitudes and of continued elite domination are succinctly plumbed by Portes. "The Economy and Ecology of Urban Poverty" traces the history of the Iberian cities on the continent; cities that served as loci for conquest and exploitation, for ,an elitist social order, in which the poor were tolerated while remaining "an object of total unconcern to the official and wealthy city, except perhaps as objects of Catholic charity." And, he argues, this character has survived to the present, absorbing into its value system later immigrants, migrants, and the socially mobile. The spatial shift of the social composition of the cities is delineated: the elite move from the center to the periphery with, often, their own neighborhoods geographically separated from the sprawling shanty towns by the middle and artisan sectors occupying the original core-with, of course, the soaring urban land market manipulated to the benefit of the elite landowners. Best of all, in this reviewer's opinion, is Portes' "The Politics of Urban Poverty." The urban poor do feel frustrations, often severe ones, although there is an absence of "structural blame" for them. The poor do participate in collective political action when they believe it to be both necessary and possible in meeting needs: especially housing and landownership. Their political par- 223204 ticipation is rational: "Rational adaptation and instrumental organization to cope with the existing social order have been the trademarks of the politics of urban poverty in Latin America." The particular form of participation, including vote bargaining, petitions and land invasions, depends largely upon the dominant political conditions. And, being aware of political conditions and embroiled in the task of sheer survival, they will not throw their support to revolutionaries until victory is assured or achieved. These findings, and many more, are supported by wideranging evidence and specific case studies. Along the way, Portes also gives what one hopes is final interment to two common myths about the urban poor: that they are locked in a "subculture of poverty," and that they are a seething hotbed of fury and radicalism. Comfortably logical "continuums of political participation" receive justifiably rough handling. In their Conclusion, the authors note that the explosive urban growth of Latin America (there are about 20,000 urban squatter settlements on the continent) is far from being a sign of progress. On the contrary, it lies at the center of the circle of excessive centralization, inequality, and stagnant agriculture. A paperback edition would be most welcome. DONALD HINDLEY Brandeis University Waltham Massachusetts FRANK SAFFORD. The Ideal of the Practical : Colombia's Struggle to Form a Technical Elite. Pp. xiii, 373. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1975. $15.00. Can the leadership of a developing country foment economic growth by providing technical education and attempting to develop values oriented toward the technical? Very little, if the Colombian experience in the 19th century is to be our guide. Frank Safford argues here that, in Colombia at least, eco- nomic growth was itself the prerequisite necessary for the implantation of a technical orientation. Continuing attempts in the 19th century by part of the upper class in this aristocratic Latin American nation to modify cultural values toward the technical and the practical are described in detail. Early nineteenth century Colombia which had a static agrarian economy and a large proportion of poor and uneducated alongside a tiny wealthy aristocracy who abhorred manual labor, early experimented with manual industrial training. A chapter follows on academic science for the upper classes. Science was not attractive because there were few career possibilities. The careers of upper class youth who were sent abroad for technical and scientific training are explored in a later chapter as are the origins of a Colombian engineering profession. An epilogue treats the twentieth century evolution of technical elites in Colombia. We believe that Safford's thesis is generally correct for Colombia. His descriptions of the interplay between the various obstructions such as the aristocratic social values and a hierarchical social structure and barriers such as geographic and economic conditions are interesting to the reader who wishes to delve into the details of a case study. There are, however, problem areas in the monograph which detract from its value. Safford's thesis that "the early republican elite sought to direct the upper classes as well as the poor toward technology and economic enterprise" is inadequately documented. Nowhere do we find a discussion of the instruments by which the elite directed the upper class to this end. In fact, the government had neither the authority nor the resources to create incentives to do so. Upper class youth studied abroad with their own families' resources. A second difficulty relates to the lack of background of the author in engineering. One example is his use of the word "road" instead of "trail." To engineers a road is a finished surface which accommodates wheels. But there were 224205 no roads in Colombia until the twentieth century. He also fails to perceive that it has been geology rather than topography which has posed the major problem in the Colombian Andes in the construction of railroads, roads, and even trails. The bibliography is extensive, but it contains some questionable entries (for example, Manuela, novela de costum- bres colombianas by Diaz which is not referred to in the text). There are some nagging errors in spelling (even of Colombia, p. 235), some partly translated phrases (p. 359), and abbreviations unexplained (p. 332). Many of these could have been caught by more careful review. Others of content and interpretation could have been corrected had the author personally consulted with even several of the many engineers mentioned in the volume (Julio Carrizosa Valenzuela, Vicente Pizano Restrepo, among others highly knowledgeable and respected). It will be a pity if this monograph is not translated into Spanish for, in our judgement, it would stir much more interest and discussion in Colombia than it is likely to have among social scientists and engineers in the United States. The main strength of the study is its historical detail and the telling of the story rather than in the validation of the thesis of development preceding the technical and the practical since there is no evidence that the effort in terms of organization and resources was ever very great in 19th century Colombia. DONALD L. HUDDLE and ALBERTO GOMEZ-RIVAS Rice University Houston Texas UNITED STATES HISTORY AND POLITICS ALWYN BARR. Black Texans: A History of Negroes in Texas, 1528-1971. Negro Heritage Series, No. 12. Pp. xi, 259. Austin, Texas: Jenkins Publishing Company, 1973. $8.50. Blacks occupy an integral place in Texas history. Alwyn Barr attempts to cover the multiplicity of black Texans' experiences from 1528 to 1971 in a single volume. His primary purpose is to provide general readers with "a summary of available information about Negroes in Texas" (p. viii). Barr also seeks to reinterpret certain aspects of black Texans' history and to provide high school and college instructors with a survey which in part will serve as a corrective for existing textbook treatment of Negroes. Primarily descriptive rather than analytical, his account basically relies upon information contained in secondary sources. Barr's survey contains no central thesis, other than the general story of the problems, progress, and continued frustrations black Texans have faced at almost every turn. The book begins on an uneven note by attempting to cover from the time the Moorish slave Estevan journeyed with Cabeza de Vaca and his master to Texas shores in 1528 to the close of the Civil War in but two chapters or 38 pages. Coverage of the post-1865 era broadens to include black activities during Reconstruction, the heightening of black pride, and the current status of black families. Barr conveys a sense of the hardships facing black Texans when they sought better education, entry into the professions, and the acquisition of rights guaranteed to all Americans. Echoing the findings of recent historians, Barr notes the growth of segregation prior to the 1890s, the increased importance of black churches and social organizations when Negroes' political and economic positions were circumscribed, and the generally accelerated rate of progress for blacks in the post-1940 era. Overall, Barr's account reads easily and contains much factual information. The text is free of footnotes, and the bibliographic essay reflects extensive reading in secondary sources, including unpublished dissertations, theses and papers. The book, however, is not without problems. Noticeable gaps and omissions plague Barr's narrative. Given the span attempted and the voids in 225206 existing scholarship, a synthesis like Black Texans is bound to slight some topics. Nevertheless, one is surprised to find such scant attention paid to events of the magnitude of the Civil War, World War I, the New Deal, and World War II, in the lives of Texas blacks. Indeed, such treatment will lead many scholars and teachers to question whether a study of this scope should have been attempted in a single, slender volume. Alwyn Barr's Black Texans offers general readers a compact survey, but historians and instructors will conclude that the volume attempts more than it can deliver. PAUL W. BREWER Albuquerque New Mexico STUART M. BLUMIN. The Urban Threshold : Groivth and Change in a Nineteenth-Century American Community. Pp. xiv, 298. Chicago, Ill.: The University of Chicago Press, 1976. $16.50. This study of Kingston, New York, between 1820 and 1860, is one of the first books in the growing field of urban history actually to examine the process of urban growth. Most recent works of the so-called "new urban history" have contented themselves with minute dissection of urban social structure. But Blumin is primarily interested in how country towns become transformed into cities and the effect of urbanization on community life. Hence both the choice of town and of time period are sig- nificant-Kingston was an old agricultural town which saw its economy and social life transformed in the antebellum period. Blumin begins with an analysis of Kingston's economy and social structure in 1820, when most residents were farmers and descendants of the Dutch settlers. The paucity of sources for this period makes this the weakest part of the book, but it provides a backdrop for understanding the massive changes of the next forty years. Blumin next analyzes the major forces for change in Kingston: the opening of the canal in 1826, which linked this Hudson River town to eastern Pennsylvania coal fields; and the arrival of European immigrants and native migrants, permanently altering Kingston's social structure. Most of the book analyzes the results of these changes. The physical landscape changed; local political issues took on greater importance, as the town experienced local versions of national conflicts ; and the organizational structure of the town became more complex. Using both sophisticated analysis of quantitative sources, along with newspapers and diaries, the author captures the subtle process of change in this town. Community identification is the central concern underlying this examination of urban development. Blumin questions the common assumption that urbanization in the nineteenth century meant wrenching changes and a breakdown of tightly-knit communities. He argues quite the contrary: that there was very little sense of "community" in the pre-1820 town, whereas the increasingly complex organizational structure which accompanied urbanization intensified residents' awareness of, and attachment to, Kingston as a community. He stresses the ways that the changes brought by urbanization heightened Kingstonians' sense of community. Local political issues did not capture much attention before 1820, but urbanization created local issues of sufficient importance to command the attention and energy of a sizeable proportion of residents. Before 1820, most residents knew everyone else in town, but Blumin finds no evidence that they identified with Kingston as a community per se. The voluntary organizations of the 1850s, however, generated strong loyalties, which Blumin equates with community attachment. Provocative as this argument may be, however, it remains unproven. Despite the scarcity of evidence on pre-1820 Kingston, Blumin dismisses the possibility that Kingstonians may not have written about community awareness because they took it for granted. Their attachment to various organizations in the 1850s might in- 226207 dicate loyalty to specific groups, rather than to the whole community. But reservations about his thesis cannot obscure the high quality of this book. In analyzing the process of urbanization and its consequences for political and social organization, Blumin has helped set the pace for future work in this field. LYNNE E. WITHEY University of Iowa Iowa City RALPH ADAMS BROWN. The Presidency of John Adams. American Presidency Series. Pp. x, 248. Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1975. $12.00. Time was when hardly anyone had a kind word for John Adams. In the past three decades, however, scholars have done much to resurrect the image of the New Englander. Ralph Adams Brown's volume probably represents the most laudatory treatment of Adams to date. The author attempts to show that Adams' critics and opponents were incorrect in their assessment and that Adams' administration "was marked by wise and unselhsh decisions..." (p. ix). While not presenting much new material, Brown's discussions cover many important aspects of Adams' tenure. Foreign affairs, the focus around which virtually all other issues revolved during the late 1790s, receive the most attention. Adams is pictured as a president contending with a potentially explosive national temper and political opposition within and outside his party as the country moved into an undeclared war with France. The author concurs with Adams' assessment that the achievement of peace with France was the greatest accomplishment of his career. Few would quarrel with Brown's assessment of the centrality of foreign affairs, but many readers will take issue with the degree to which the author slights other areas. Brown shows, for instance, that Adams preferred peace over his own political advancement, but leaves the reader puzzled over Adams' views on the importance of the election of 1800 or the role of political parties. The organization of the book adds to the imbalance. Only after carrying the diplomatic story down through the fall of 1799 does the author return in any detail to the Alien and Sedition controversy and other earlier, often related domestic developments. The result is a choppy, fragmented story. There also is a problem of perspective. If the study of a public figure is to be effective, it must pay sufficient attention to the context in which the individual operates. Brown's account is only partially successful in this respect. It touches but briefly, for example, on the larger questions involving the United States as an emerging nation or the general factors underlying Adams' defeat for re-elec- tion. At times, however, Brown goes to the other extreme. He seldom criticizes Adams, but in the rare departures from this pattern, as in his abbreviated discussion of the Alien and Sedition acts, he spends most of his energies qualifying his criticism. Brown even devotes an entire chapter to defending Adams against charges concerning his possibly inflammatory rhetoric and his absences from the capital. In these and other instances, general readers may well feel buffeted about in a his- toriographical war neither of their making nor particularly of their concern, and scholars may suspect that the author has set up a straw man; the negative views of Adams which he seeks to counter are chiefly those perpetrated by historians of a much earlier period, not those of modern scholars. Ralph Adams Brown's book contributes to the continuing rejuvenation of John Adams, but it neither matches nor supplants previous studies of America's second president. PAUL W. BREWER Albuquerque New Mexico EDWARD M. COOK, JR. The Fathers of the Towns: Leadership and Community Structure in Eighteenth- Century New England. Pp. xvii, 265. Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976. No price. 227208 In this fine scholarly study, Edward Cook has successfully advanced historians' understanding of two very important aspects of colonial life: the nature of political leadership and the differences among towns in New England. Cook focuses on the local officials, describing the process by which they were chosen, their length of tenure, plus the significant role which wealth, family and religious participation played in their obtaining positions of leadership. The discussion on each topic naturally involves description, but the author consistently and skillfully integrates analysis into the text, raising and answering questions both broad and narrow as they arise out of his material. In fact, the book reads somewhat like a continuous, logical stream of thought punctuated by supporting evidence and explanations concerning the author's theoretical underpinnings and methodology-why he chose the variables he did, how he obtained his information, potential biases in his sources, and the like. Cook's supporting evidence takes the form of laws, individual cases, and statistics. Frankly this book has too much detail and too many dry statistics to be either easy or enjoyable reading for any but the most enthusiastic student of the topic. And the insertion of an endless number of tables into the body of the text is made all the more annoying by the fact that the statistics provided are not always completely adequate. In order to fully answer the type of questions he has posed, the author really needed to go beyond the raw percentages he provides and deal more with the interaction of variables. Cook never really tests the degree to which his key factors of wealth, family and religious participation were dependent on each other. Essentially he treats them as independent and discusses their effects on leadership selection as if these were entirely discreet effects. Such a technique also means that he can't effectively weight them in terms of importance. But he has taken on a broad task here in trying to cover all of New England, and it would have been remarkable indeed if he had succeeded in presenting an analysis which was definitive in all respects. Actually, the breadth of his study is one of its most valuable aspects, since up to now most of the significant books on New England community life have focused on individual towns, usually Massachusetts towns. Cook bases his generalizations on a much wider sample, including settlements in Connecticut, New Hampshire and Rhode Island. Moreover, he makes a concerted effort to actually categorize the different types of towns in New England, based on the constellation of leadership patterns which emerged in the different communities he studied. He comes up with a five-category breakdown which coincides roughly with the categories growing out of geographers' central place theory. In place of Jack- son Turner Main's familiar divisions of frontier areas, subsistence farming areas, commercial farming areas and cities, Cook claims that in New England at least, the significant forms were frontier communities, farming villages, secondary urban centers, major county towns, and cities. This aspect of his study, pre-figured in his important article on the typology of towns which appeared a few years back, should provide a structure for future studies of individual New England communities-a way of putting them in perspective. Hopefully other historians will fill out and support the picture Cook has drawn in his overview. In the meantime, The Fathers of the Towns is valuable reading for anyone interested in leadership patterns or community structure in early America. LAURA BECKER University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia LINO A. GRAGLIA. Disaster by Decree: The Supreme Court Decisions on Race and the Schools. Pp. 351. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1976. $11.50. 228209 Professor Graglia's book is a penetrating assessment of the role of federal courts in the controversial and volatile area of schools and racial desegregation. Most of the evidence reviewed consists of a detailed analysis of court rulings, and their effects, over the last quarter century that have unearthed legally sanctioned racial discrimination and that have ordered busing in many school districts throughout the United States. The overall verdict of this book is that the federal courts, and especially the Supreme Court, have done less than a spectacular job, disrupting the political process through actions immune from direct public accountability, distorting and undermining the intents of other, more representative, branches of government, issuing orders barren of clear, logically (and Constitutionally) defensible principles, and creating havoc in the lives of many Americans, black and white, children and parents. In short, as the logo on the book jacket promises, Professor Graglia's work is "a sharply critical view of the court rulings that led to forced busing." At the core of Professor Graglia's thesis is his interpretation of the principle enunciated by the Supreme Court when it first specifically declared legal racial discrimination in public schools unconstitutional (Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1954). While expressing misgivings about the need and the desirability of court intervention in this policy arena, Professor Graglia contends that the most defensible principle emanating from the Brown case is that racial classification of any type in assigning young people to schools is Constitutionally prohibited. Professor Graglia argues that, subsequent to Brown., the Supreme Court has drifted from this principle, at times not fully employing it, at other times announcing that this is the rationale guiding court action when in fact the court has moved in an opposite direction. In the wake of this vacillation, the courts have ordered desegregation through requiring racial assignments to schools, even if busing were to be needed, and they have distorted legislative actions, especially the words and intent of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. And for what individual, social, or educational good? As Professor Graglia interprets the evidence, very little benefit has emerged. Indeed the losses in such things as educational achievement, efficiency in the financing of the public school system, defusing antipathy between the races, and instilling public confidence in governmental policy-makers, have far exceeded any gains. The major strength of this book is the meticulous dissection of court decisions dealing with desegregation issued by judges at all levels of the federal judiciary. Sarcasm and outrage aside, Professor Graglia's industrious reconstruction of the court record provides an unusually complete probe into the writings of various members of the court system in their attempts to formulate public policy. When evaluating the research about the effects of court opinions on human behavior, however, the presentation is less appealing. Here secondary sources provide the reservoir of impact information. Professor Graglia does not question either representativeness or possible spuriousness of these data, for instance. One becomes amused and dismayed in reading that an "inde- pendent researcher," assessing the consequences of court ordered busing in Denver, "reported [that] whites ... will just quietly disappear in two to three years" (pp. 201-202) without any citation for this startling prediction to be found near the quote. The most disturbing aspect of this book centers upon Professor Graglia's view of the principle that should guide Supreme Court actions in dealing with racial assignment and the public schools. To argue that a completely neutral position in racial classification is the favored rationale forecloses any governmental policy formulated to redress, through educational changes, inequities between the races deriving from previous political actions. Constitutional 229210 limitations don't just constrain the Supreme Court. Interpreting equal protection to mean a neutral racial orientation for political policy-makers is a gloomy prospect for those who feel that the existing Constitution provides a means to offset such inequities. JAMES W. LAMARE The University of Texas El Paso FRANCIS RUSSELL. The President Makers. Pp. 407. Boston, Mass.: Little, Brown and Company, 1976. $12.50. Francis Russell writes well and does a service for those who want a synthesis of the secondary literature of eight 20th Century president-makers-Marcus Alonzo Hanna, Thomas Collier Platt, Theodore Roosevelt, George Harvey, Harry Micajah Daugherty, Louis McHenry Howe, Joseph Patrick Kennedy. There is no use of primary source material which might have taken the author into an exciting world of discovery of new motivations for presidential aspiration and of new hypotheses for presidential nomination and election. While such president-makers as Theodore Roosevelt and Louis Howe have been adequately researched, the others warrant fresh assessments. In his rush to publish-with the use of secondary sources-the author lost an opportunity. At that, he missed some of the valuable secondary sources, that is, Paola Coletta's and Louis W. Koenig's works on William J. Bryan, both of which discussed at some length the attributes of Marcus Hanna, the brilliant organizer of the Republican campaign which defeated the Democrats in 1896. And the author's use of some of the secondary sources is questionable. There is considerable doubt as to whether Claude Fuess wrote the definitive biography of Calvin Coolidge, given the fact that it was "authorized" and that Donald McCoy updated it considerably with his more recent biography, The Quiet President. Aside from the above caveats, reading The President Makers is informative and fun-for example: the description of Harrison's last moments with McKinley; Platt hurriedly correcting himself about T.R.'s nomination for the Vice Presidency : "I am glad we had our way-the people, I mean, had their way"; T.R.'s affinity for the huge Taft (even though there is little on T.R.'s actual king- making role); Harvey's loyalty to Wilson until the President left for Versailles (although there is little on why that turned Harvey off); the 1920 Republican Convention where Brandegee quipped: "There ain't any first raters this year ... Harding is the best of the second-raters"; Coolidge's nearly incredulous nomination for Vice President in 1920; vivid descriptions of Howe's gnome-like role in securing FDR's nomination and election; Joseph Ken- nedy's reaction of the assassination of his son, the President. MARTIN L. FAUSOLD State University of New York College at Geneseo, New York CYNTHIA EAGLE RUSSETT. Darwin in America: The Intellectual Response, 1865-1912. Pp. vii, 228. San Fran- cisco, Calif.: W. H. Freeman & Co., 1976. $9.00. Ms. Cynthia Russett has written an interesting book. A list of her sources, placed at the end of each chapter, evidence the scope and thoroughness of her research. Her style is simple and direct. Although Charles Darwin was not the first scientist to think of evolution, he, in his Origin of the Species, treated the idea extensively. A careful reading of Darwin's book reveals the influence of others, especially Thomas Malthus' Principle of Population. Darwin's theory was never received unanimously by Americans, but it initiated an intellectual revolution. The mental turmoil was expressed most bitterly between the scientists and the theologians. Of all religious groups, Protestants rejected Darwinianism most completely. Chancey Wright, however, found nothing in the theory that was religious at all. In contrast, Charles Peirce grasped the essential features of 230211 evolution-variation and natural selection-but he refused to accept Darwin's theory completely. Before 1860, the author informs us, the emphasis was on Lockean individualism. Since that time, Americans were required to find a more solid foundation for the state. Industrialism and urbanism influenced our search, but the real problem was the city which drew the masses together, thereby intensifying many problems. Technology, argues the author, created independence but no community. William Sumner believed that the state should only create favorable conditions for persons to pursue happiness: never create happiness. Lester Ward, however, opposed Sumner's laissez-faire attitude while John Dewey advocated exercising the human intellect to change the world around it. Many intellectuals, declared Ms. Russett, at first favored Darwinianism with great gusto. By 1900, she contends, Darwin's theory was accepted in American intellectual life as a recapitulation of classical economics. Thorstein Veblen was the first economist to become a true disciple of Darwin. Today, certainly we Americans are far removed from the intellectual struggle over Darwinianism. GEORGE OSBORN Gainesville Florida P. D. G. THOMAS. British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis: The First Phase of the American Revolution, 1763- 1767. Pp. vi, 394. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975. $25.75. This is an encyclopedic account of British politics regarding the American colonies from the Treaty of Paris to the enactment of Townshend's taxes. No one familiar with the "Namier school" will be surprised by the general view taken by Professor Thomas, an authority on Parliamentary history in the eighteenth century. Grenville, Townshend and George III are portrayed as responsible statesmen seeking to resolve imperial revenue difficulties while beset by political pressure of all sorts. On this side of the Atlantic, those men are widely regarded as villains. But Thomas shows convincingly that their beliefs regarding Parliamentary authority over the colonies were not generally different from those held by our heroes Rockingham and Pitt. And in action the former were superior. According to Thomas' well-documented account, Grenville modified certain bills to account for possible or actual colonial objections, and delayed others to allow for colonial consideration. Townshend's well-known effort to enact the American distinction between internal and external taxation was actually supported by those Americans whom he could consult. Pitt, on the other hand, was something of a political opportunist, who once flirted with the idea of dictating all colonial economics, rather than merely trying to raise the badly needed revenue. Anyone searching information about the day-by-day progress of the debates in Commons and Lords, private conversations among the principals in London, reports by provincial governors, or letters home by colonial agents, need look no further. Professor Thomas has included them all, to a fault. The reader is overwhelmed by dozens of passages about the papers, voting records, and changes of opinions of minor M.P.s like Conway and Dowdeswell, and conversations, letters, and anxieties of unknown businessmen like Trecothick and Whately; and by other passages about wholly irrelevant tidbits of information like what certain Committees of Parliament did on days they were not considering colonial matters, or how much the Rhode Island lieutenant governor sought in compensation for damage done by Stamp Act protestors. While enthusiastically applauding the research that produced such data-and no less the marvelously readable way the hundreds of footnotes are displayed-the reader wonders if the work did not need some significant pruning. Finally, the book is grossly over-expensive. My guess is that this useful $12-$15 book has been taken right out 231212 of the market by Oxford University Press' price tag. W. T. GENEROUS, JR. Choate Rosemary Hall Wallingford Connecticut BUCHANAN PARKER THOMSON. Spain: Forgotten Ally of the American Revolution. Pp. 250. North Quincy, Mass.: The Christopher Publishing Company, 1976. $9.75. This book was written on the assumption that few Americans except historical specialists know that Spain gave the United States important assistance during the American Revolution. The author's purpose is to recount in a straightforward manner the story of Spain's significant aid. On the basis of lengthy researches in Spanish and American archives she has woven together a very readable and, sometimes, dramatic account of Spain's aid-at first, surreptitious and, later, open. The author is at her best in her sprightly treatment of those Spaniards whom she considers heroes-especially Bernardo de Gdlvez and Don Diego de Gardoqui. At times the author's enthusiasm carries her away, but it makes for lively reading. The first third of the book deals with Spanish aid during the period of official Spanish neutrality. The cooperation of France and Spain is discussed briefly and somewhat superficially. The remainder of the work concentrates on Spanish aid after Spain's declaration of war against Great Britain in 1779. It involved loans, supplies and direct naval and military assistance. Gdlvez with his appointment as governor of Louisiana in 1777 early comes on center stage where he remains, and deservedly so. The account of his audacious and spectacular campaign resulting in the capture of heavily-fortified Pensacola from the British in May 1781 provides the climax of the book. A brief final section, a distinct anti-climax, attempts to present a reckoning in financial terms of Spain's assistance-a complex and dull subject. This might better have largely been relegated to an appendix with the heroics at Pensacola standing as the dramatic finale. Overall the book presents much solid information in a pleasing narrative approach. It is nowhere highly analytical nor does it attempt to probe in depth the complex diplomacy of the major powers. A serious drawback in this work is its deluge of gigantic quotations-in some cases running two to four pages (for example, pp. 65-69). Fewer, shorter quotations and resorting to brief summarization would improve readability. A check of several long quotations, incidentally, revealed some misspelled or omitted words and other transcription problems. The most serious drawback, however, is the lack of an index which sharply reduces its value for quick reference. While the specialist will discover little that is new in fact or interpretation, the general reader will find this study of rarely-discussed aspects of the American Revolution enlightening and often absorbing. ALBERT E. VAN DUSEN University of Connecticut Storrs SOCIOLOGY ALFRED W. CROSBY, JR. Epidemic and Peace, 1918. Pp. vi, 337. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976. $17.50. The influenza pandemic of 1918-1919 killed at least 21 million human beings -twice as many as World War I. But except during its most virulent phase in September-November, 1918, when it sickened and destroyed life so rapidly that in many places neither medical nor mortuary facilities could keep pace with its devastation, the "Spanish" influenza attracted little attention. Even during its worst onslaught, the epidemic was overshadowed by the war and the armistice, and it had not received much attention from historians before the publication of this book. Based upon extensive re- 232213 search in medical and actuarial' records, medical journals, periodical literature, and manuscript collections, Alfred W. Crosby, Jr. has reconstructed both the pandemic's attack upon the United States and modern medicine's search for its causes, and he has done so in a lucid and gripping narrative. Professor Crosby traces the origins of the Spanish influenza to the United States where it began as a normally mild disease in the Spring of 1918. It was carried to Europe by American military personnel and overran much of Eurasia by mid-summer. Then in August, 1918, a much more deadly strain of the disease appeared almost simultaneously in Freetown, Sierra Leone, Brest, France, and Boston, Massachusetts. Striking with astonishing devastation, influenza afflicted between 25 and 40 percent of the American people by June, 1919, and killed some 675,000 Americans. Crosby surveys overall damage, but he concentrates on Philadelphia, San Francisco, troopships, the American Expeditionary Forces in France, American Somoa, and Alaska. Their diverse experiences ranged from a quarantined and disease-free Somoa to fantastic carnage and social paralysis in some native Alaskan settlements. In 1918-1919 no one knew the cause of influenza, and Crosby makes clear the continuing uncertainty about the origins of the epidemic. Some researchers had suggested that influenza was produced by a filterable agent too small to observe, but a confused, frequently retrograde quest by medical researchers took ten years to establish the existence of viruses and still longer to show that the swine influenza that ravaged the hog population of the Middle West each fall after 1918 was the direct descendant of the Spanish influenza. Crosby points out also that even today's medical science cannot account for the absence in many of the epidemic's human victims of Peif fer's bacillus (which in combination with a virus produces swine influenza in hogs) or explain fully the startlingly heavy incidence of mortality among the Spanish influenza's young adult victims. One puts down this book with a sense of awe at the public apathy that met the pandemic and at the persistent mysteries of the disease's origins, pathology, and disappearance. There was, in fact, little relation between the epidemic and the peace- making of 1918-1919, and the book's suggestion of a connection is unfortunate. Crosby's view that the harshness and inequities of the peace settlement owed something to the effects of debilitating illness on the principal negotiators at Paris or on their staffs is simply unconvincing. Yet in spite of a misleading title, this book provides an excellent treatment of a major and neglected event. It serves a useful counterpoint to the concerns and pretensions of political and diplomatic historians, forcing us to recognize that a single, brief epidemic generated more fatalities, more suffering, and more demographic change in the United States than all the wars of the Twentieth Century. THOMAS M. HILL Miami University Oxford Ohio SEYMOUR J. DEITCHMAN. The Best-Laid Schemes: A Tale of Social Research and Bureaucracy. Pp. 483. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1976. $14.95. The Best-Laid Schemes is the account of the now infamous Department of Defense's (DoD) ever-deepening involvement in the sponsorship and direction of social science research on the causes and mechanisms of revolutionary change, and how insurgency movements could be best combated using social science knowledge. The account is written in the first person by one of those directly involved in the establishment of Pentagon social science research projects into the problem of revolutionary warfare. Those who expect an expos6 are cautioned to direct their attention elsewhere, for what The Best-Laid Schemes offers is a detailed historical description of the genesis of Project Camelot and similar ventures, and an analysis-and defense-of why DoD became involved in the sponsor- 233214 ship of applied behavioral research on social-political questions. Deitchman, as Special Assistant for Counterinsurgency Programs in the Office of the Director of Defense Research and Engineering, was directly involved in Project Camelot-an aborted Army sponsored study of the sources of revolutionary movements and how social change could be influenced. Later, as Director of Project Agile-a post- Camelot attempt to continue doing military sponsored social research, but with a low profile-he was in an excellent position to describe the bureaucratic infight- ing and decision making from the heady days of the early 1960s, through the donnybrook of the ill-named and ill- starred Camelot, up until the Mansfield Amendment of 1969 (Section 203) finally banned the military from carrying out research not specifically related to military functions. It would be difficult to find a practicing social scientist of note who does not hold a strong professional and moral position regarding DoD research. Thus, as a reviewer, I feel some obligation to state my own position. I consider DoD involvement in socio-political research to have been at best inappropriate, and at worst dangerous. Moreover, as a sociologist I would have to judge that most of the DoD projects were naive regarding both their goals and the state of the art. For example, Project Camelot, the most publicized of the projects, was not only ill conceived, it was also an example of poor research design and inadequate staffing. Researchers working for the Army through the Human Resources Research Office (HumRRO) at George Washington University of the Special Operations Research Office (SORO) at American University not only failed to ask the relevant questions, but also consistently overestimated what they could deliver. Deitchman's own analysis of how and why the programs developed is far more sophisticated. Moreover, the volume is both detailed and well written. Deitchman carefully documents how DoD involvement in social science research grew out of the Kennedy era belief that social science knowledge could and should be applied to national defense problems. Viewed in perspective, the crucial decision was made during the mid-1960s, when segments of the social science community came to define internal war or counterinsurgency as an important problem for research, and accepted the premise that it was "research- able." Once this decision had been made all else followed logically. As put by Dietchman, "But however we might view it now in rueful retrospect over Vietnam, the point at the time was not whether the job should be done, or even whether it could be done, but rather how to do it better." Logically, the Department of State should have been the agency most concerned with undertaking research on problems associated with Vietnam and the expanding "war of national libera- tion," but that agency was, at the time, intellectually and politically stagnant. Most government agencies were more than willing to let the McNamara Department of Defense take the lead. DoD, thus, became involved in sponsoring political studies, since the State Department had largely abdicated its role of providing information, and the military hierarchy recognized that they could not fight "wars of national liberation" in the conventional military manner. The Army, as a consequence, became directly involved in research on counterinsurgency and political instability. The DoD offered social scientists both the pot of gold of research support, plus a sense of mission. The question of whether social scientists could work on contract research, with the explicit goal of developing techniques for avoiding revolutionary change, without compromising their professional ethics and academic freedom was rarely asked until the Camelot debacle. On the basis of his involvement in government sponsored social research, Deitchman now argues that there should be less, not more, governmental sponsorship of research into the workings of society. He suggests that the goals of government bureaucracies are inherently opposed to those of free and 234215 independent scholarly research. Key social issues can be approached with fewer conflicts of interest when done under private sponsorship-the constraints will be smaller, the researcher won't have to face public accountability for projects that the public doesn't approve, and there will be less (though still some) chance of being accused by subjects of being a representative of oppressors. As he concludes, "In the area of learning about societies, their values, and their behavior, I now believe that government can be most effective if it follows, rather than leads." Although Deitchman is currently with the Institute for Defense Analysis, he has picked up a few of the more obvious Pentagon behavior patterns. One of these is a passion, even in a first person narrative, to avoid using names. In the preface Deitchman states that, "The reader will find that in many cases I have gone to some lengths of circumlocution to avoid naming scientists, civilian or military officials, or even countries, in connection with particular aspects of the events or particular research projects." Why, a decade later, is there a need for such secrecy? Deitchman obviously wants to protect those involved from further vilification, but by going to such lengths to cover up names he leaves the unintended impression that participation was something secretive and covert. Such secrecy makes about as much sense as the CIA's long-standing attempt to pretend that its massive complex across the Potomac from D.C. doesn't exist. During the 1960s it was common knowledge in the social science community who was doing what research for whom. Trying to maintain a cloak of secrecy a decade later merely lends a conspiratorial air to otherwise rather routine knowledge. A second Pentagon characteristic Dietchman apparently fell prone to during his tours with DoD is Washington parochialism. In spite of his often excellent post-hoc analysis of what went wrong and why, Dietchman candidly admits that he and the others who had been involved in building DoD programs in problems of revolutionary warfare were amazed by the depth of the anti-Defense Department reaction to Project Camelot, and the virulent condemnation of the social scientists involved. While he recognizes that Camelot per se was merely the trigger for a bomb that had long been ticking, he still appears rather surprised that the bomb went off when it did. The question is, why were he and others in the DoD bureaucracy surprised? Given the campus ferment at the time, it seems remarkable that upper-level administrators in Washington could be so unaware of the changing mood of the nation. Yet they were. Those, such as this reviewer, who came to the upper reaches of Washington straight from the hinterland during the Vietnam years, were struck by the miasma that engulfed those who should have known better. By limiting himself largely to contact with scientists working for, or sympathetic to, DoD aims and involvement, Dietchman had effectively divorced himself from the changing temper of much of the academic community. Ironically, those attempting to implement programs to study changing attitudes and values in other nations were apparently among those least aware of the massive changes taking place within their own professions and country. To those researching social change, the furor over Camelot should not have come as a surprise, but rather as a foregone conclusion. Finally, a particularistic nit-pick. The book is typed on an IBM selectric, and not set using standard type. Apparently the goal was to save money, but if that was the case, why not a soft- cover edition? For $14.95 one should, even in these days of inflation, expect a typeset volume. The Best-Laid Schemes is must reading for those concerned with the interface between politics, policy and research. It is a thoughtful and intelligent review of a still painful period in the maturation of the American social science community. J. JOHN PALEN University of Wisconsin Milwaukee 235216 ANTHONY S. HALL. Point of Entry: A Study of Client Reception in the Social Services. Pp. 150. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1974. No price. This is a report of a study of the influence of receptionists' attitudes and actions on the likelihood of applicants to a social service agency continuing beyond the point of intake. The study was conducted in four area offices of the public child welfare service of London, England. It grew out of the author's observations while conducting another study in one of the offices. In that study he found that a high proportion of applicants remained with it only a short time, many of them, indeed never coming back after they applied even though they had been accepted. (American studies have similar findings.) This led the author to undertake the present investigation, which centers on factors determining why the receptionists acted as they did. The present study shows that requirements placed on the receptionists resulted in their becoming more involved with applicants than they were expected to, and that this fact was not known by the administrators of the program. The over-involvement resulted from such rules as that the receptionists should ensure the appropriateness of each applicant's request, that they should fill out a form about the problems and should also assess the urgency of the request. In addition they were often rebuked, gently or not so gently, for intruding on the busy social workers' time by referring inappropriate cases. As a result receptionists sometimes gave applicants their own opinion of what they should do about their problems or selected for referral the applicants they most liked. In general, these unexpected and undesired consequences depended largely on how difficult it was for the receptionists to make contact with the social workers. The author offers several practical ideas about how to improve this situation. More important, however, he concludes, is the need for "a systematic approach to defining priorities that provides a rational basis for allocation of resources-accepting, rejecting, and closing cases. Without such a system ... decisions on resource allocation and service provision tend to be made as a result of non-rational factors such as client pressures and chance." Except for this rather cryptic conclusion, this is an excellent study. Many besides workers in social service agencies will find it interesting and its observations useful. It may even be of benefit to physicians and lawyers in private practice, who have much to lose if possible patients and clients are met by officious receptionists or those who give advice about how to deal with problems. HELEN L. WITMER Alexandria Virginia JACK NELSON. Captive Voices: The Report of the Commission of Inquiry into High School journalism. Pp. xxi, 264. New York: Schocken Books, 1974. $10.95. Paperbound, $1.45. Constitutional rights are rooted deep in American history but seem strangely threatened by school officials who can, and do, trim the life out of them. Where Congress shall make no law abridging freedom of the press, it appears that common school practices support and justify censorship to maintain social control, the status quo, or the school image. These findings are reported by Jack Nelson of The Los Angeles Times in Captive Voices, an inquiry by educators and journalists into First Amendment rights and the function of journalism in high school. Censorship is a matter of school policy, the report finds, and is directed toward image damaging materials, accepted as a routine part of the school process, is self-imposed, and is a fundamental cause of trivial and uniform high school newspapers. "The great majority of high school journalism programs did not encourage 236217 free expression, independent inquiry, or investigation of important issues." Most publications are bland and serve as public relations tools for the schools. Equally discouraging, but perhaps not as surprising, was the finding that members of racial, cultural, and ethnic minorities face subtle but real barriers in gaining access to student publications. The report recommends that students have ultimate authority for their publications. And the only news that is not fit to print is "material that is legally obscene or libelous or likely to cause immediate and substantial disruption of the school." A legal guide, suggestions for student publications, and a listing of resources are helpful additions to the report. Captive Voices is well-intentioned but necessarily restricted in its critical analysis. It criticizes high school publications but many community papers suffer similar faults. Publishers, as well as principals, direct reports in the who-what- where-when-why-how of their stories. In fact, many observers have recognized the similarities between school and small community and a focus on their use of media would offer additional insight for comparative analysis. This report is admittedly not designated as a scholarly investigation. Some of the many vignettes are superficial substitutes for more basic examinations of cause and consequence. And there is a disconcerting inconsistency in capitalizing, or not capitalizing "Black" and "Chicano." The report is a needed commentary in support of Constitutional rights, although one might have hoped for a more emotionally convincing case. As Eugene C. Patterson, editor of the St. Petersburg Times, suggests: "Freedom is a difficult art. To teach it, one must practice it." This is obviously true for the school and equally true for the community. One suspects there are unlimited opportunities for improvement. TEDD LEVY Norwalk Connecticut HARRY C. PAYNE. The Philosophes and the People. Pp. ix, 214. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1976. $12.50. This is an intellectual history of the philosophes' conception, attitude, and policies toward le peuple, especially as expressed in their Encyclopedie articles of the mid-eighteenth century. Payne traces the movement in Enlightenment social thoughts from the harsh elitism of a Voltaire to the egalitarian social romanticism of Rousseau. He discusses such other Enlightenment thinkers as Montesquieu, Gibbon, Diderot, Turgot, Condorcet, Hel- vetius, Holbach and Smith. It is movement from sheer contempt for le peuple as educable, moral agents and from naive or ideological insensitivity to their economic plight. The movement is toward "a maturing social awareness and growing sensitivity to the people's problems...." Payne takes particular note of the philosophes' debates about social legislation. It was during these confrontations with actual issues that their elitism was challenged. They generally disagreed about the social utility of religion and legislation regarding it. Regarding universal education, they came to favor at least the development of work related skills. Their economic policies never regarded "pauvret~" as eradica- ble, but concentrated on the alleviation of "mis6re," chiefly by cultivating charitable responsibility among the rich. Likewise, their occasional reference to civil equality among all persons was nearly always distinguished from political equality. Payne's concluding chapter traces Rousseau's radically different conclusions from the Enlightenment presuppositions, and their impact on the other philosophes. ' What he traces- is actually less an historical trend-though there is something of a trend, as in Encyctopedie articles in the 1750s and 1760s-and more a fluctuation. For most of the philosophes there seems to be a domi- 237218 nant note of scorn, in sensitivity and separation regarding le peuple. What Payne shows is how this note was tempered from time to time by themes inconsistent with it. The tempering themes he points out are those that resemble the social views of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In Payne's words: The philosophes followed an elitist logic of economic and social realism, tempered by their sympathy for the lot of the people. They perceived society as a hierarchy justified not by sacred order but by its inevitability and its potential utility. Within this hierarchy, established by economics and talent, they saw both great possibilities for fairness and ability and great realities of oppression and misery. GEORGE WILLIAMSON, JR. Vassar College Poughkeepsie, N.Y. ROBERT F. RUSHMER. Humanizing Health Care: Alternative Futures for Medicine. Pp. x, 210. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1975. No price. BUDD N. SHENJUN. Health Care for Migrant Workers: Policies and Politics. Pp. v, 270. Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1975. No price. These two books are concerned with the organization of medical care. The first was written by the Director of the Center for Bioengineering at the University of Washington; the second was written as the result of Dr. Shenkin's experiences as an administrator of the Migrant Health Program in Washington, D.C. Dr. Rushmer, after discussing the limited applicability of some of the trends in medical research and the disproportion of health resources that are now devoted to a few "favored" illnesses such as cancer, heart disease, stroke, cystic fibrosis, multiple sclerosis, sickle-cell anemia and some others, argues that different facilities, personnel and organizational arrangements will be needed in the future. On the basis of costlbeneht and value added criteria, he shows the need for a greater amount of ambula- tory and home based care with more use of paramedical personnel and a "new version" of the traditional physician. He feels that in the future individuals must be ever more responsible for their own health, particularly for the illnesses which do not require the services of physicians per se. We need to be aware of the costlbenefit of many expensive parts of our medical system, such as our hospitals, and try to find less expensive ways of bringing needed medical care to those who need it but cannot afford it. Dr. Rushmer is impressed with the Swedish hospital system and believes that the United States could adopt some phases of that system with benefit to its medical care delivery system. The discussion of medical care in Dr. Shenkin's book is more restricted, as it is concerned with the medical and health needs of migrant workers. The analysis presented in this book served as a basis for Title IV of the Health Revenue Sharing and Health Services Act of 1974. Dr. Shenkin advises readers of his book to read first the summaries at the end of each chapter and then to read the summaries of each section within the chapters and finally to proceed to the basic text. This reviewer followed these instructions, but found it difficult to get an overall knowledge of a chapter from the summaries as written even though some of them were several pages in length. The author first describes the migrant workers' characteristics and then the problem of their health and medical care which he feels is similar in general to the health problems of the rural poor. The second chapter describes the classical migrant health program which Shenkin claims is extremely weak. Next he discusses proposed alternatives to this classical program. In the discussion of administrative considerations of the Migrant Program the author points out two distinct phases: "The phase of innovation and the phase of support and management." Both these phases are necessary and in his estimation, each phase requires different personnel and organizational forms. Advisory groups made up of migrants and representatives 238219 of migrants with a significant degree of autonomy would also be required for each phase. The migrants have had too little input vis-A-vis the migrant health program in the past and there is great need for such input both in the planning and innovative phase and in the organizational phase. In conclusion, the author argues for some strong political input including pressure from the United Farm Workers. There is an Epilogue which describes in considerable detail the development and passage of Title IV. Both of these books attempt to show how health could be improved by changing the medical care delivery system so that many now not getting medical care would have easier access to it. Better education and personal knowledge of health needs are recommended. Although those who can afford it can get excellent medical care in the United States, there is a great necessity to make it easier for rural residents, migrants and the poor to get such care. These two books advocate some changes in the medical care delivery system which their authors believe would work toward this end. H. ASHLEY WEEKS University of Michigan Ann Arbor JOYCE STEPHENS. Loners, Losers, and Lovers: Elderly Tenants in a Slum Hotel. Pp. ix, 118. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1976. $8.95. Imagine, if you can, a short book on the elderly which is simultaneously theoretically sound, revealing in its description, and both critical and humanistic in its approach. Fortunately, imagination is not necessary; Stephens has produced just such a book with Loners, Losers, and Lovers. Moreover, this monograph presents evidence and arguments which contradict certain widely held stereotypes of the elderly as necessarily passive, defeated, dependent and incompetent. Employing the method of participant observation and the theoretical guidelines of the symbolic interactionist perspective of sociology, Stephens investi- gated the everyday lives and social milieu of elderly residents of a "SRO" (single-room occupancy) slum hotel. The usual criticisms of participant observation and case study methods are less valid in this instance due to the truly extraordinarily effective use of synthesizing concepts and generalizations. As an examplar of how sociological theory and language can be used to illuminate and explain, rather than obfuscate, social life, Loners, Losers, and Lovers is nothing less than superb. Particularly effective are the ways in which the contradictory demands of sufficient descriptive detail and integrative and generalizing commentary are balanced. The text is organized as the reality was experienced by Stephens: a general description of the SRO hotel, then a view of the management and other "out- siders," and then a presentation of the behaviors and interpretations of the elderly residents. The contrast is vivid between the objective social situation in which these people live, in which money is always scarce, physical danger is prevalent, medical problems are calamitous, and effective public social agency support is nearly non-existent; and their personal interpretations and responses to these conditions, which reveal strength, courage, tenacity, and autonomy. After reading how these presumably incompetent people survive in what is unquestionably a very difficult and harsh environment, it is hard to maintain a conception of elderly persons as unable to care for themselves, or to manage their own lives. While they do not "win," they are in no sense of the word defeated. The implications of this study are many and varied. Perhaps foremost among the questions raised is how the social conditions of the elderly who wish to remain autonomous can be made more humane and less punishing without necessarily infringing or limiting their right to self-determination. There are also obvious implications for changes in public assistance programs for the elderly, and for more general shifts in the political and social assumptions and beliefs upon which such 239220 programs are based. In addition, theories of aging and of social deviance must respond to the evidence presented in Stephens' study. For all of the above reasons, and for others too specific and detailed to mention, Loners, Losers, and Lovers is recommended without qualification or hesitation to anyone interested in social gerontology, urban life, social deviance, or social theory; in sum, to anyone interested in gaining greater understanding of and insight into social life, and how social situations and social interaction can combine to produce a unique outcome: meaningful human encounters. PAUL T. McFARLANE North Carolina State University Raleigh ANSELM L. STRAUSS. Images of the American City. Pp. 306. New Bruns- wick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1976. $12.95. This book can be reviewed in three different ways, each one appropriate. Therefore, to REVIEW #1: Anselm Strauss has contributed a useful addition to the literature on American cities and what their images mean to their residents and interpreters. His work identifies major methods by which cities are symbolized, and how these configurations take form in mid-century America. His is an important contribution to urban studies, and no planner or urban sociologist should be without his volume for reference and historical reminder on the varying meanings of "cit " Strauss' book is flawed by the failure to cite recent literature on his subject, particularly the seminal work of Lynch and Clay. Indeed, this reviewer was not able to find references beyond 1960 in the volume. Or, one might cast REVIEW #2: Transaction Press has done the ur- banist the favor of re-issuing Anselm Strauss' classic Images of the City some fifteen years after its original publication by the Free Press of Glen- coe. Strauss' work is still useful as a reference, although it has been im- portantly updated in the interval by the contribution of Kevin Lynch, in particular. Strauss, though he focuses heavily on Chicago in the volume, and stints the West, did present a discussion no student of the growth of cities can afford to overlook in his comparative study of the growth of urban symbolism. And, finally, REVIEW #3. What is one to say about a publisher with the effrontery to reissue an important historical study in a field without acknowledging the original date of issue and source of publication? Indeed, Transaction Press presents Anselm Strauss' Images of the City in a format exactly that of an original issue, replete with a preface thanking Howard S. Becker and Blanche Geer of Community Studies, Incorporated, of Kansas City, Kai Erikson of the University of Pittsburgh, and Nathan Glazer of Benning- ton College. Issue in its present format is confusing to students, destructive of traditions of scholarly citation and accuracy, insulting to the author, and ignorant of basic principles of honesty and scholarship. The publisher should assume its moral obligation to rectify its egregious error by enclosing an errata page in all copies giving proper attribution to the work it has chosen to re-issue. JON VAN TIL Rutgers University Camden, N.J. DUANE F. STROMAN. The Medical Establishment and Social Responsibility. Pp. x, 193. Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1976. $12.95. Duane Stroman, Associate Professor of Sociology at Juniata College in Hunting- ton, Pennsylvania, presents a well-documented critique of the health care system in the United States, focusing on the medical profession as the main cause of the "illness of our current health care system." Stroman outlined the signs of that illness as the extensive unmet medical need in the country, the uneven quality of American medicine, unnecessary medical services and the high costs of medical care. The author accomplishes his purpose, 240221 "to understand the complexity of our health care system and the forces for change within it," and the abundance of statistical detail and fact is somewhat overwhelming in sections of the book. However, the timeliness of the subject and the cogency of the author's arguments are well worth the effort. The thrust of the critique of the health care system comes in chapters 5 and 6; there Stroman openly challenges the monopoly exerted by the medical establishment on health care. The author maintains that while the medical establishment sustains free enterprise medicine, it does so at the expense of the public. Instead of improving medical care for the majority, the medical professionals have worked to maintain their own closed system of providing services through the fee-for-service practice. The author concludes his analysis with a "patient's bill of rights" and calls for a national health care system "to match the needs of our complex society." Duane Stroman must be given credit for presenting an immense amount of information on such a problematic subject in a coherent perspective, and also for offering a necessary and convincing critique of the medical establishment in this country. JOSEPH W. WEISS Boston College Chestnut Hill Massachusetts ECONOMICS RUSTOW A. DANKWART and JOHN F. MUGNO. OPEC: Success and Prospects. Pp. ix, 179. New York: New York University Press, 1976. $12.50. This short and eminently well written book should be read by every public and private official dealing with energy problems in general, and OPEC matters in particular. This reviewer has seldom seen a multidisciplinary work that did not do grave injustice to one or all of the sepa- rate disciplines analyzing the subject matter. This is not the case with the work of Dankwart and Mugno on OPEC. Although the points of economic theory used in the analyses are not explained, the conclusions resulting from the theory are presented so the non-economist reader can perceive their significance as they relate to what OPEC is trying to accomplish. With the exception of several key tables, the empirical evidence used in support of the authors' arguments are neatly placed in an appendix, to be carefully scrutinized or ignored as the reader wishes. Similarly, the reader is not distracted by minute descriptions of the dozens of meetings, agreements, and government policy actions that made OPEC an international force. These descriptions also appear in neat chronological order in an appendix. The book consists of three chapters and a short conclusion. Chapter one, of course, describes the creation and rise to power of OPEC. In 31 pages, the authors concisely and clearly discuss the roles played by the Persian Gulf Countries, Venezuela, the third world countries, the governments of industrialized countries, and the major oil companies in diplomatic and economic (price and tax) policies through the 1973-1974 petroleum crisis. Although chapter 2 examines the way in which industrialized and third world countries view their positions vis-A-vis OPEC, and how OPEC funds are being recycled, fhe most interesting part of the chapter relates to the spending and investing objectives of OPEC. In that analysis Dankwart and Mugno look at such diverse objectives as: (1) the economic development of OPEC members, (2) the military security of some members, (3) direct investment in the private enterprises of industrialized countries, and (4) economic aid to third world countries. The chapter also examines how OPEC differs from other (potential) raw material cartels. The main thrust of the third chapter and the conclusion is that OPEC stands strong in the immediate future because of (1) the futile nature of economic, military, and political" retaliatory ac- 241222 tions against OPEC; (2) the unlikelihood that OPEC members would gain much by price cuts, and (3) that economically viable alternative fuels are a long term solution. MARY A. HOLMAN The George Washington University Washington, D.C. ORVILLE F. GRIMES, JR. Housing for Low-1 ncorne Urban Families: Economics and Policy in the Developing World. Pp. xiv, 176. Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976. $11.00. Paperbound, $3.65. This World Bank Research Publication is a short but richly documented account of the urban housing problem in developing nations. It is descriptive- almost anecdotal-though the statistical appendix suggests that much empirical and some econometric effort underlies the terse text. An impressive Select Bibliography and consistently fine footnote source references enhance the credibility of author Grimes as commentator on this complex and surprisingly sensitive subject. The understated message of the book is that policy-makers in many developing nations are doing much less than they could to improve urban living conditions, mainly because they fail to appreciate the special kind of economics that is relevant. Orville Grimes is billed on the jacket as an economist on the Development Policy Staff of the World Bank, a specialist on urban land and housing problems. The Preface seems to make it clear that the book was written for the Bank, representing collaboration by a number of Bank staff, and that abundant statistical material was developed through the Bank. The copyright page, however, has a disclaimer by the Bank for views and interpretations contained in the book. For those who may never have chanced upon the strange diplomacy of international assistance agencies, this apparent inconsistency means that the World Bank wants to avoid telling client governments how to conduct their internal affairs but at the same time hopes that a certain amount of enlightenment will make future financial discussions with those governments easier and more amicable. In short, it is reasonable to take this book as a primer on World Bank expectations with respect to urban housing efforts ; client governments will be well advised to absorb its message. The book is significantly more optimistic than Charles Abrams' elegant, explicit treatment of the same subject in Man's Struggle for Shelter in an Urbanizing World (MIT Press, 1964). Much of Abrams' book was a graphic description of the urban housing problem in numerous developing nations. Grimes' book is addressed primarily to people who already know what the problems are but fail to perceive how these problems can be solved. So it is a discussion of policy options and economic facts of life, documented as often as necessary with success stories such as Singapore and Hong Kong. The physical problem is that a large fraction of these urban populations have grossly inadequate housing, in terms of space, sanitation, comfort and security. Incomes are low, but a large share of those who are underhoused could afford the economic cost of minimum standard housing if it were produced; the need for subsidy or income transfer is relatively minor in most places. The market economy does not supply housing because suitable financial institutions do not exist and because suitable land is not provided with utilities or transportation. Governmental housing agencies tend to produce the wrong kind of housing in the wrong places, at extravagant cost and frequently in token quantity. The real problem, as Grimes sees it, is public policy, because "... in most countries improvement in policy can contribute substantially to better housing without a major commitment of additional resources" (p. 91). Specifically, there seems to be little need for loans or grants from international agencies: "In many developing countries poor people pay rents that yield returns on capital of from 30 to 100 percent a year" (p. 88, citing an AID publication). Housing can be financed 242223 internally if the nation will but "im- prove the workings of financial markets" (p. 58). Among the improvements suggested are removal of interest rate restrictions, encouragement for local building societies, diversion of social security funds to urban housing, and avoidance of rent control. The other major policy option which Grimes supports is the "sites and ser- vices" approach. This often-repeated phrase refers to public provision of transportation and basic utilities to suitable, mostly peripheral, land. Houses themselves can best be built by private means, without government intervention or subsidy. For lack of such serviced land urban squatters in many metropolitan centers crowd illegally upon central sites better used for expanding businesses or not used at all. Getting government out of the business of building houses directly for the poor means that families get as much housing as they can afford and no more. In most cases this would be reasonably good, as long as cheap, serviced land is available. For the very poor there is ofteh opportunity for "cross-subsidy"; if some of the resettled families pay a bit more for land, interest and the housing itself than those things actually cost the resulting surplus can be used to lower the rents of the poor-a kind of progressive rent scheme. The main thing is to discourage public agencies from putting scarce public resources into just a few projects which are developed at unrealistically high standards. There are precedents and models for all the policy improvements which Grimes suggests, and he cites them. Brief as it is, this book ought to go far in persuading governments in developing nations that they could solve their urban housing problems if they really wanted to; they don't need help from the World Bank. This is the kind of frustrating advice often associated with bankers, a valid argument but somehow irrelevant. The book is a bit disingenuous in not anticipating how third world governments might respond to the lessons. The large irrelevancies are two. First, there are few among the developing countries which actually have control over their internal financial system so that private capital for housing can be mobilized, and few also sufficiently benevolent to care. Showcase developments, externally financed and occupied mainly by favored officials can be photographed and displayed through a controlled press as proof that General X or Chairman Z has "solved" the nation's housing problem. Second, the "sites and services" approach assumes a capacity for fiscal and development planning which scarcely exists in the most developed of nations, as well as a capital fund. Putting water, electricity and sewerage in a peripheral tract of land and extending good public transportation to that site requires public investment which may not be recouped through the existing fiscal system-that is, through user charges. Making that investment in advance of settlement is a gamble. How does one know that suitable development will occur? Information about the nature and extent of effective demand for housing and about real supplies of housing credit is just not available. Indeed, feasibility studies and infrastructure risk capital are just what developing nations most reasonably expect from agencies such as the World Bank. Grimes' book does not imply that such is forthcoming. WALLACE F. SMITH University of California Berkeley STEPHEN HERBERT HYMER. The International Operations of National Firms: A Study of Direct Foreign Investments. Pp. xxii, 253. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1976. $12.50. Back in 1960, the late Stephen Hymer completed a Ph.D. dissertation in the Department of Economics at MIT. It was probably the most read, unpublished dissertation in history. Everyone who was seriously interested in multinational corporations borrowed it. Hymer insisted foreign direct and portfolio investments were very different. He considered the theory of interna- 243224 tional capital movements applicable to portfolio investments. This theory argued that investors moved funds to get the best interest rates. He showed how it did not explain most foreign direct investments. He stressed control as crucial to foreign direct investment. "Cross-investments," direct foreign investments of U.S. companies abroad and foreign companies in the United States in the same industries, could not be accounted for by looking at interest rates. Economists, Hymer suggested, should not be using the theory of international capital movements but rather a theory of industrial or firm (enterprise) relationships in studying international operations of national firms. Considerations of oligopoly were more meaningful than those of interest rates. The dissertation came as a breath of fresh air. It took observed phenomena and thoughtfully viewed the theoretical implications. It compared national and international operations of firms. I often wondered why Hymer never published the thesis. Charles Kindleberger in a sensitive introduction explains that the thesis was rejected for publication. What Hymer published later seemed to me less interesting and less original. As he grew older, he became interested in radical economics. Then in 1974, at age 39, he died in an automobile accident. Now, MIT Press is publishing the thesis. As I reread it after more than a decade, I am struck by (1) the lucidity of the argument in the early chapters (Kindleberger tells us that one reader for MIT Press in 1960 found it too "simple and straightforward"); (2) how many of Hymer's ideas are now well accepted (I had forgotten that Hymer had stressed the necessity of a firm engaged in international business having advantage of some kind); (3) how Hymer neglected the vast antitrust literature on international business that was available in 1960 and would have helped him in his analysis; and (4) how much more sophisticated the literature on multinational corporations has become in the last sixteen years. I welcome MIT Press's decision to publish this thesis. I wanted it for my library. MIRA WILKINS Florida International University Miami JOHN W. MELLOR. The New Economics of Growth: A Strategy for India and the Developing World. Pp. ix, 335. Ithaca, N.Y.: Comell University Press, 1976. $11.50. While conventional theories of economic development have consistently neglected the role of agriculture as the leading sector, proper credit should go to a remarkable group of agricultural economists who have heroically resisted the received wisdom. Now that time, technology and unconcealable mass poverty have reduced the appeal of convention in development studies, the recent works urging a revision of the established strategies of development should get a more patient reception than could be expected before. Fortunately, within about a year, two major works elaborating rural-oriented strategies of development have emerged. One is authored by Bruce Johnston and Peter Kilby, and the other by John Mellor is the subject of the present review. Mellor's book presents a sustained critique 6f what he calls capital-intensive strategies of economic growth with a detailed analysis of the theory and practice of its Indian variant and at the same time offers a rural-led strategy as its alternative. Though the empirical materials are primarily derived from the recent economic experience of India, these are set in a comparative context of relevant Asian experience. The case study itself makes the book well worth reading but the comparative sensitivity and the new approach considerably increase its value for a wider circle of readership, including scholars and policy personnel. Those who have followed the individual and the collaborative works of Mellor published earlier, will recognize that many of the ideas contained 244225 in his statement of the rural-led strategy are not unfamiliar. What is new, however, is the bold integration and elaboration of these ideas in the form of a consistent strategy explicitly designed to confront the issues of growth, employment and welfare together. The components of this strategy are deceptively simple. The new strategy will involve giving priority to increasing agricultural production through investment in new technology, reducing capital intensity in the industrial sector, simultaneously increasing exports and imports, and emphasizing the use of planning for productive inducement rather than unproductive regulation. This strategy calls for a substantial shift from the established practice in India and some other countries which concentrated most of their attention on capital formation in the industrial sector. The basic emphasis in Mellor's strategy is on increased production of wage goods, particularly food, which if sustained by agro-technical innovation, is likely to generate cumulative production, employment, and welfare gains. That is why the first priority is accorded to agriculture where ensuring proper supply of inputs, adequate infra-structural provisions and assistance to small farmers can make a big difference. In short, a dynamic agricultural sector will imply not merely joining rural growth with economic participation but in addition, will ensure the needed intersec- toral flow between agriculture, industry and trade without the cumbrous bureaucratic regulations that normally mark centralized planning. Mellor is aware of the hard fact that it is not easy to switch strategic emphasis s from industry to agriculture and from capital goods to wage goods. Not even the arguments of employment and welfare needs of the poorer masses are likely to shake the conventional ground very much since the established approach delivers a patronage effect that is congruent with the interests of the ruling coalition of social and political forces. His perceptive discussion of the internal and external political factors which can make a difference in the choice of a growth strategy is uncharacteristic of growth literature. While one may wish that he could elaborate this part further, he at least should be given due credit for recognizing the crucial political factors that are conventionally dismissed because of their untidy nature. ' Whether one shares Mellor's high hopes regarding the promise of agro-technical innovations or his critique of conventional developmental planning and the value of the new strategy, he will have to recognize this book as a challenging contribution to the literature on economic growth and development. Reliance on technology, market mechanism, inducive planning and foreign compassion are, of course, unlikely to excite many scholars and politicians for a variety of reasons. No matter what these reasons are, they too will find the empirical part of this work highly rewarding. Those who would read this book for a novel approach to poverty- focused, rural-oriented development may question the author's austere detachment from the problems of the rural asset and authority structures. This neglect may be due to his interest in devising a strategy which may be feasible under the conditions of the existing regime. However, given the author's deep concern for the levels of living of the rural poor, it is not readily apparent to what extent a policy of switching investment unaccompanied by structural transformation in rural society will be able to accomplish substantial changes in the life situation of the poor such that they may have access to a life consistent with human dignity. JYOTIRINDRA DAS GUPTA University of California Berkeley LEO PANITCH. Social Democracy and Industrial Militancy: The Labour Party, the Trade Unions and Incomes Policy, 1945-1974. Pp. X, 318. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976. $22.50. 245226 The writer of this study of the role of the British trade union, as the direct object of the incomes policy, and ultimately the means of administering the policy to the rank and file, stresses the new social contact between the British Labour Government and unions. Assistant Professor Panitch of Carleton University, Canada, in his volume stresses the necessity of stabilizing the economy and restraining industrial militancy. His well-documented and indexed book formed a Ph.D. dissertation at the London School of Economics. Professor Panitch reveals the trends of this development in the incomes policies of successive post-war governments, especially in the 1964-70 Labour Government. He also traces the way in which wage restraint was obtained from the unions, or imposed upon them, in the context of the attempted integration of the unions within the existing political and economic order. The author emphasizes the role of the Labour Party in incomes policies gen- erally-a stand which has emerged less from an interest in socialist economic planning than from the Party's integration ideology, particularly its rejection of the concept of class struggle in favour of affecting a compromise between the different classes in British society. Wage restraint, in the absence of effective price and profit controls, has given rise to repeated conflicts within the Labour Movement. As Professor Panitch stresses, the basic aim of the 1964 Labour Govern- ment's incomes policy was to infuse the working people with national considerations at the level at which economic class considerations had persisted more stubbornly, namely, at the level of trade union wage bargaining. However, as the Labour Party extended its national integrative posture to attempt to employ trade unions as agencies of social control in restraining industrial conflict, the main political and class divisions in British society increasingly moved inside the Labour Movement itself. In a decade, the political and industrial issues became one, and the contradiction raised by an industrially militant working class affiliated with an ideologically integrative political party assumed new significance. The volume follows an historical record of incomes policy, beginning with the 1945 Labour Government's attitude toward this policy and proceeding into the late 1960s-a complex period in which dividing lines did not fall into neat compartments. The author has provided an excellent description of the sharp divisions of left and right Ministers and backbenchers, Conference and Parliamentary Labour Party members, and within the union movement, between radical and moderate union leaders, militant shop stewards, the TUC and individual unions. The conflict has not ended. However, the author concludes that In Place of Strife (issued in 1969) was a major step in integrating certain factions in the Labour Movement. His volume provides a general analysis of social democracy as it is defined in modern British society. MARY E. MURPHY California State University Los Angeles INGO WALTER. International Economics of Pollution. Pp. 208. New York: Halsted Press, 1976. $17.50. Starting with the premise that environmental management places a 'shock' or pressure on the international economic system, Walter examines the impact of environmental quality standards on international trade, comparative advantage, multinational corporate operations, transfrontier pollution and economic development amongst other topics. The essential argument is that "international variations in collectively determined environmental priorities, systems of public administration and environmental assimilative capacity can be expected to produce significant differences in the economic impact of environmental management on national economies and, in turn, on economic relations between nations" (p. 33). In order to assess the impact of environmental controls, Walter assumes 246227 the polluter pays principle. With this assumption the author concludes that, in the short term, enforcement of environmental controls, will not be critical to the balance of payments question. He notes, however, that the impact at the industry and firm level may be considerable. By implication the effect on particular regions in any one country, or on countries with a non-diversified economic base, may be significant. In the long term, the author argues that pollution control will have a relative impact on prices. The keys to both long and short term adjustments are the policies adopted by governments to control environmental pollution. Policies that deviate from a polluter pays principle tend to influence the competitiveness of firms primarily in the intermediate and long term periods. Subsidies to industry on the other hand tend to defeat the polluter pays principle in all time periods. The focus of the book is on economic analysis, but there is a clear recognition of the political dimension, especially in the last four chapters. In these chapters Walter explores the impact of multinational corporations on economic interchange and particularly on the key role such organizations play in the transfer of environmental technology. He notes that developing countries in particular may very well benefit from the importation of technology for pollution control since this could lead to more sustained and orderly growth. These last four chapters lack the precise and vigorous argument apparent in the early chapters. This, in many respects can be attributed to the nature of the topics which are analyzed, but it could be disconcerting for an economist interested in a vigorous economic analysis of transfrontier pollution, multinational corporations and trade, environment and economic development. The book goes beyond the international economics of pollution implied in the title. The strongest point about the book is the theoretical discussion of the economic impact of pollution control and the recognition of a broad range of factors which are critical to sound environmental policy. The book would have been considerably enhanced had the author devoted more attention to specific cases and examples to illustrate his conclusions. WILLIAM M. ROSS University of Victoria British Columbia Canada</meta-value>
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