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I Political Science : Method and Theory Science Politique : Méthodes Et Théories

Identifieur interne : 002537 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 002536; suivant : 002538

I Political Science : Method and Theory Science Politique : Méthodes Et Théories

Auteurs :

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:842D63B2C3A9CB8C1D25D59F5898E604736D5FC4

English descriptors


Url:
DOI: 10.1177/00208345070570060101

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:842D63B2C3A9CB8C1D25D59F5898E604736D5FC4

Le document en format XML

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<meta-value>709 I Political Science : Method and Theory Science Politique : Méthodes Et Théories SAGE Publications, Inc.2007DOI: 10.1177/00208345070570060101 57.6880 ABRAHAMSEN, Rita ; WILLIAMS, Michael C. — Securing the city: private security companies and non-state authority in global governance. International Relations 21(2), June 2007 : 237-253. The past decade has witnessed a remarkable expansion and globaliza- tion of the private security sector. These developments mark the emer- gence of public-private, global-local security networks that play increas- ingly important roles in global governance. Rather than representing a simple retreat of the state, security privatization is a part of broad proc- esses in which the role of the state — and the nature and locus of authority — is being transformed and rearticulated. Often presented as apolitical, the effect of market forces and moves towards greater effi- ciency in service delivery, the authority conferred on private actors can alter the political landscape and in the case of private security has clear implications for who is secured and how. The operation and impact of [these] networks is explored in the context of security-provision in Cape Town, South Africa. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.8008] 57.6881 ADLOFF, Frank — Beyond interests and norms: toward a theory of gift-giving and reciprocity in modern societies. Constellations 13(3), Sept. 2006 : 407-427. The culture of gift-giving eludes narrow conceptions of rationality. This culture can help regenerate democratic societies facing declining political participation and an economization of politics. Communitarians, republi- cans, and utilitarians all assume a fundamental distinction between actions based on calculation or prudence on the one hand and actions based on values and norms on the other. The author turns to anthropol- ogy in search of an alternative. Relying on classic works by M. Mauss and Cl. Lévi-Strauss as well as recent studies by A Caille and J. God- bout, he argues that gift-giving escapes oppositions between freedom and obligation, altruism and rule-following, individualism and holism. The “paradigm of gift” thus reveals a realm of social action that, like democ- racy itself, rests on relations of reciprocity and practices of cultural and social negotiation. [R] 57.6882 Al-RFOUH, Faisal O. — Mass communication and national security. Democracy and Security 1(1), 2005 : 41-62. Mass communication and the notion of national security have undergone substantial changes in the post-Cold War era characterized by globaliza- tion. New technological innovations have spawned a paradigm shift in the mass media which has been [labeled] as `communications global- ism`. National security has become more vulnerable to the machinations of hostile states and non-state actors through the new avenues of the media like internet. Though nothing substantive has come to notice that can undermine the national security interests of a nation, vulnerabilities are there. Currently both the media and the security establishments responsible for national security are acclimatizing to the changing nu- ances and it is their cooperative strategy and mutual trust that can serve the interests of national security. [R] 57.6883 ALISON, Miranda — Wartime sexual violence: women's human rights and questions of masculinity. Review of In- ternational Studies 33(1), Jan. 2007 : 75-90. This article examines wartime sexual violence, one of the most recurring wartime human rights abuses. Our theorizations need further develop- ment, particularly in regard to the way that masculinities and the intersec- tions with constructions of ethnicity feature in wartime sexual violence. The article also argues that although women and girls are the predomi- nant victims of sexual violence and men and boys the predominant agents, we must also be able to account for the presence of male victims and female agents. This, however, engenders a problem; much of the women's human rights discourse and existing international mechanisms for addressing wartime sexual violence tend to reify the male- perpetrator/female-victim paradigm. This is a problem which feminist human rights theorists and activists need to address. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7131] 57.6884 ALLEN, Susan Hannah — Time bombs: estimating the duration of coercive bombing campaigns. Journal of Con- flict Resolution 51(1), Feb. 2004 : 121-133. Advancements in technology coupled with the perception of diminished public tolerance for casualties have increased the prominence and popularity of aerial bombing as a coercive tool, particularly for the US. Despite interest from policy-makers and support from the public, there has been little scholarly assessment of these coercive episodes. How successful are air campaigns, and what are the prospects for the future? I focus on the factors that cause bombing campaigns to end. To explore what leads to campaign termination, I highlight the theoretical signifi- cance of the political characteristics of both the attacker and the adver- sary. Using competing risks-duration analysis to examine both failed and successful bombing campaigns from 1917 through 1999, I find that a democratic government on either side of the coercive equation increases the likelihood of campaigns ending. [R] 57.6885 ANDJIGA, Nicolas G. ; BADIROU, Daoud ; MBIH, Boniface — On the evaluation of power in parliaments and gov- ernment formation. Constitutional Political Economy 18(2), June 2007 : 69-82. We explain how the power of coalitions can be computed after elections. We add to the existing literature by using this analysis to predict what government may emerge from these elections. [R, abr.] 57.6886 ANTOLIŠ, Krunoslav — Prerequisites for systematic fighting terrorism. Croatian International Relations Review 40-41, July-Dec. 2005 : 121-124. In the modern world, global terrorism is deemed a true menace to all countries of the world, especially to member states of the anti-terrorist (AT) coalition. Our approach must be based primarily on the principle of legal punishment, and by no means on the principle of revenge. Terror- ism must not become a legal means of combating evolutionary changes in society. Furthermore, permanent protection of basic human rights of the citizens of Croatia within the context of combating terrorism is of the utmost importance. [R, abr.] 57.6887 AOKI, Masahiko — Endogenizing institutions and institu- tional changes. Journal of Institutional Economics 3(1), Apr. 2007 : 1-31. This paper proposes an analytical-cum-conceptual framework for under- standing the nature of institutions as well as their changes. It proposes a new definition of institution based on the notion of common knowledge regarding self-sustaining features of social interactions with a hope to integrate various disciplinary approaches to institutions and their changes. It specifies some generic mechanisms of institutional coher- 710 ence and change — overlapping social embeddedness, Schumpeterian innovation in bundling games, and dynamic institutional complementari- ties — useful for understanding the dynamic interactions of economic, political, social, organizational, and cognitive factors. [R] 57.6888 ARQUEMBOURG, Jocelyne — De l'événement interna- tional à l'événement global : émergence et manifesta- tions d'une sensibilité mondiale (From international events to global events: the outward signs of a world- wide sensitivity). Hermès 46, 2006 : 13-21. [Résumés en français] For a long time the social sciences have been suspicious of the concept of event, ignoring its capacity to break order. Media events for instance are considered as the products of media constructions misrepresenting reality; events should be distinguished from facts because an event causes a rupture which is not created only by the media. Media link together the activities of social actors on the one hand and the reactions of a public on the other hand. The question is why international events affect a worldwide public. It seems that in the media coverage of such events universal norms and values as well as specific located contexts are interwoven. Because they spread on international public scenes, call up transnational actors and are broadcast in live by transnational TV channels, international events have changed into `global events` that arouse feelings all over the world, revealing a form of worldwide sensitiv- ity. [R] [First article of a thematic issue, `World events, national outlooks`, edited and introduced by the author, Guy LOCHARD and Arnaud MERCIER. Other contributions by Arnaud MERCIER [Abstr. 57.7063], Guy LOCHARD [Abstr. 57.7040], Michael PALMER [Abstr. 57.7084], José REBELO [Abstr. 57.7098], José-Louis FECÉ and Manuel PALACIO; Fausto COLOMBO, Aurélie AUBERT, Saïda CHRAIBI; Valérie STREIT and Rodney BENSON; Cristina HERMEZIU, Joanna NOWICKI, Jakub LUBELSKI, Joanna MIADOWICZ, Simonetta CIULA; Olivier CÔTÉ and Martin PÂQUET; Camelia BECIU, Irina VASSILÉVA- HAMÉDANI; Christine LANDFRIED and Wolfgang SETTEKORN; Juan- Carlos GUERRERO-BERNAL [Abstr. 57.8048], Bernadette DUFRENE [Abstr. 57.6950], Gérôme TRUC. 57.6889 ARTER, David — Comparing the legislative performance of legislatures. Journal of Legislative Studies 12(3-4), Sept.- Dec. 2006 : 245-257. [We lack] the precision tools with which to calibrate the extent of a legislature's policy power. This has fed a tendency to accept rather than confront the legislative stereotypes embedded in the existing classifica- tions of legislatures. There has also been a propensity to conflate `legis- lative capacity` and `legislative performance` and to reach conclusions about strength and weakness in legislatures from an assessment of a legislature's capacity — its potential policy power — rather than analyz- ing the nature of its policy output. The starting point of this special issue is the need for systematic output-analysis in comparative legislative research; the Introduction devises a series of indicators with which to make at least a rudimentary cross-national assessment of legislative performance. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on `Comparing and classifying legislatures`, edited and concluded by the author. See also Abstr. 57.6890, 6990, 7057, 7249, 7287, 7295, 7320, 7321, 7326, 7333] 57.6890 ARTER, David — Questioning the `Mezey question`: an interrogatory framework for the comparative study of legislatures. Journal of Legislative Studies 12(3-4), Sept.- Dec. 2006 : 462-482. The conclusion broadens the notion of “legislative performance” from various measures of legislative output to an analysis of the performance of legislatures in the totality of the legislative process. The shift is from the “how much policy power?” question of M. Mezey [Comparative Legislatures, Durham NC, 1979] to a broad-gauge “how?” question, with the emphasis on process and the overall anatomy of legislative influ- ence. The question is: “how do legislators, both severally and collec- tively, work to perform their legislative roles in the three phases of the legislative process — that is, in the formulation and deliberation of public policy and oversight of the executive?” Fifteen subsidiary questions are then divised, which taken together, constitute a framework for the com- parative study of legislative performance in the macro-sense of the term. [A] [See Abstr. 57.6889] 57.6891 AZFAR, Omar ; NELSON, William Robert, Jr. — Transpar- ency, wages, and the separation of powers: an experi- mental analysis of corruption. Public Choice 130(3-4), 2007 : 471-493. We conducted an experimental analysis of the causes of corruption, varying the ease of hiding corrupt gains, officials' wages, and the method of choosing the law-enforcement officer. Voters rarely re-elect chief executives found to be corrupt and tend to choose presidents who had good luck. Directly elected law-enforcement officers work more vigilantly at exposing corruption than those who are appointed. Increasing gov- ernment wages and increasing the difficulty of hiding corrupt gains both reduce corruption. [R] 57.6892 BANNINK, Duco ; HOOGENBOOM, Marcel — Hidden change: disaggregation of welfare state regimes for greater insight into welfare state change. Journal of Euro- pean Social Policy 17(1), Feb. 2007 : 19-32. This article proposes a method for the disaggregation of welfare state regimes that enhances our insight into innovative welfare-state change. Welfare states are composed of different approaches to various social risks, and the approach to each social risk consists of various types of arrangements. We argue that a singular approach to a social risk creates a social residue that may evoke social pressure which can in turn be diminished by hybridizing the arrangement: changing allocation rules to include new social groups or to cover previously uncovered needs. In itself, however, a hybrid arrangement is unstable. This is why hybridiza- tion may be followed by either a return to a singular risk approach so that social pressure re-emerges, or by the establishment of a new, additional arrangement so that a hybrid risk approach emerges. [R, abr.] 57.6893 BARZELAY, Michael ; GALLEGO, Raquel — From `new institutionalism` to `institutional processualism`: ad- vancing knowledge about public management policy change. Governance 19(4), Oct. 2006 : 531-557. Research on public management reform has taken a decidedly discipli- nary turn. Since the late 1990s, analytical issues are less often framed in terms of the New Public Management. As part of the disciplinary turn, much recent research on public management reform is highly influenced by the three new institutionalisms. However, these studies have implicitly been challenged by a competing research program on public manage- ment reform that is emphatically processual in its theoretical foundations. This article develops the challenge in a more explicit fashion. It provides a theoretical restatement of the competing `institutional processualist` research program and compares its substantive findings with those drawn from the neo-institutionalisms. The implications of this debate about public management reform for comparative historical analysis and neo-institutional theories are discussed. [R] 57.6894 BEICHELT, Timm — Europa-Studien in der Politikwissen- schaft: was sollen, was können sie leisten? (European Studies in political science: what should and can they achieve?). integration 29(3), 2006 : 213-218. The author grants European Studies a specific function in the scholarly and educational realm, namely the production and dissemination of familiarity with the topic of European integration. In addition, a distinction is made between European Studies, which is generally multi-perspective and multi-disciplinary, and on the other side the more specialized, mono- disciplinary EU research. While EU research is required for analyzing the increasingly complex politics in the multilevel system of the EU, Euro- pean Studies is required for the classification and interpretation of spe- cialized knowledge. European Studies therefore forms an important connection between diverse academic communities as well as among the political public at large. [R] 57.6895 BÉLAND, Daniel — The politics of social learning: fi- nance, institutions, and pension reform in the United States and Canada. Governance 19(4), Oct. 2006 : 559-583. Grounded in the historical institutionalist literature, this article formulates an amended concept of social learning through the analysis of the relationship between finance, social learning, and institutional legacies in the 1990s debate over the reform of earnings-related pension schemes in the US and Canada. The article shows how social learning related to specific ideological assumptions and policy legacies in the public and the private sectors has affected policy-making processes. At the theoretical level, this contribution stresses the political construction of learning processes, which is distinct from the technocratic model featured in the traditional literature on social learning. This article also distinguishes between high- and low-profile social learning while emphasizing the impact of private policy legacies on learning processes. [R, abr.] 57.6896 BELL, Christine ; O'ROURKE, Catherine — The people's peace? Peace agreements, civil society, and participa- tory democracy. International Political Science Review 28(3), June 2007 : 293-324. [Résumé en français] This article, drawing on an extensive collection of peace agreements dating from 1990 until the present day, analyzes peace agreement provisions for civil society involvement and considers the extent to which peace agreements proffer new models of participatory democracy. We begin with some background and a short overview of political theory on participatory democracy, identifying key dilemmas. The article sets out a comprehensive analysis of peace agreement provisions for civil society, indicating how peace agreements negotiate the dilemmas identified in theory. We then evaluate this negotiation in the context of post- agreement implementation difficulties. In conclusion, we discuss the implications for future research. [R] 711 57.6897 BENKLER, Yochai ; NISSENBAUM, Helen — Commons- based peer production and virtue. Journal of Political Phi- losophy 14(4), Dec. 2006 : 394-419. Commons-based peer production is a socio-technical system of collabo- ration among large groups of individuals who cooperate effectively to provide information, knowledge or cultural goods without relying on either market pricing or managerial hierarchies to coordinate their common enterprise. Such large numbers of individuals cooperating productively with strangers and acquaintances on a scope never before seen has ethical implications. This system of production offers not only a remark- able medium of production for various kinds of information goods but serves as a context for positive character formation. There is a growing body of literature on the relative efficiency of peer production in many domains of information production. Such exploration of its attractiveness forms the perspective of the liberal commitments to democracy, auton- omy and social justice. 57.6898 BENOIT, Kenneth ; LAVER, Michael — Estimating party policy positions: comparing expert surveys and hand- coded content analysis. Electoral Studies 26(1), March 2007 : 90-107. We compare estimates of the left-right positions of political parties derived from an expert survey recently completed with those derived by the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) from the content-analysis of party manifestos. Having briefly described the expert survey, we first explore the substantive policy content of left and right in the expert survey estimates. We then compare the expert survey to the CMP method on methodological grounds. Third, we directly compare the expert survey results to the CMP results for the most recent time period available, revealing some agreement but also numerous inconsistencies in both cross-national and within-country party placements. We investi- gate the CMP scores in more detail, focusing on the series of British left- right placements and the components of these scores. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7048] 57.6899 BERGER, Johannes — Warum sind einige Länder so viel reicher als andere? Zur institutionellen Erklärung von Entwicklungsunterschieden (Why are some countries so much richer than others? On the institutional explanation of development differences). Zeitschrift für Soziologie 36(1), Feb. 2007 : 5-24. Huge income differences across countries are a striking feature of today's world economy. They did not exist before the `era of modern economic growth` (Kuznets). The question therefore arises why some countries are economically much more successful than others. This paper discusses the neo-institutionalist economics answers. This school of thought views `good` institutions as the fundamental cause of differ- ences in economic development, defining good institutions as those that secure property rights. While it does not question the relevance of good institutions, the paper proposes putting more emphasis on the role of technological progress. It is true that technological progress depends on secure property rights in inventions, but continuous advances in science require a cultural environment that motivates people to transcend the limits of existing knowledge. If one dismisses the basic assumption of neo-classical growth economics that technological progress is autono- mous and homogeneous, two ways of conceptualizing a heterogeneous technology remain: either technological progress is a private good, whose rate of production is dependent on country-specific investments in research and development, or it is equally open to all countries, but cannot fulfill its potential because of political and cultural barriers. The paper sympathizes with the latter assumption and concludes with a discussion of its political consequences. [R, abr.] 57.6900 BERMEO, Nancy — War and democratization: lessons from the Portuguese experience. Democratization 14(3), June 2007 : 388-406. The literature on democracy suggests that new democracies should have difficulty emerging during war or in the aftermath of armed struggle, yet Portugal's current democracy emerged simultaneously with the end of the nation's unsuccessful war in Africa. This article addresses the reasons and argues that democracy triumphed not simply despite the war but also, in part, because of it. The costs and geography of the war itself, the capacity and rootedness of the state that waged the war, the political culture of the regime's military officers, and the war-related timing of Portugal's first elections all helped prevent the emergence of an anti-democratic coalition and contributed to ensuring a successful transi- tion to democracy. [R, abr.] 57.6901 BIGO, Didier — Internal and external aspects of security. European Security 15(4), 2006 : 385-404. The de-differentiation between internal and external security does not result from the transformation of political violence, but mainly from institutional games and practices of securitization that define the impor- tance of security as superior to sovereignty and freedom. A web of security institutions has developed beyond national borders, and policing at a distance has disentangled security from state sovereignty. The question of who is in charge of security is now tackled at the transna- tional level, generating competition among professionals of politics and (in)security over the existence of threats and legitimate answers to them. Europeanization has formalized transnational ties between security professionals, and the emergence of European institutions in charge of fundamental rights and data-protection may provide a space to discuss collectively who is entitled to define what constitutes a threat. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7722] 57.6902 BIRNIR, Jóhanna Kristín — Divergence in diversity? The dissimilar effects of cleavages on electoral politics in new democracies. American Journal of Political Science 51(3), July 2007 : 602-619. Recent theory on ethnic identity suggests that it is constructed and highly influenced by contextual factors and group leaders' strategies. Therefore, while the notion that social cleavages stabilize electoral politics is well established, which cleavages matter and why remain open questions. This article argues that in new democracies the effects of diffuse ethnic cleavages on electoral politics diverge depending on the amount of information they provide to their constituency. The information provision, in turn, depends on how well the cleavage lends itself to the formation of ethnic parties. A formal model of voting stability is developed and empiri- cally tested using data on electoral volatility in all new democracies since 1945 and on individual voting in democratizing Bulgaria. [R, abr.] 57.6903 BJØRNSKOV, Christian ; DREHER, Axel ; FISCHER, Justina A. V. — The bigger the better? Evidence of the effect of government size on life satisfaction around the world. Public Choice 130(3-4), 2007 : 267-292. This paper empirically analyzes whether government size is conducive or detrimental to life-satisfaction in a cross-section of 74 countries. We thus provide a test of the longstanding dispute between standard neoclassical economic theory and public choice theory. According to the neoclassical view, governments play unambiguously positive roles for individuals' quality of life, while the theory of public choice has been developed to understand why governments often choose excessive involvement in — and regulation of — the economy, thereby harming their citizens' quality of life. Our results show that life-satisfaction decreases with higher government consumption. [R, abr.] 57.6904 BLANTON, Shannon Lindsey ; BLANTON, Robert G. — Human rights and foreign direct investment: a two-stage analysis. Business and Society 45(4), Dec. 2006 : 464-485. The authors analyze the impact of human rights conditions on foreign direct investment (FDI). Extant literature in this area raises conflicting expectations. Although the `conventional wisdom` posits that repression creates a stable, compliant, and relatively inexpensive host for FDI, there are contending arguments that the protection of human rights reduces risk and contributes toward economic efficiency and effectiveness. Moreover, the burgeoning `spotlight` regime may also punish firms who locate in repressive regimes. Conceptualizing FDI as a two-part process — the initial decision to invest and the subsequent decision of invest- ment amount — the authors assess human rights as a determinant of FDI. Using a two-stage model, they test their hypotheses across devel- oping countries for the years 1980 to 2003. They find that human rights are a significant determinant of the amount of FDI inflows. [R] 57.6905 BLAUG, Ricardo — Cognition in a hierarchy. Contemporary Political Theory 6(1), Feb. 2007 : 24-44. To contribute to the organizational turn in research on participatory democracy, this paper examines the effects of organizational hierarchy on individual thinking. Power corrupts, but neither political scientists nor psychologists can really tell us how. To identify mechanisms by which it does so, the paper introduces recent advances in the field of cognitive psychology, here to suspicious political theorists. The study of cognition shows that we actively make meaning, and that we do so with a discern- able neurological apparatus. The paper presents hierarchy as a social construct that `fits` this apparatus in such a way as to assist the capture of meaning by the interests of power. The concern here amounts to ideology critique: specifically, using cognitive psychology to reveal the ideological propagation of hierarchy. [R, abr.] 57.6906 BOEHMKE, Frederick J. ; PATTY, John W. — The selection of policies for ballot initiatives: what voters can learn from legislative inaction. Economics and Politics 19(1), March 2007 : 97-121. This paper models the process through which proposals are placed on the ballot as initiatives. Proposals that reach the ballot were not enacted by the legislature. This fact has important consequences for the type of policy proposals that reach the ballot: as the legislature would enact any proposal that increases everyone's utility (in expectation), proposals that reach the ballot must be bad for some segment of the population. We partition the population into voters who would benefit from a group's proposal and those who would not and show that voters can use the legislature's inaction to obtain a better estimate of the initiative's ex- 712 pected value. Voters not in the sponsoring group infer that proposals that become initiatives have negative expected value and that the expected value of an initiative is decreasing in the size of the group that sponsors it. [R, abr.] 57.6907 BOHAS, Alexandre — The paradox of anti-Americanism: reflection on the shallow concept of soft power. Global Society 20(4), Oct. 2006 : 395-414. This article deals with the seeming paradox of lasting American power and global anti-Americanism, which brings into question the relevance of the concept of soft power. Indeed, discontent over the current hegemon does not affect the consumption of its goods and the diffusion of its symbols. The contradiction results from the state-centric perspective of traditional scholars which does not shed light on the diverse aspects of American supremacy. In addition, J. Nye's notion of soft power does not stress the shaping of foreign societies by non-state actors and thus their important role in American predominance. As a consequence, the con- cept of soft power will be revised in order to reduce its `shallowness` and highlight the constraining aspect of today's prominent power. [R] 57.6908 BOIX PALOP, Andrés ; LÓPEZ GARCÍA, Guillermo — Derecho y cuarto poder en la era digital (Law and the fourth power in the digital era). Revista de Estudios políti- cos 130, Oct.-Dec. 2005 : 77-112. The development of digital technologies has had significant effects on the structure of the mass media system (considerably modified and extended by digitalization) and also on the whole public opinion forma- tion process. In synthesis, both are changing now from a hierarchic and unidirectional model, where the message issuer concentrates power, to a multidirectional one, much more `egalitarian` and promoter of pluralism. Obviously, these changes have also affected the role that the state is to play as regulator of the information flow. This paper begins with a reflec- tion about these changes, and finally evaluates the performance, not only of big mass media groups but also of the administration. [R, abr.] 57.6909 BOSCHINI, Anne ; OLOFSGÅRD, Anders — Foreign aid: an instrument for fighting communism? Journal of Develop- ment Studies 43(4), May 2007 : 622-648. We test the argument that the sizeable reduction in aggregate aid levels in the 1990s was due to the end of the Cold War. We test two different models using a dynamic econometric specification on a panel of 17 donor countries, spanning the years 1970-1997. We find aid to be posi- tively related to military expenditures in the former Eastern Bloc during the Cold War, but not in the 1990s, suggesting that the reductions in aid- disbursements are driven by the disappearance of an important motive for aid. We also study the effect on aid allocation, but here we do not find any robust effects of the end of the Cold War. [R] 57.6910 BRADY, John S. — Incorrigible beliefs and democratic deliberation: a critique of Stanley Fish. Constellations 13(3), Sept. 2006 : 374-393. A denial of openness to change is evident in S. Fish's recent work on the limits of deliberation in pluralistic societies. The paradox of Fish's position is that his skepticism concerning the ability of citizens to engage in reasoned debate is based on an assumption of general dogmatism. This leads to a Hobbesian view in which dialogue is merely the rhetorical exercise of power. But skepticism can just as easily lead to humility as dogmatism, and thus to the possibility of deliberation that can change beliefs, enabling compromise and even consensus. [R] 57.6911 BRENNER, William J. — In search of monsters: realism and progress in international relations theory after Sep- tember 11 [2001]. Security Studies 15(3), July-Sept. 2006 : 496-528. Whereas the end of the Cold War sparked debates within and among paradigms in the field, the response to 11 September 2001 has been comparatively muted. Some observers have questioned the significance of 9/11, while others have cast doubt on the ability of realism to account for an outcome that falls outside of its emphasis on great-power conflict. Realism must not only address outside critics but also overcome internal resistance in the face of these changes. This resistance entails reluc- tance by theorists to address a novel phenomenon, as well as axiomatic impediments that lie in the hard core of the realist research program. The mechanism of `monster-adjustment`, discussed by I. Lakatos, is offered as a way in which realism can extend its scope beyond centralized territorial states. [R, abr.] 57.6912 BRUGGER, Winfried — Varianten der Unterscheidung von Staat und Kirche. Von striker Trennung und Distanz über gegenseitiges Entgegenkommen bis zu Nähe, Unter- stützung und Kooperation (Varieties of state-church rela- tions. From strict separation and distantiation to recipro- cal accommodation and rapprochement, support and cooperation). Archiv des öffentlichen Rechts 132(1), 2007 : 4-43. The article develops a system of church-state relations comprised of six types: (1) aggressive animosity between church and state; (2) strict separation in theory and practice; (3) strict separation in theory, yet accommodation in practice; (4) division and cooperation; (5) formal unity of church and state; and (6) substantive union of church and state. It then concentrates on models (2) through (5), which modern constitutions and international law do not outlaw as violations of freedom of religion. These questions are illustrated by analyzing seminal decisions of the German Federal Constitutional Court and the US Supreme Court. The cases discussed topically include religious instruction in state schools, religious oaths, financial aid for religions and churches, the display of religious symbols in state schools or on state grounds, and prayer or pledges of allegiance in state schools. [R] 57.6913 BUDGE, Ian ; PENNINGS, Paul — Do they work? Validat- ing computerised word frequency estimates against pol- icy series. Electoral Studies 26(1), March 2007 : 121-129. Policy scorings of political actors are crucial in operationalizing rational choice models and other important theories in political science. Doing them more cheaply and quickly by computer is important for the ad- vancement of the discipline. But we can hardly use them in new fields without being sure of their validity and reliability. We check this by com- paring the mappings produced by word-frequency methods with the policy series available from the work of the Manifesto Research Group/Comparative Manifesto Project (MRG/CMP). Using an aggregate calibrating/reference `document set` for the time period in question evades reliability problems with pair-wise comparisons and provides an authoritative text which enables individual party platforms to be scored and mapped over long time periods. Comparisons of the techniques for two countries (US and UK) are not encouraging. [R, abr.] [See Kenneth BENOIT and Michael LAVER's response, pp. 130-135; and the authors' rejoinder, pp. 136-141] 57.6914 BUENO DE MESQUITA, Ethan — Politics and the subop- timal provision of counterterror. International Organization 61(1), Winter 2007 : 9-36. I present a model of interactions between voters, a government, and a terrorist organization. The model focuses on a previously unexplored conceptualization of counterterrorism as divided into tactic-specific observable and general unobservable tactics. When there is divergence between voters and government preferences, strategic substitution among different modes of attack by terrorists and agency problems between the voters and government create a situation in which the politically optimal counterterrorism strategy pursued by the government in response to electoral and institutional incentives is quite different from the security-maximizing counterterrorism strategy. In particular, in re- sponse to electoral pressure, the government allocates resources to observable counterterror in excess of the social optimum. [R, abr.] 57.6915 BUSSE, Matthias ; HEFEKER, Carsten — Political risk, institutions and foreign direct investment. European Journal of Political Economy 23(2), June 2007 : 397-415. The paper explores the linkages among political risk, institutions, and FDI inflows. For a data sample of 83 developing countries covering 1984 to 2003, we identify indicators that matter most for the activities of multi- national corporations. The results show that government stability, internal and external conflict, corruption and ethnic tensions, law and order, democratic accountability of government, and quality of bureaucracy are highly significant determinants of FDI inflows. [R] 57.6916 BUSSMANN, Margit ; ONEAL, John R. — Do hegemons distribute private goods? A test of power-transition the- ory. Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(1), Feb. 2004 : 88-111. According to power-transition theory, war is most likely when the leading state is challenged by a rapidly growing, dissatisfied rival. Challengers are said to be dissatisfied because the hegemon manages the status quo for its own benefit, rewarding its allies and penalizing rivals. We assess the leading state's ability to distribute the private goods of peace, victory in war, and economic prosperity. States with alliance portfolios similar to the hegemon's are not protected from aggression; nor do they grow more rapidly than countries with which the leading state is not closely allied. The dominant power's allies are more apt to win defensive wars, although the means by which this is accomplished are unclear. On balance, our results call into question the ability of the leading state to engineer satisfaction by distributing private goods. [R, abr.] 57.6917 CALLAWAY, Rhonda L. ; HARRELSON-STEPHENS, Julie — Toward a theory of terrorism: human security as a de- terminant of terrorism. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 29(8), Dec. 2006 : 773-796. We investigate the relationship between human rights conditions and terrorist activity. We outline a theory of the genesis and growth of terror- ism and argue that states which deny subsistence rights along with civil and political rights create an environment conducive to the development of terrorism. However, it is the denial of security rights that is a neces- 713 sary condition for the creation and growth of terrorism. We then examine the causes of terrorism in Northern Ireland in light of this theory. Specifi- cally, we explore the extent to which human rights abuses contributed to the formation and growth of terrorists within Northern Ireland. We find that limits on the civil and political rights of the Catholic minority in North- ern Ireland played a significant role in the genesis of terrorism. [R, abr.] 57.6918 CAMPLING, Liam — A critical political economy of the small island developing states concept. South-South co- operation for island citizens? Journal of Developing Socie- ties 22(3), Sept. 2006 : 235-285. The 1994 Declaration of Barbados and the Barbados Program of Action (BPOA) was a watershed in the scale and scope of international coop- eration between small island developing states (SIDS). It was also the beginning of a heightened international concern with the particularities of SIDS developmental trajectories, constraints and opportunities. How- ever, the Declaration does not affirm the centrality of island peoples as key agents in this development. In order to investigate this issue, this article demonstrates historical shifts in SIDS discourse and provides a critical evaluation of contemporary claims for the particularity of SIDS. It critically assesses empirical and theoretical examples of South-South cooperation in order to generate possible insights for the SIDS grouping. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on `Island sustainability in a global context`, edited and introduced by Roy SMITH, `When is an island not an island?`, pp. 227-234. See also Abstr. 57.6928] 57.6919 CAMPOS, Nauro F. ; KUZEYEV, Vitaliy S. — On the dynam- ics of ethnic fractionalization. American Journal of Political Science 51(3), July 2007 : 620-639. Does fractionalization change over (short periods of) time? If so, are there any substantial implications for economic performance? To answer such questions, we construct a new panel data set with measures of ethnic, linguistic, and religious fractionalization for 26 former communist countries covering the period from 1989 to 2002. Our fractionalization measures show that transition economies became more ethnically homogeneous over such a short period of time, although the same did not happen for linguistic and religious diversity. In line with the most recent literature, there seems to be no effect of (exogenous) diversity on macroeconomic performance (that is, on per capita GDP growth). How- ever, we find that dynamic (endogenous) ethnic diversity is negatively related to growth (although this is still not the case for linguistic and religious diversity). [R, abr.] 57.6920 CARLSON, Matthew ; LISTHAUG, Ola — Public opinion on the role of religion in political leadership: a multi-level analysis of sixty-three countries. Japanese Journal of Po- litical Science 7(3), Dec. 2006 : 251-271. Are there significant variations across major religious faiths about the proper political roles of religion? Using recent World Values/European Values data from 63 countries, we study the attitudes of mass publics on two separate aspects of this question. (1) Should religious beliefs be used as a criterion for selecting political leaders (dimension I)? (2) Should religious leaders use their position for political influence (dimen- sion II)? For dimension I, we find that Muslims are somewhat more likely than followers of other faiths and denominations to say that religious beliefs are important in selecting leaders. The remaining results of our investigation somewhat weaken or modify this result. On dimension II we find that Muslims do not stand out as comparatively favorable towards the view that religious leaders shall use their position for political influ- ence. [R, abr.] 57.6921 CARMENT, David ; GAZO, John J. ; PREST, Stewart — Risk assessment and state failure. Global Society 21(1), Jan. 2007 : 47-69. This article examines emerging linkages between current policies and state failure, and assesses the potential for including risk-analysis and early warning in emerging `whole-of-government` approaches to the problem of state failure. Current aid policies have focused primarily on `good performers`; the relevant tools therefore tend to be `tilted` towards the key features of these kinds of states, primarily in the macroeconomic domain and the governance sector. Only recently, with the shift towards state-failure and the presumed linkage with regional and global security, have policies focused on a much broader array of factors. These new elements, many of which are transnational in scope, are specified in the 2004 High Level Report on UN Reform and are now becoming visible in the various frameworks being developed by aid, diplomatic and defense departments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7003] 57.6922 CAROTHERS, Thomas — Three lessons about interna- tional assistance. Romanian Journal of Political Science 2(2), Sept. 2002 : 21-26. Some lessons have been learned — or should have been — by the providers of assistance for democratization in the post-communist world. (1) While the international community was instrumental in ensuring the elections are free and fair, party-building was a disappointing affair. (2) An NGOs sector has been built, but its sustainability and accomplish- ments are still in question. (3) Media assistance helped many independ- ent publications stay alive and improved the skills of journalists, but left unaddressed the issues of motivation and political control, especially in that part where stakes are highest: television stations. (4) The donors should understand that the process is as important as the end points in the transition process — or even more. [R, abr.] 57.6923 CATTERBERG, Gabriela ; MORENO, Alejandro — The individual bases of political trust: trends in new and es- tablished democracies. International Journal of Public Opin- ion Research 18(1), Spring 2006 : 31-48. ThBy looking at the trends in political trust in new and stable democra- cies over the last 20 years, and their possible determinants, we claim that an observable decline in trust reflects the post-honeymoon disillu- sionment rather than the emergence of a more critical citizenry. How- ever, the first new democracies of the `third wave` show a significant reemergence of political trust after democratic consolidation. Using data from the World Values Survey and the European Values Survey, we develop a multivariate model of political trust. Our findings indicate that political trust is positively related to well-being, social capital, democratic attitudes, political interest, and external efficacy, suggesting that trust responds to government performance. However, political trust is gener- ally hindered by corruption permissiveness, political radicalism and postmaterialism. [R, abr.] 57.6924 CHAPARRO MARTÍNEZ, Sandra — El silencio del homo loquens : los orígenes pre-modernos del individuo mo- derno (The silence of homo loquens: the pre-modern ori- gins of the modern individuals). Revista de Estudios políti- cos 130, Oct.-Dec. 2005 : 113-150. This article is an attempt to explore the pre-modern origins of the rational and autonomous subject, the basis of modern political theory. Two traditions are analyzed: civic humanism and theo-political providential- ism. Both privilege the study of human freedom, the first from the per- spective of reason and republicanism, the second from the point of view of will and pastoral power. After a broad process of conceptual change of meaning, an autonomous subject, equipped with rights, can finally be found in the 17th c. He will be the nucleus of all new political theory. But he will consider himself rational thanks to his capacity to think, not to his ability to speak and justify, and his political environment will be one of negative (not positive) freedom. [R] 57.6925 CHAPMAN, Terrence L. — International security institu- tions, domestic politics, and institutional legitimacy. Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(1), Feb. 2004 : 134-166. What determines how audiences respond to international institutional decisions? Through what channels does information-provision affect foreign policy? I develop a formal model motivated by recent literature on the informational effects of security institutions. The model depicts information-transmission between a domestic audience, an international institution, and a foreign policy-maker. Statements issued by member states through the institution serve to inform the audience about the likely outcomes of its leader's actions. The model demonstrates that leaders have incentives to consult relatively conservative institutions, because their support convinces audiences that they should also support pro- posed policies. Leaders face incentives to avoid the disapproval of more revisionist institutions, because their opposition will tend to induce public opposition. The empirical implications are discussed. [R, abr.] 57.6926 CHAPPELL, Louise — Contesting women's rights: chart- ing the emergence of a transnational conservative counter-network. Global Society 20(4), Oct. 2006 : 491-520. Using the literature on transnational social movements and counter- movements, this article assesses the interaction between what are conceived of as state and non-state-based conservative patriarchal actors with the transnational women's movement at a series of UN conferences [since] the 1990s. It suggests that a transnational counter- network has indeed emerged and outlines the prevailing political oppor- tunity structures that have made its mobilization possible. It also outlines the alternative frames which the counter-network has used in presenting its arguments. The paper indicates that accounts of domestic-level counter-movements hold some explanatory power for studying the emergence of such a movement at the transnational level, but it also suggests that the literature needs to be supplemented with an analysis of the crucial role played by governments as allies or even as network members in influencing this process. [R, abr.] 57.6927 CHAUDHRY, Azam ; GARNER, Phillip — Do governments suppress growth? Institutions, rent-seeking, and innova- tion blocking in a model of Schumpeterian growth. Eco- nomics and Politics 19(1), March 2007 : 35-52. This paper argues that some governments adopt growth-reducing poli- cies due to the rational self-interest of the political elites. The model takes a rent-seeking government that can block innovation and incorpo- 714 rates it into a Schumpeterian growth model. The quality of a country's institutions is reflected in the cost of innovation-blocking. An increase in the level of innovation-blocking activity will reduce the rate of innovation and therefore reduce growth. The government also faces the possibility of losing power whenever an innovation occurs. We examine the condi- tions under which a government will choose to block innovation and suppress growth. [R] 57.6928 CHEN, Henry C. L. ; HAY, Pete — Defending island ecolo- gies. Environmental campaigns in Tasmania and Taiwan. Journal of Developing Societies 22(3), Sept. 2006 : 303-326. The article compares and contrasts the iconic environmental campaigns of two island jurisdictions, Tasmania and Taiwan: the Franklin-Gordon `wild rivers` campaign in the first case, the Chilan Forest campaign in the second. The features of each campaign are delineated: the levels of government involved; the institutional fault lines that developed; the scale of campaign operations; activist tactics; and the significance, within their respective contexts, of each iconic campaign. How each campaign `fits` a wider context of environmental activism is sketched, and the article concludes with an agenda for future cross-island research into environ- mental activism. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6918] 57.6929 CLAASSEN, Ryan L. — Ideology and evaluation in an experimental setting: comparing the proximity and the directional models. Political Research Quarterly 60(2), June 2007 : 263-273. The debate between which model, directional or proximity, better de- scribes citizens' political behavior engages scholars because the former constitutes a serious challenge to long-standing, Downsian, spatial logic. Despite an engaging series of empirical tests, scholars comparing the two models continue to disagree about which model performs better. Noting experimental methods remain conspicuously absent from meth- ods deployed to date, the author describes an experiment designed to settle key assumption debates and measure subjects' reactions to candidates in contexts in which the models make very different predic- tions. The author reports results vindicating Downs's assertion that proximity matters and direction does not. [R] 57.6930 CLARE, Joe — Democratization and international con- flict: the impact of institutional legacies. Journal of Peace Research 44(3), May 2007 : 259-276. This study re-examines the link between democratization and interna- tional conflict. It is founded on the argument that the greatest threat to a democratizing incumbent's tenure arises from the ability of the old authoritarian elite or their supporters to overthrow the new regime for failed foreign policies. Given this framework, the article differentiates among transitioning states based on the strength of the old authoritarian leadership vis-à-vis the new democratic government. The institutional and political balance between the transitional forces and the remnants of the Ancien Régime is, in turn, considered a function of the legacies of past democratic and authoritarian rule. These expectations are tested in a quantitative analysis of international dispute behavior for all democra- tizing states from 1950 to 1990. [R, abr.] 57.6931 CLARK, Derek J. ; KONRAD, Kai A. — Asymmetric con- flict: weakest link against best shot. Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(3), June 2007 : 457-469. The authors study conflict on multiple fronts. A defending player needs to defend all fronts successfully, and an attacker needs to win at only one. Multiple fronts result in a considerable disadvantage for the defending player, and even if there is a defense advantage at each of them, the payoff of the defending player is zero if the number of fronts is large. With some positive probability, in the equilibrium defending players surrender without expending effort. [R] 57.6932 CLAUSET, Aaron ; YOUNG, Maxwell ; GLEDITSCH, Kristian Skrede — On the frequency of severe terrorist events. Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(1), Feb. 2004 : 58-87. We study the frequency and severity of terrorist attacks worldwide since 1968. These events are uniformly characterized by the phenomenon of `scale invariance`, that is, the frequency scales as an inverse power of the severity, P(x) Ax-. This property is a robust feature of terrorism, persisting when we control for economic development of the target country, the type of weapon used, and even for short time-scales. Fur- ther, the center of the distribution oscillates slightly with a period of roughly 13 years, there exist significant temporal correlations in the frequency of severe events, and current models of event-incidence cannot account for these variations or the scale invariance property of global terrorism. Finally, we describe a simple toy model for the genera- tion of these statistics and briefly discuss its implications. [R, abr.] 57.6933 COLGAN, Jeff — Treaty compliance: lessons from the [Canada-USA] softwood lumber case. Journal of Public and International Affairs 17, Spring 2006 : 47-60. The Canada-US dispute over softwood lumber imports provides an important case in understanding issues of international bargaining and treaty compliance. Recent events in the dispute suggest that one of the leading theoretical accounts of treaty compliance does not offer an adequate explanation of state behavior. Policy-makers should recognize the importance of cross-border ownership and industry interdependence for the implementation of, and compliance with, international trade agreements. The softwood lumber dispute adds credence to the per- spective, often advocated by realists, that treaty compliance will occur only when it is in a nation's material interests to do so. [R] 57.6934 CONGLETON, Roger D. — From royal to parliamentary rule without revolution: the economics of constitutional exchange within divided governments. European Journal of Political Economy 23(2), June 2007 : 261-284. This paper provides an economic explanation for the tax-veto authority of medieval parliament and for the gradual and peaceful shift of policy- making authority from kings to parliaments that occurred in the 19th c. The domain of possible power assignments within a divided government is multidimensional and essentially continuous. This allows policy-making authority to be distributed in many ways and also allows constitutional exchange to take place along many margins of power. The consequent internal `market for power` over budgets and public policies allows constitutional and quasi-constitutional reforms to be adopted without threat of civil war or violent revolution. Examples from English history are used to demonstrate the relevance of the analysis. [R] 57.6935 CONNELL, Raewyn — News from the coalface. Experi- ences of gender reform by the staff of public sector agencies. International Feminist Journal of Politics 9(2), June 2007 : 137-153. There is much theoretical and strategic discussion of the state as a player in gender reform, but there is still a need to understand how gender reform processes work within public sector agencies. Evidence on this question is drawn from a field study of NSW (Australia) govern- ment agencies. [R, abr.] 57.6936 COOKE, Philip — To construct regional advantage from innovation systems first build policy platforms. European Planning Studies 15(2), Feb. 2007 : 179-194. The idea of regional learning is an inadequate way of evolving regional economic development because of numerous problems. To offset re- gional imbalances, responsible agencies are having to explore solutions endogenously in greater measure. This means constructing regional advantage, by integrating and exploiting a range of assets from eco- nomic strengths to knowledge assets, good governance and creativity. Of great importance in this is seeking to promote `related variety` among economic activities. Single innovations diffuse swiftly across technology `platforms` into related industries because absorptive capacity is high among them. The key trick in constructing regional advantage is design- ing appropriate policy platforms that mix variable policy instruments in an integrated and judicious manner. This paper maps out a theoretical approach enabling this to be accomplished. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on `Spatial innovation systems — theory and cases`, edited and introduced by Roel RUTTEN and Frans BOEKEMA] 57.6937 COX, Gary W. — Evaluating electoral systems. Revista de Ciencia política 26(1), 2006 : 212-215. Scholars have suggested that electoral systems should be designed to promote (1) fair representation of parties, (2) good governmental per- formance and/or (3) adequate local representation. These three criteria pertain to three different kinds of accountability — the accountability of parties to their supporters; the accountability of governments to their citizens, and the accountability of representatives to their supporters — which cannot be simultaneously maximized. I discuss each criterion in the abstract and with specific reference to the current Chilean electoral system and proposals to reform it. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7324] 57.6938 DAHDAH, Said — Mirando al mundo desde las ventanas de un edificio : la comunicación política y sus propues- tas teóricas (Looking at the world from the windows of a building: political communication and its theoretical propositions). Politeia (Caracas) 32-33, 2004 : 3-40. Political communication is a subdiscipline of political science with its own issues and possible solutions. This article encompasses the icons of empirical research on the topic, specifically with regard to the controver- sial topic of the impact of political messages massively broadcast to society and individuals. If, after fifty years of analyzing its effects, any conclusion may be reached, it may be said that this is a riddle, wrapped in a mystery, inside an enigma, as Winston Churchill described Russia in World War II. [R] 57.6939 DANOFF, Brian — Asking of freedom something other than itself: Tocqueville, Putnam, and the vocation of the 715 democratic moralist. Politics and Policy 35(2), June 2007 : 165-190. R. Putnam's primary strategy for reviving civil society in Bowling Alone. The Collapse and Revival of American Community [New York, 2000] is an example of `the doctrine of self-interest properly understood`, a doctrine that A. de Tocqueville found prevalent among `American moral- ists`. Considering him a modern version of the American moralist dis- cussed by Tocqueville, I shed new light on both the merits and the limitations of Putnam's achievement. I also use Bowling Alone as an occasion to explore Tocqueville's own deep ambivalence toward the self- interest. I contrast Putnam's Bowling Alone with R. Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart, Individualism and Commitment in American Life [Berkeley, 1985]. Understanding the important differences between these two self- proclaimed neo-Tocquevillians can help illuminate the promise and the peril of contemporary arguments for reviving civil society that employ the language of self-interest properly understood. [R, abr.] 57.6940 DE GRAUWE, Paul — On monetary and political union. CESifo Forum 7(4), Winter 2006 : 3-10. This article analyzes the link between political and monetary union. We start by clarifying the concept of political union, and then analyze what kind of political union is necessary to sustain the monetary union in the long run. [R] [First of a series of articles on `Enlargement of the euro area`. See also Abstr. 57.7656] 57.6941 DE HAAN, Jakob — Political institutions and economic growth reconsidered. Public Choice 131(3-4), 2007 : 281- 292. The debate on the relationship between institutions and economic devel- opment is discussed, focusing on two illustrations, i.e., the impact of democracy and political instability on economic growth. Various pitfalls of existing research are identified, like sensitivity of the outcomes to model- specification, sample heterogeneity, measurement of political variables, and the treatment of the time dimension. [R] 57.6942 DEEG, Richard — Complementarity and institutional change in capitalist systems. Journal of European Public Policy 14(4), 2007 : 611-630. The concept of institutional complementarity — that the co-existence of two or more institutions enhances the functioning of each — is frequently used to explain why institutions are resistant to change and why intro- ducing new institutions into a system often fails to achieve the intended objective. This paper utilizes examples from comparative political econ- omy to delineate the concept and address the issue of how to measure the strength of complementarities. It then assesses the utility of the concept for explaining institutional change, concluding that assessing the causal effect of complementarities on change is difficult and ambiguous. A better understanding requires embedding complementarities within a more general theory of institutional change which takes a broader view of the ways in which institutions interconnect and change. [R] 57.6943 DEL SARTO, Raffaella A. — Security and democracy: a reprise. European Security 15(4), 2006 : 507-518. This contribution takes up the security-democracy nexus from a concep- tual point of view. Against the background of the complex relationship between security and democracy, the analytical difficulties of its two separate building blocks — security and democracy — are assessed. While putting forward a number of theoretical propositions regarding the study of these concepts — in the context of the EU and beyond — the discussion ends by pushing further the avenues for future research on security and democracy in the EU. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7722] 57.6944 DENNIS, Kingsley — Technologies of civil society: com- munication, participation and mobilization. Innovation 20(1), March 2007 : 19-34. Emerging technologies of communication and cooperation are increas- ingly mediated through flows of connectivity and information, leading to distributed forms of civil participation. I discuss “technologies of civil society“ whereby people investing in information-access, increased mobility and knowledge-sharing contribute to multiple networks of co- participation and cooperation. Civil society is increasingly becoming visible through the technologies used to receive, organize and utilize the information flows. In order to sustain cooperation, complex interrelations between individuals and their technically mediated communications must of necessity be deliberate and intentional strategies. I argue that com- munication technologies are informing strategies of civil participation and cooperation at ever more accelerated rates, aiding bottom-up strategies of organization. [R] 57.6945 DHAMOON, Rita — Shifting from `culture` to `the cul- tural`: critical theorizing of identity/difference politics. Constellations 13(3), Sept. 2006 : 354-373. The abundant literature on multiculturalism notwithstanding, political theory continues to fall into the trap of reifying and essentializing culture. Anthropology and cultural studies are better resources since they move the focus of analysis from the static entity of “culture“ to the dynamic processes that signify identities and create cultural phenomena. The author calls for a shift from “culture“ to the “the cultural“ that would allow us to decode processes of meaning-making that challenge and disrupt particular articulations of identity and difference. [R] 57.6946 DIETRICH, Frank — Das Sezessionsrecht im demokra- tischen Verfassungsstaat (The right to secede in democ- ratic states). Leviathan 35(1), March 2007 : 62-84. Many states in Europe and North America must deal with separatist movements which [seek] independence. Their democratic constitutions are based on several values, e.g., the individual freedom to emigrate and the freedom to leave associations, that appear to speak in favor of allowing secession. The formal recognition of a right to secede meets, however, with two serious objections. A. Buchanan and C. Sunstein argue (1) that an exit-option can be used as a permanent veto on major- ity decisions and (2) that it has negative effects on the political participa- tion of minority groups. Their criticism does not stand up to close scru- tiny. Nevertheless, a constitutional right to secede raises other issues, such as the drawing of new borders or the distribution of the national debt, that need to be discussed. [R] 57.6947 DJELIC, Marie-Laure ; QUACK, Sigrid — Overcoming path dependency: path generation in open systems. Theory and Society 36(2), Apr. 2007 : 161-186. Studies on societal path dependencies tend to focus on mechanisms that anchor and stabilize national trajectories while paying less attention to transnational interactions and multilevel governance. This paper explores processes of path transformation in societies that are presumed to have the characteristics of open systems. Two pairs of case studies are presented and compared. The first illustrates institutional change through collision, when a national path meets with another. The second de- scribes the emergence of transnational institutional paths and the impact of that process on national institutions and their (potential) transforma- tion. The results indicate that path transformation often stems from a gradual succession and combination of incremental steps and junctures: change is gradual but consequential. [R, abr.] 57.6948 DROSTERIJ, Gerard — Mind the gap: three models of democracy, one missing; two political paradigms, one dwindling. Contemporary Political Theory 6(1), Feb. 2007 : 45-66. The article revisits two basic questions of political theory posed by Jon Elster: (1) should the political process be defined as private or public; (2) should its purpose be understood instrumentally or intrinsically? Having posed these questions, Elster arrives at three views of politics: social choice (private, instrumental), republican (public, intrinsic) and discourse theory (public, instrumental). I argue for a fourth view (private, intrinsic), and explain Elster's omission of this model by referring to his underlying paradigm of politics, that is, as will-formation. The main thesis in Elster's article is about whether the process of will-formation should be relegated to the market mechanism or dealt with via deliberative forums. I reject this paradigm and argue instead for politics as jurisdiction. [R, abr.] 57.6949 DUFFIELD, John — What are international institutions? International Studies Review 9(1), Spring 2007 : 1-22. International institutions are a central focus of IR scholarship as well as of policy-making efforts around the world. Despite their importance, our scholarly literature lacks a widely accepted definition of just what they are. Instead, scholars have employed a range of largely non-overlapping conceptions, contributing to a fragmentation of the literature and hinder- ing theoretical cumulation. This essay first reviews the principal ways in which international institutions have been conceptualized and identifies their shortcomings. It then develops a definition that promises to be inclusive of what are commonly regarded as the most important institu- tional forms without losing analytical coherence. A final section discusses some of the concrete benefits that result from employing the new defini- tion, both in improving existing scholarship and by suggesting valuable new avenues of research. [R, abr.] 57.6950 DUFRENE, Bernadette — Événements culturels interna- tionaux et médias : interactions et définitions récipro- ques (International cultural events and media: reciprocal interactions and definitions). Hermès 46, 2006 : 179-188. [Résumé en français] Do international cultural events constitute a symbolic system independ- ent of the mass media? This article refers in a general theory of triviality, i.e. the circulation of concepts between the sphere of cultural production (represented by international cultural action) and that of the mass media. Without questioning the fundamental contribution of Davidson to the theory of events (an event exists independently of any subsequent reconstruction, notably by the mass media) and, on the contrary correla- 716 tions between these two spheres. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6888] underlin- ing the contributions of the semantics of history to understand a cultural production, this article highlights 57.6951 DÜR, Andreas ; DE BIÈVRE, Dirk — The question of inter- est group influence. Journal of Public Policy 27(1), Jan.- Apr. 2007 : 1-12. Interest groups are a major channel through which citizens can express their opinions to decision-makers. Their participation in policy-making may improve decision-making processes by supporting policies that are in line with citizen preferences and blocking policies that reflect solely the interests of the governing elite. At the same time, however, intense interest group pressures may make it difficult for policy-makers to imple- ment the most efficient policies since such policies often impose costs on parts of the public. Competition among interest groups over the distribu- tion of economic gains may also slow down the rate of economic growth. Finally, if some groups constantly win, interest group politics may un- dermine the legitimacy of electorally accountable decision-making in a democracy. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on interest group influ- ence, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 57.7092, 7541, 7635, 7680] 57.6952 EAGLETON, Terry — On telling the truth. Socialist Register 2006 : 269-285. The history of truth shows that it transformed from a lofty goal separate from the material world, which required discarding the empirical shells of phenomena to reach their essence, into a more earthly concept subject to the change, instability and tumults of modernity. Truth became what- ever was needed to achieve one's goals, subjective and vulnerable to manipulation. A mighty lineage of thinkers have taught that the mind's capacity for self-deception [is] endless, but that humans also long for truth ferociously. If postmodernism generally undervalues truth, it is partly because some of its modernistic predecessors made a fetish out of it. Perhaps it is when we come to need the truth less urgently that we will realize that our political emancipation is complete. [See Abstr. 57.7036] 57.6953 EDDY, Katherine — Welfare rights and conflicts of rights. Res Publica (Dordrecht) 12(4), 2006 : 337-356. The fact that welfare rights — rights to food, shelter and medical care — will conflict with one another is often taken to be good reason to exclude welfare rights from the catalogue of genuine rights. Welfare rights propo- nents need to take the conflicts objection seriously. The existence of potentially conflicting and more weighty normative considerations counts against a claim's status as a genuine right. To think otherwise would be to threaten the peremptory force — and hence the analytical integrity — of rights. The conflicts objection is made more pressing once we have conceded that welfare rights give people entitlements to what are poten- tially scarce goods. Welfare rights can survive the conflicts objection if, and only if, we take scarcity into account in the framing of a given welfare right. [R, abr.] 57.6954 EICHLER, Jan — Hrozba globálního terorismu ajejí vy- hodnocování (The threat of global terror and the strate- gies for fighting it). Mezinárodní Vztahy 41(3), 2006 : 19-45. The article focuses on the three major terrorist attacks in recent history: US (2001), Madrid (2004) and London (2005). It examines whether terrorism still remains an indirect strategy in the globalization era [and] analyzes the effects of previous terrorist attacks in the assessment of terrorism by politicians, looking at the impact of this assessment on further developments in international relations, both on the regional and global level. It studies the links between the imminence of a terrorist threat and individual Western countries' approaches to the Islamic world and immigrants coming from this world. The author focuses on global threat-assessment at the theoretical level, introducing the main schools of thought and approaches. [R, abr.] 57.6955 El OUALI, Abdelhamid — Territorial integrity: rethinking the territorial sovereign right of the existence of the states. Geopolitics 11(4), 2006 : 630-650. Amazingly, IR and political geography scholars have not enquired about the link between territoriality and territorial integrity. In essence, the principle of territorial integrity is the elaborated and sophisticated legal expression of territoriality. It is intimately linked to the state as a legal entity, [whose] main objective is to ensure its perennial existence within a specific territory whose borders have been established in accordance with international law. [R, abr.] 57.6956 ELIAS, Juanita — Women workers and labour standards: the problem of `human rights`. Review of International Studies 33(1), Jan. 2007 : 45-58. The ILO's Declaration of Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work of 1998 formalized an approach to global labor issues known as the Core Labor Standards (CLS). The CLS have privileged a specific set of labor standards as possessing the kinds of universalistic qualities associated with ideas of “human rights“. But what does this “human rights“ approach mean from the point of view of those women workers who dominate employment in some of the most globalized, and insecure, industries in the world? This article makes the case for critical feminist engagement with the gender-blind, and neoliberal-compatible, approach to economic rights as set out in the CLS. It raises wider concerns about the insuffi- ciency of approaches to economic rights that are designed to work within the (gendered) structures of a neoliberal economic development para- digm. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7131] 57.6957 ELLINGSAETER, Anne Lise — `Old` and `new` politics of time to care: three Norwegian reforms. Journal of Euro- pean Social Policy 17(1), Feb. 2007 : 49-60. The social revolutions connected to post-industrialism are altering the landscape of social politics, affecting both the content and normative justification of policy reform. The changing ideational foundation of care policy is addressed in this case-study of Norway. The study examines the policy rationales of three major reforms in the 1990s concerning parents' rights to time to care, by drawing on policy documents and parliamentary debates. A conceptual “trichotomy” of key policy rationales — equality, recognition and choice — informs the empirical analysis. Analyzed in context, the three reforms illustrate the multifaceted blend of “old” and “new” policy justifications, expanding the `political grammar` of care policies. [R] 57.6958 ENDERS, Walter ; SU Xuejuan — Rational terrorists and optimal network structure. Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(1), Feb. 2004 : 33-57. After the events of 9/11 [2001], US counterterrorism became more proactive in that the Patriot Act allowed the authorities far more freedom to attack terrorist network structures directly. We argue that rational terrorists will attempt to thwart such policies and restructure themselves to be less penetrable. We model the trade-off between security and intragroup communication faced by terrorists. The model is used to derive the anticipated changes in network structure and the consequent changes in the type, complexity, and success rate of potential terrorist attacks. [R] 57.6959 ENGEL, Susan ; MARTIN, Brian — Union Carbide and James Hardie: lessons in politics and power. Global Soci- ety 20(4), Oct. 2006 : 475-490. In terms of industrial disasters, the chemical release at Bhopal and the long-term production and use of asbestos products are two of the largest and most controversial cases. Both events backfired on the companies responsible, namely Union Carbide and James Hardie (which largely controlled the Australian asbestos products market). Yet in the case of Bhopal most victims have not been adequately compensated and, while compensation seems more assured for Australian asbestos victims, it has been a long and bitter battle for justice. How, in a globalized world, can we ensure that corporate negligence backfires and victims receive justice? This paper presents a framework for understanding how global corporations attempt to inhibit outrage and how to counter their tactics. [R] 57.6960 ENSLEY, Michael J. ; DE MARCHI, Scott ; MUNGER, Mi- chael C. — Candidate uncertainty, mental models, and complexity: some experimental results. Public Choice 132(1-2), 2007 : 231-246. Since the work of A. Downs [An Economic Theory of Democracy, New York, 1957], spatial models of elections have been a mainstay of re- search in political science and public choice. [Yet] researchers have not considered in great detail the complexity of the decision task that a candidate confronts. Two facets of a candidate's decision process are investigated here, using a set of laboratory experiments where subjects face a fixed incumbent in a two-dimensional policy space. First, we analyze the effect that the complexity of the electoral landscape has on the ability of the subject to defeat the incumbent. Second, we analyze the impact that a subject's `mental model` has on her performance. The experimental results suggest that the complexity of a candidate's deci- sion task and her perception of the task may be important factors in electoral competition. [R, abr.] 57.6961 EPSTEIN, Gil S., et al. — Ambiguous political power and contest efforts. Public Choice 132(1-2), 2007 : 113-123. When there is incomplete information on the source of power in a con- test, the contestants may divide their lobbying efforts between the poten- tial centers of power, only one of which determines the contests' winning probabilities. Our analysis focuses on the effect of ambiguity regarding the source of power on the contestants' aggregate effort in a symmetric, simple lottery contest with two potential centers of power. Specifically, we examine the effects of varying the informativeness of the contestants' private signals (i.e., the probability that a signal is correct) and the de- gree of correlation between them. Our benchmark case is the standard 717 G. Tullock's model, in which the source of power is known, i.e., the contestants' signals are perfectly informative. [R, abr.] 57.6962 ERÄSTÖ, Tytti — Roistovaltioiden aika ei ole ohi (The era of rogue states is not over). Politiikka 48(3), 2006 : 173- 181. This article is a response to J. Derrida's hypothesis that the era of rogue states is over. I show the continuing relevance of rogue state discourse and policies, not only by looking at post-Cold War US foreign policy but also by focusing attention on the historical underpinnings of the rogue state concept. Drawing from C. Schmitt, the origins of the concept are traced to an older idea of state criminality that took shape after World War I. Derrida's hypothesis also involved a certain interpretation of international society, to which this article provides an alternative. [R] 57.6963 ETTEMA, James S. — Journalism as reason-giving: deliberative democracy, institutional accountability, and the news media's mission. Political Communication 24(2), Apr.-June 2007 : 143-160. Offering reasons for public choice is the central act of deliberative de- mocracy. These reasons, however, must meet a stern criterion: they must be grounded in principles that cannot be reasonably rejected by citizens seeking fair terms of cooperation. Because reasons given in actual political argument regularly fail to meet this criterion, journalism should be asked to participate not merely by presiding over an uncritical forum for reason-giving but by acting as a reasoning institution that aggressively pursues and compellingly renders reasons satisfying the criterion. A case study of journalism demanding accountability to the ideals of justice — one newspaper's campaign for death penalty reform — provides a constructive model of journalistic reason-giving in a situa- tion of deep moral disagreement. [R, abr.] 57.6964 FEDDERSEN, Timothy ; SANDRONI, Alvaro — A theory of participation in elections. American Economic Review 96(4), Sept. 2006 : 1271-1282. We analyze a model of participation in elections in which voting is costly and no vote is pivotal. Ethical agents are motivated to participate when they determine that agents of their type are obligated to do so. Unlike previous duty-based models of participation, in our model an ethical agent's obligation to vote is determined endogenously as a function of the behavior of other agents. Our model predicts high turnout and com- parative statics that are consistent with strategic behavior. [R] 57.6965 FINDLAY, Mark — Terrorism and relative justice. Crime, Law and Social Change 47(1), 2007 : 57-68. Terrorist violence and violent justice responses have much in common. While contextually dependant, both forms of violence lay claim to con- tested legitimacies. The relationships between terrorism and justice responses require both theoretical and empirical examination if the prospects for controlling the violence they perpetrate is to be sharpened. [R] 57.6966 FINE, Ben ; VAN WAEYENBERGE, Elisa — Correcting Stiglitz: from information to power in the world of devel- opment. Socialist Register 2006 : 146-168. J. Stiglitz's Globalization and Its Discontents [New York, 2002] and its extensive critique of the IMF established his reputation for radicalism. His criticisms were largely a result of the fact that after resigning as Chief Economist at the World Bank, Stiglitz was confronted with the reality of political economy and historically and ideologically vested interests and their unavoidable significance. It remains to be seen, however, whether this truth will eventually predominate over the post-Washington Consen- sus that he promoted while at the Bank. Even though Stiglitz has proved his intellectual integrity in the struggle against the neo-liberalism rhetoric, his work has been deployed to limit progressive reaction against it, and to mask the continuing divorce between ideology and practice in the business of knowledge, aid and development. [See Abstr. 57.7036] 57.6967 FISHER, Ronald J. — Assessing the contingency model of third-party intervention in successful cases of prene- gotiation. Journal of Peace Research 44(3), May 2007 : 311- 329. The theory and practice of third-party intervention continue to develop in constructive directions and increasingly acknowledge the utility of unoffi- cial methods directed more toward the subjective and relational aspects of international conflict. A previously developed contingency model of third-party intervention articulates the potential complementarity of these unofficial approaches (e.g. problem-solving workshops) with more tradi- tional, official methods (e.g. power-mediation) in pursuit of resolution. A comparative analysis of five cases of successful unofficial intervention in ethno-political conflicts identifies important contributions to the peace process. Descriptions of the interventions are followed by an identifica- tion of the transfer mechanisms and effects that carried the fruits of the unofficial interactions into the official domain. Each case is then reflected on the contingency model by identifying the stage of conflict escalation and the initiation, sequencing, and complementarity of interventions. [R, abr.] 57.6968 FOESSEL, Michaël — Legitimations of the state: the weakening of authority and the restoration of power. Constellations 13(3), Sept. 2006 : 308-319. The author alerts us to a paradox of the neoliberal project that the war on terrorism has revealed with crude simplicity: at the very moment of the triumph of `liberal values`, Western countries are experiencing a `crisis of authority` which they try to meet by reinforcing state power. This response, however, conflates power and authority, forgetting the latter's traditional connection to legitimacy. By dismantling the welfare state and stressing individual responsibility, neoliberalism has left individuals alone before mounting threats and uncertainties. In so doing, it feeds a politics of fear that promotes state power while suppressing the autonomous claims of society. [R] 57.6969 FOREST, James J. F. — The democratic disadvantage in the strategic communications battlespace. Democracy and Security 2(1), 2006 : 73-101. This article explores the struggle for influence taking place online be- tween liberal democracies and extremists. It describes the various online forms of strategic communication used by terrorist organizations to achieve their objectives. Particular attention is focused on how members of the global salafi jihadist network use the internet to provide motiva- tional/ideological and operational information to potential recruits and supporters. The discussion then examines the current public diplomacy effort of the US, and identifies an important disadvantage in our ap- proach. An effective public diplomacy agenda requires a commitment to educating our own citizens for world comprehension and responsible communication, as well as motivating a grassroots campaign to develop and disseminate an effective anti-jihad message. [R, abr.] 57.6970 FREDRIKSSON, Per G. ; WOLLSCHEID, Jim R. — Democ- ratic institutions versus autocratic regimes: the case of environmental policy. Public Choice 130(3-4), 2007 : 381- 393. The literature suggests that democracy positively affects environmental policy stringency. Using the method of propensity score-matching, we find that this result appears to be largely driven by the parliamentary democracies (as opposed to the presidential-congressional, proportional or majority systems). Moreover, it appears that presidential- congressional systems often set environmental policies not significantly different from autocracies. [R, abr.] 57.6971 FREY, Karsten — Of nuclear myths and nuclear taboos. Peace Review 18(3), July-Sept. 2006 : 341-347. The author looks mainly at the motives for acquiring nuclear weapons, or deciding not to do so. He highlights the `myths` and `taboos` that exist in national and global culture, and argues that these normative frameworks are actually more powerful than treaties, sanctions, or threats of military action in fostering nonproliferation and disarmament. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7013] 57.6972 FRYNAS, Jedrzej George ; NEWELL, Peter, eds. — Beyond corporate social responsibility? Business, poverty and social justice. Third World Quarterly 28(4), 2007 : 669-867. Introduction by the editors, `Beyond CSR? Business, poverty and social justice: an introduction`, pp. 669-681. Articles by Michael BLOWFIELD, `Reasons to be cheerful? What we know about CSR's impact`, pp. 683- 695; Peter UTTING, `CSR and equality`, pp. 697-712; Stephanie BARRIENTOS and Sally SMITH, `Do workers benefit from ethical trade? Assessing codes of labour practice in global production systems`, pp. 713-729; Ruth PEARSON, `Beyond women workers: gendering CSR`, pp. 731-749; Maureen A. KILGOUR, `The UN Global Compact and substantive equality for women: revealing a 'well hidden' mandate`, pp. 751-773; Anne TALLONTIRE, `CSR and regulation: towards a frame- work for understanding private standards initiatives in the agri-food chain`, pp. 775-791; Kate MACDONALD, `Globalising justice within coffee supply chains? Fair trade, Starbucks and the transformation of supply chain governance`, pp. 793-812; Lars H. GULBRANDSEN and Arild MOE, `BP in Azerbaijan: a test case of the potential and limits of the CSR agenda?`, pp. 813-830; David FIG, `Questioning CSR in the Brazil- ian Atlantic Forest: the case of Aracruz Celulose SA`, pp. 831-849; Dominic GLOVER, `Monsanto and Smallholder Farmers: a case study in CSR`, pp. 851-867. 57.6973 FUENTES, Juan Francisco — Totalitarismo : origen y evolución de un concepto clave (Totalitarianism: the ori- gin and evolution of a key concept). Revista de Estudios políticos 134, Dec. 2006 : 195-218. The history of the concept of totalitarianism from its origins in the 1920s to the present can meaningfully be divided into five stages: (1) the 718 appearance of the term in fascist Italy and its spread to the rest of the world in the 1930s; (2) a temporary crisis due to the alliance between the West and the USSR during the World War II; (3) its widespread use during the Cold War, especially in the first few years (1945-1953), when it enjoyed its “golden age”; (4) a gradual decline in importance following the death of Stalin as East-West relations thawed; (5) a irreversible decline during détente. The author examines national debates concern- ing totalitarianism (eg, in France and Spain), observing the changes in its meaning and relations with other terms that arose as alternatives to- wards the end of the 20th c., above all, that of fundamentalism. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7203] 57.6974 GAAN, Narottam — Western liberal democracy: rethink- ing: towards sustainable development. World Affairs (New Delhi) 10(3), Autumn 2006 : 14-29. Western liberal democracy, inspired by Newtonian science, encourages a profligate lifestyle and massive consumerism, resulting in a global environmental crisis that is threatening mankind with extinction. To ensure the welfare of future generations a reform of the system based on an ecologically holistic worldview is necessary. [R] [First article of a thematic issue, `The failing [US] empire: vassals and rivals`. See also Abstr. 57.7022, 7109, 7160, 7729, 7818, 7840, 7889, 7943] 57.6975 GANSER, Daniele — Fear as a weapon: the effects of psychological warfare on domestic and international politics. World Affairs (New Delhi) 9(4), Winter 2005 : 28-44. Since antiquity, strategists have advised the use of propaganda and other psychological techniques to spread fear among the enemy in order to bring about his defeat. However, the methods to create and manipu- late fear also involve terrorism (sometimes state-sponsored) and may target domestic populations in order to make them receptive or hostile to certain political or economic policies. [R] 57.6976 GERMAIN, Randall D. — Global finance, risk and govern- ance. Global Society 21(1), Jan. 2007 : 71-93. This article puts forward three linked sets of claims. (1) R. W. Cox's framework of historical materialism can be adapted to articulate a suit- able conceptual schema for understanding financial governance at the global level. (2) Globally oriented financial institutions have increasingly become purveyors of `risk products`, with the effect that modalities of financial governance have been altered towards a more market-oriented and globalized form. (3) It considers the extent to which Cox's claim that the structure of world order is becoming non-hegemonic can be illus- trated with respect to the implications of governance outlined above. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7003] 57.6977 GERRING, John ; McDERMOTT, Rose — An experimental template for case study research. American Journal of Po- litical Science 51(3), July 2007 : 688-701. We argue that one gains purchase on the tasks of research design by integrating the criteria traditionally applied to experimental work to all research in the social sciences — including case study work. Experimen- tal research designs aim to achieve variation through time and across space while maintaining ceteris paribus assumptions, thus maximizing leverage into the fundamental problem of causal inference. We propose to capture these multiple criteria in a four-fold typology: (1) a dynamic comparison mirrors laboratory experimentation through the use of both temporal and spatial variation; (2) a longitudinal comparison employs temporal variation; (3) a spatial comparison exploits variation through space; and (4) a counterfactual comparison relies on imagined compari- son. All comparison case study research designs can be slotted into one of these four categories. [R, abr.] 57.6978 GILLEY, Bruce — Thick or thin? An empirical interven- tion. Critical Review of International Social and Political Phi- losophy 10(1), March 2007 : 87-98. This note provides evidence about the relationship between state legiti- macy and liberal rights in 72 states, and compares the strength of that relationship to other plausible legitimacy sources. It concludes that liberal rights have an equal but non-superordinate status to good governance and material development. The `thick` versus `thin` argument about an appropriate global theory of state legitimacy may be misplaced. In its place, we should adopt a partial and plural approach. [R] 57.6979 GLEDITSCH, Kristian Skrede — Transnational dimensions of civil war. Journal of Peace Research 44(3), May 2007 : 293-309. This article challenges the “closed polity“ approach to the study of civil war, where individual states are treated as independent entities, and posits that transnational factors and linkages between states can exert strong influences on the risk of violent civil conflict. Previous research has shown that conflicts in a state's regional context can increase the risk of conflict, but the research has not distinguished between different varieties of transnational linkages that may underlie geographic conta- gion, and it has failed to consider the potential influences of domestic attributes. The article develops and evaluates a series of hypotheses on how transnational factors can influence the risk of conflict and the pros- pects for maintaining peace in a conditional autologistic model, including country-specific factors often associated with civil wars. [R, abr.] 57.6980 GRANGÉ, Ninon — L'État et la guerre. Norme, référence, transgression (State and war: norm, reference and trans- gression). Études internationales 38(1), March 2007 : 19-31. [Résumé en français] W. Benjamin, C. Schmitt, then G. Agamben questioned the idea of norm in the state faced with violence, together with the question of exception. Now the state of exception comes down to dealing juridically with political matters and ignoring what really or illusorily triggers off the state of exception, namely war. A proposition to grasp both the difficulty for law to fit to the sudden appearance of violence and the outburst of the various forms of war listed in history, consists in replacing juridical fiction by `political fictions`. Only on that condition can exception and its starting element be considered anew, as well as the fundamental indetermination between external and internal war. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue, `Philosophy and International Relations: contemporary views`, edited and introduced by Frédéric RAMEL, `Quand Sophia rencontre Arès : des intérêts de la philosophie en Relations internationales (When Sophia meets Ares: the relevance of philosophy in International Rela- tions)`, pp. 5-17. See also Abstr. 57.7065, 7096, 7173, 7208] 57.6981 GRUNDMANN, Reiner — Climate change and knowledge politics. Environmental Politics 16(3), June 2007 : 414-432. This paper addresses the paradox that although the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has reached a broad consensus, various governments pursue different, if not opposing policies. This puzzle not only challenges the traditional belief that scientific knowledge is objective and can be more or less directly translated into political action, but also calls for a better understanding of the relation between science and public policy in modern society. Based on the conceptual framework of knowledge politics, the use of expert knowledge in public discourse and in political decisions is analyzed, comparing the US and Germany. [R, abr.] 57.6982 GU Guoliang — Policies on support for, and involvement with developing and underdeveloped countries. Canadian Foreign Policy 13(2), 2006 : 155-166. [Résumé en français] Developing and underdeveloped countries should not be branded as `fragile` or `failing` states and viewed as the source of security threat or economic burden for the international community. Common security and common development are the appropriate policies to support and involve developing and underdeveloped countries. Greater efforts should be made to narrow the gap between north and south and the developed countries should take it as their responsibility to help the underdeveloped countries to become prosperous. The UN should play the leading role in safeguarding world peace and promoting common development. It is essential to have both international and regional cooperation in fighting against terrorism, countering proliferation of WMD, and supporting the developing and underdeveloped countries in eradicating poverty and striving for prosperity. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7891] 57.6983 GUPTA, Dipak K. — Toward an integrated behavioral framework for analyzing terrorism: individual motiva- tions to group dynamics. Democracy and Security 1(1), 2005 : 5-31. By building on a theoretical framework, which expands rational choice theory to include group-based motivations, this paper offers an inte- grated behavioral model for analyzing terrorism. This model is used to understand the life-cycle of a terrorist group; their formation and demise and also their transformation from ideological groups to criminal gangs and vice-versa. For understanding terrorism, it is not essential to offer a strict functional model of human motivations. However, I argue that if we must, we should expand the rational choice model to include the primor- dial human urge of belonging to a group. [R] 57.6984 HAFTEL, Yoram Z. — Designing for peace: regional integration arrangements, institutional variation, and militarized interstate disputes. International Organization 61(1), Winter 2007 : 217-237. Building on recent theoretical advances, I argue that cooperation on a wide array of economic issues and regular meetings of high-level officials provide member-states with valuable information regarding the interests and resolve of their counterparts. This, in turn, reduces uncertainty and improves the prospects of a peaceful resolution of interstate disputes. To test the effect of these two institutional features on the level of militarized interstate disputes (MIDs), I present an original data set that measures variation in institutional design and implementation across a large num- ber of regional integration arrangements (RIAs) in the 1980s and 1990s. Employing multivariate regression techniques and the regional unit of 719 analysis, I find that a wider scope of economic activity and regular meet- ings among high-level officials mitigate violent conflict. [R, abr.] 57.6985 HALPIN, Darren R. — The participatory and democratic potential and practice of interest groups: between soli- darity and representation. Public Administration 84(4), 2006 : 919-940. Embracing `groups` as means to address democratic deficiencies invites scrutiny of their democratic practices. However, many groups lack internal democratic practices and offer few opportunities for affiliates to participate. Guided by an implicit `representation` narrative of groups, the absence of internal democratic practices is interpreted as a sign of `failure` or `deficiency`. Some scholars have entertained the idea of setting minimum standards of internal democracy as a prerequisite for policy access. This article scrutinizes this emerging consensus and its `representation` narrative. Drawing upon the work of J. O'Neill [`Repre- senting people, representing nature, representing the world`, Environ- ment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 19, 2001: 483-500.] and H. F. Pitkin [The Concept of Representation, Berkeley, 1967], I argue that the type of constituency a group advocates for can be used to calibrate expectations of internal democratic structures of accountability and authorization. [R, abr.] 57.6986 HAMMOND, Ross A. ; AXELROD, Robert — The evolution of ethnocentrism. Journal of Conflict Resolution 50(6), Dec. 2006 : 926-936. Ethnocentrism is a nearly universal syndrome of attitudes and behaviors, typically including in-group favoritism. Empirical evidence suggests that a predisposition to favor in-groups can be easily triggered by even arbitrary group distinctions and that preferential cooperation within groups occurs even when it is individually costly. The authors study the emergence and robustness of ethnocentric behaviors of in-group favoritism, using an agent-based evolutionary model. They show that such behaviors can become widespread under a broad range of conditions and can support very high levels of cooperation, even in one-move prisoner's dilemma games. When cooperation is especially costly to individuals, the authors show how ethnocentrism itself can be necessary to sustain cooperation. [R] 57.6987 HANDMER, John ; JAMES, Paul — Trust us and be scared: the changing nature of contemporary risk. Global Society 21(1), Jan. 2007 : 119-130. A fundamental shift in the communication of risk has emerged, particu- larly in the context of the war on terror. Governments in the US, the UK, Australia and elsewhere stress the novelty and radical emergence of terrorism-as-risk, in part by ignoring history and concentrating on the symptoms to maintain a continuing sense of danger. The prior emphasis on experts and expert systems for generating risk-assessment is being actively undermined by ideologues. These changes represent a disturb- ing shift from the dominance of the Enlightenment idea of trusting in science and knowledge to accepting a post-Enlightenment idea that authority and ideology are all that can ever underpin the assessment of abstract risk, particularly in the case of terrorism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7003] 57.6988 HANSON, Gordon H. ; SCHEVE, Kenneth ; SLAUGHTER, Matthew J. — Public finance and individual preferences over globalization strategies. Economics and Politics 19(1), March 2007 : 1-33. Do preferences toward globalization strategies vary across public- finance regimes? We use data on individual preferences toward immigra- tion and trade policy to examine how pre-tax and post-tax cleavages differ across globalization strategies and state fiscal jurisdictions. High exposure to immigrant fiscal pressures reduces support for freer immi- gration among US natives, especially the more skilled. The magnitude of this post-tax fiscal cleavage is comparable to the pre-tax labor-market effects of skill itself. There is no public-finance variation in opinion over trade policy, consistent with US trade policy having negligible fiscal- policy impacts. Public finance thus appears to shape opinions toward globalization strategies. [R] 57.6989 HAYMAN, P. A. ; WILLIAMS, John — Westphalian sover- eignty: rights, intervention, meaning and context. Global Society 20(4), Oct. 2006 : 521-541. Over the last two centuries, sovereignty has proved to be an enigmatic institution, at once constant and changing. Relatively few studies have approached this enigmatic institution from a semantic angle. This paper assesses the meaning of sovereignty within a framework of competing logics as it faces up to a key normative challenge — human rights — bringing together the apparently conflicting norms of non-intervention and intervention against a background of discourse analysis. From `Westphalia` to the current logics of action and normative theory, the discussion places the institution of sovereignty against current, intra- disciplinary factors as an addition to the literature that serves to under- score how a fundamentally re-imagined concept is required, in theory and practice, to account for and promote humanitarian needs. [R, abr.] 57.6990 HAZAN, Reuven Y. ; RAHAT, Gideon — The influence of candidate selection methods on legislatures and legisla- tors: theoretical propositions, methodological sugges- tions and empirical evidence. Journal of Legislative Studies 12(3-4), Sept.-Dec. 2006 : 366-385. This article focuses on an external institution that molds the internal composition of legislatures and influences the behavior of its members: the candidate-selection method. Different candidate-selection methods place different institutional constraints on legislators. Legislative per- formance is, therefore, directly influenced by particular factors in the candidate-selection method. This article first explains what candidate- selection methods are, and why this institution is important for the study of politics in general and legislative politics in particular. It [then] presents the main distinctive factor in candidate-selection methods, the selector- ate. The third section suggests hypotheses regarding the impact of this central element in candidate-selection methods on the makeup of legisla- tures and the behavior of legislators. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6889] 57.6991 HECHT, Gabrielle — Nuclear ontologies. Constellations 13(3), Sept. 2006 : 320-331. With the end of the Cold War and the shift of the terrain of international politics from superpower struggle to a `clash of civilizations`, fears that nuclearity might escape the control of the `rational North` have become a new apocalyptic gospel. Yet nuclearity is a technopolitical spectrum that is not the exclusive province of `the North`. Nor is it only a military issue. How do we determine which technologies and materials are `safe`? Safe for and from whom? From Iran to North Korea, from the battlegrounds of Iraq to the suburbs of America — and, yes, even in Niger, the stakes of nuclear exceptionalism remain high, even as the need for regulation is evident. [R] 57.6992 HENWOOD, Doug — The “business community”. Socialist Register 2006 : 59-77. `Business community` refers to many groups, including shop owners, Fortune 500 CEOs and participants of the World Economic Forum. Regardless of its composition, however, the term ultimately refers to capital and capitalists, and there are few social formations with richer networks of communication, trade associations and lobbying groups. Threats of unionization, trust-busting and nationalization have largely disappeared, as has the distinction between the business and the ruling class, which is evidenced by the frequent exchange of personnel. This meshing explains the lack of concern in the business community over the US's dramatic accumulation of debt in recent decades, which is part of an unsustainable economic model that the present business community and its political system seem neither capable of nor willing to address or mend. [See Abstr. 57.7036] 57.6993 HINTJENS, Helen — Global social justice in a cold cli- mate. Peace Review 18(3), July-Sept. 2006 : 369-378. The global social justice movement thrives because there is so little else to offer hope and so few other forms of effective pressure for positive social change. It is the deficit of imagination and realism in most conven- tional politics that makes the movement so attractive to so many. It is the sterility of the `war on terror` that makes alternative media so widely used as a source of what is really happening in the world today. Integrat- ing alternatives into the dominant storyline of how we should live can unmask the imperial ambitions and corporate misdoings that are relent- lessly at work behind the propaganda of security and insecurity today. [R] 57.6994 HOCHBERG, Leonard J. — Reconciling history with sociology? Strategies of inquiry in Tocqueville's Democ- racy in America and The Old Regime and the French Revolution. Journal of Classical Sociology 7(1), March 2007 : 23-54. This analysis of Tocqueville's thought is based on J.R. Hall's strategies of socio-historical inquiry. In Democracy in America, Tocqueville deploys a `universal history`, which posits the existence of four ages, with the US arriving at an age of despotism [although] the historical trajectory of the US differed from France's. A reconstruction of Tocqueville's universal history is presented as a prelude to how the findings of his contrast- oriented comparison of the US with France fit with those of his universal history. In assimilating both the US and France to a universal history, Tocqueville's key analytical concepts, such as `old regime` and “revolu- tion”, are rendered highly ambiguous, resulting in surprising silences with regard to critical political events in pre-revolutionary France and in the pre- and post-revolutionary US. [R, abr.] 57.6995 HORIUCHI, Yusaku ; IMAI, Kosuke ; TANIGUCHI, Naoko — Designing and analyzing randomized experiments: appli- cation to a Japanese election survey experiment. Ameri- can Journal of Political Science 51(3), July 2007 : 669-687. 720 Despite their well-known advantages over observational studies, ran- domized experiments are not free from complications. In particular, researchers often cannot force subjects to comply with treatment as- signment and to provide the requested information. Furthermore, simple randomization of treatments remains the most commonly used method in the discipline even though more efficient procedures are available. Building on the recent statistical literature, we address these methodo- logical issues by offering general recommendations for designing and analyzing randomized experiments to improve the validity and efficiency of causal inference. We also develop a new statistical methodology to explore causal heterogeneity. The proposed methods are applied to a survey experiment conducted during Japan's 2004 Upper House elec- tion, where randomly selected voters were encouraged to obtain policy information from political parties' websites. [R, abr.] 57.6996 HUAND, Reyko ; GUNN, Geoffrey C. — Reconciliation as state-building in East Timor. Lusotopie 2004 : 19-38. [Ré- sumé en français] Just as reconciliation and justice have entered the neo-liberal discourse on human rights that emerged in the post-Cold War period, so in post- conflict East Timor various forms of reconciliation and justice mecha- nisms have been institutionalized. None has attracted as much funding and attention as CAVR, East Timor's Truth and Reconciliation Commis- sion. As the CAVR process enters its final stage, what are the merits of this form of post-conflict management and what lessons can be derived from East Timor's specific Melanesian-Asian setting for other post- conflict situations? Acknowledging that reconciliation in post-conflict situations has attracted far less literature, this article critically frames CAVR and the reconciliation process in East Timor within the broad parameters of political process and UN-sponsored state-building. [R, abr.] 57.6997 HUMPHREYS, Macartan — Strategic ratification [of agree- ments]. Public Choice 132(1-2), 2007 : 191-208. Previous models of ratifier effects have relied on restrictive assumptions regarding the dimensionality of the choice space and the preferences and rationality of actors. These assumptions can lead to an underestima- tion of the importance of ratifiers and a mischaracterization of their role. A model presented here responds to these concerns and finds that when ratifiers are strategic, ratification requirements consistently aid negotia- tors in settings where previous models find no effects. Furthermore, new relations between the types of ratifier and the strength of their influence are identified. Negotiators benefit from in-group homogeneity on dimen- sions along which negotiators agree and from internal dissension on dimensions along which negotiators disagree. [R] 57.6998 HURRELL, Andrew — One world? Many worlds? The place of regions in the study of international society. In- ternational Affairs 83(1), Jan. 2007 : 127-146. This article examines the place of regional states-systems or regional international societies within understandings of contemporary interna- tional society as whole. It addresses the relationship between the one world and the many worlds: on one side, the one world of globalizing capitalism, of global security dynamics, of a global political system that, for many, revolves a single hegemonic power, of global institutions and global governance, and of the drive to develop and embed a global cosmopolitan ethic; and, on the other side, the extent to which regions and the regional level of practice and of analysis have become more firmly established as important elements of the architecture of world politics; and the extent to which a multiregional system of international relations may be emerging. [R, abr.] 57.6999 ISIN, Engin F. — City.State: critique of scalar thought. Citizenship Studies 11(2), May 2007 : 211-228. The scalar thought that undergirds our understanding of modern bodies politic (cities, regions, nations, states, leagues, federations) assumes exclusive, hierarchical and ahistorical relationships among and between these bodies and conceals their fluid, multiple and overlapping forms of existence. This essay offers some critical reflections on the historical origins of scalar thought and suggests that thinking about bodies politic and belonging in different ways is necessary to consider citizenship beyond the state. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on `Citizenship beyond the state`, edited and introduced, `Thinking with early modern citizenship in the contemporary world`, pp. 117-133, by Andrew GORDON and Trevor STACK] 57.7000 JACKSON, Richard — Security, democracy, and the rhetoric of counter-terrorism. Democracy and Security 1(2), 2005 : 147-171. The `war on terrorism` is both a series of institutional practices and an accompanying set of political narratives. Employing the methodology of critical discourse analysis, the study suggests that the language of the `war on terrorism` is not simply a neutral or objective reflection of policy debates and the realities of terrorism and counter-terrorism; rather, it is a very carefully and deliberately constructed public discourse that is spe- cifically designed to make the war seem reasonable, responsible, and inherently `good`. More importantly, the language and practice of the `war on terrorism` poses severe challenges to the democratic state, including destabilizing the moral community, weakening democratic values and civic culture, undermining the legitimacy of democratic institu- tions, and preventing the articulation of potentially more effective counter-terrorism approaches. [R] 57.7001 JANKOWSKI, Richard — Altruism and the decision to vote: explaining and testing high voter turnout. Rational- ity and Society 19(1), Feb. 2007 : 5-34. A core problem at the foundation of rational-actor models for politics is the seeming irrationality of voting, i.e. that it is irrational for voters to vote and to be informed about politics. I modify the standard analysis by arguing that individuals are motivated by weak altruistic considerations when deciding whether to vote. First, I present a formal analysis of voting that has a unique, symmetric Bayes-Nash equilibrium for the voting game. It is a mixed-strategy equilibrium which also specifies the condi- tions under which high turnouts will result. Second, I present an empirical test of the hypothesis using a unique data set (the National Election Survey Pilot Study in 1995). I provide evidence that weak altruism is the single most important determinant of the decision to vote. [R, abr.] 57.7002 JARVIS, Darryl S. L. — Risk, globalisation and the state: a critical appraisal of Ulrich Beck and the world risk soci- ety thesis. Global Society 21(1), Jan. 2007 : 23-46. U. Beck has been one of the foremost sociologists of the last few dec- ades, single-handedly promoting the concept of risk and risk research in contemporary sociology and social theory. Indeed, his world risk society thesis has become widely popular, capturing current concerns about the consequences of modernity, fears about risk and security as a result of globalization and its implications for the state and social organization. Much of the discussion generated, however, has been of an abstract conceptual nature and has not always traveled well into fields such as political science, political theory and IR. This article introduces Beck to a wider audience while analyzing his work and assessing it against recent empirical evidence in relation to the effects of globalization on individual risk and systemic risk to the state. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7003] 57.7003 JARVIS, Darryl S. L. ; GRIFFITHS, Martin — Learning to fly: the evolution of political risk analysis. Global Society 21(1), Jan. 2007 : 5-21. This article analyzes the concept of political risk, its evolution and con- ceptualization, and explores its utility as a means of understanding political events and processes that can threaten order, stability and continuity in international relations and disrupt the normal practices of inter-state investment, trade and commerce. More particularly, the article organizes the disparate literature that surrounds the concept of political risk such that it might be more rigorously applied as a social science method for understanding political events and their effects upon com- mercial and strategic activities. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on `Risk and international relations: a new research agenda?`, edited and introduced, pp. 1-4, by the authors. See also Abstr. 57.6921, 6976, 6987, 7002, 7077] 57.7004 JEAN, Carlo — Un nuevo ordine mondiale (A new world order). Rivista militare 2006(4) : 6-15. Westphalia is again under discussion. We are witnessing the success of a globalizing vision, against which its opponents will be able to do very little. The US will naturally lead that revolution, comparable to the univer- salist view of the Roman Empire. [R] 57.7005 JENKINS, Tony — Disarming the system, disarming the mind. Peace Review 18(3), July-Sept. 2006 : 361-368. The author discusses the central importance of education and moral growth from the ground up, one person at a time, in creating an environ- ment where a peaceful, disarmed world could emerge. He stresses that the main conditions for peace and disarmament lie not in hardware or politics, but in the beliefs about war and violence with which we approach public policy issues. Peace is possible, but it has to start in our thinking about war and violence. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7013] 57.7006 JO Dong-Joon ; GARTZKE, Erik — Determinants of nuclear weapons proliferation. Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(1), Feb. 2004 : 167-194. Diverse opinions exist about the determinants of nuclear proliferation and the policy options to alter proliferation incentives. We evaluate a variety of explanations in two stages of nuclear proliferation, the presence of nuclear weapons production programs and the actual possession of nuclear weapons. We examine proliferation quantitatively, using data collected on national latent nuclear weapons production capability and several other variables, while controlling for the conditionality of nuclear weapons possession based on the presence of a nuclear weapons program. We find that security concerns and technological capabilities 721 are important determinants of whether states form nuclear weapons programs, while security concerns, economic capabilities, and domestic politics help to explain the possession of nuclear weapons. [R, abr.] 57.7007 JOHNSON, Genevieve Fuji — Discursive democracy in the transgenerational context and a precautionary turn in public reasoning. Contemporary Political Theory 6(1), Feb. 2007 : 67-85. We should seek to justify, from a moral perspective, policies associated with serious and irreversible risks to the health of human beings, their societies, and the environment, for these risks may have great impacts on the autonomy of both existing and future persons. The ideal of discur- sive democracy provides a way of morally justifying such policies to both existing and future persons. It calls for the inclusive, informed, and uncoerced deliberation toward an agreement of both existing and future persons, which can serve as a justificatory basis for such public policies. This agreement best protects their fundamental interests and basic needs, and garners their general acceptance. It does so by upholding their agency in decision-making processes and, more specifically, by counseling a maxim of precaution in their public reasoning. [R, abr.] 57.7008 JOHNSTON, Van R. ; SEIDENSTAT, Paul — Contracting out government services: privatization at the millennium. International Journal of Public Administration 30(3), Feb. 2007 : 231-247. Utilization of the private sector in producing services is an important element in the movement toward reforming government. The aim is to contain costs, increase productivity, or improve quality. Although there is strong evidence of the benefits of privatization, several important factors must be present for optimization. As the airline security case illustrates, low-bid contracting without careful specification of service quality can lead to poor service. How extensively a city can employ contracting out is being tested by the city of Centennial, Colorado [US]. Although not a panacea for all fiscal and government performance problems, contracting out, if properly managed, can be a strong force for delivery of greater efficiency and effectiveness. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on `Changes and challenges in public management reforms`, edited and introduced by Kuotsai Tom LIOU. See also Abstr. 57.7319] 57.7009 JUSTESEN, Mogens K. — Politiske institutioner og øko- nomisk vaekst (Political institutions and economic growth). Politica 38(3), Nov. 2006 : 317-337. This paper applies public choice theory to analyze the impact of political institutions on economic growth. The theory indicates that institutions supporting private property rights and division of power among political veto-players have a positive impact on economic growth. Using statistical panel data analyses for the period 1980-2000, the empirical relationship between property rights, political veto-players and economic growth is then explored. In addition, a series of `extreme bounds` analyses are conducted in order to test the sensitivity of the empirical results. Control- ling for other relevant variables, the empirical findings show that political power sharing has a positive effect on growth, but that secure private property rights in particular have a significantly positive and robust effect on growth. [R, abr] 57.7010 KALYVAS, Stathis N. ; KOCHER, Matthew Adam — How `free` is free riding in civil wars? Violence, insurgency, and the collective action problem. World Politics 59(2), Jan. 2007 : 177-216. The collective action paradigm can be both descriptively inaccurate and analytically misleading when it comes to civil wars. We question both pillars of the paradigm as applied to the study of civil wars, namely, the free-riding incentive generated by the public goods dimension of insur- gency and the risks of individual participation in insurgent collective action. Although insurgent collective action may entail the expectation of future collective benefits, public (rather than just private) costs tend to predominate in the short term. Moreover, the costs of non-participation and free-riding may equal or even exceed those of participation. We support these claims by triangulating three types of evidence: historical evidence from counterinsurgency operations in several civil wars; data from the Vietnam War's Phoenix Program; and regional evidence from the Greek Civil War. [R, abr.] 57.7011 KARLAS, Jan — Současné teorie mezinárodních institucí (The contemporary theories of international institutions). Mezinárodní Vztahy 42(1), 2007 : 66-85. This article summarizes the main contemporary theoretical approaches to international institutions as well as significant theories of institutions, which build upon those approaches. I focus on realism, neoliberalism and constructivism. All three approaches differ in regard to both the origin and impact of institutions. Whereas the basic realist perspective regards state interests and power to be the main source of the institu- tion's origin, neoliberalism emphasizes the structure of state interests and collective action problems which result from it. According to realists, the impact of institutions is dependent on state interests and power; institutions regulate state behavior only in a limited way. The neoliberal conception of institutions infers that institutions significantly regulate state behavior since they help states resolve collective action problems. [R, abr.] 57.7012 KASSNER, Joshua — Is everything really up for grabs? The relationship between democratic values and a de- mocratic process. Journal of Political Philosophy 14(4), Dec. 2006 : 482-494. J. Waldron's argument [“The core of the case against judicial review”, Yale Law Journal 115(6), Apr. 2006: 1346-1408; Abstr. 57.1752] that the authority of laws is contingent on a decision-making process that is democratically legitimate can be refuted in several ways. Waldron's conception of democratic legitimacy gives rise to a vicious regress, a flaw that if corrected would result in a revised conception would either give rise to another regress or be internally inconsistent. Moreover, Waldron's argument is founded upon the mistaken view that a democ- ratic process has normative priority over the values it seeks to instanti- ate. If unfettered adherence to a decision-making process undermines or violates democratic values, then the process should be contained or the outcomes overridden. If democratic legitimacy and the authority of law require that such violations be allowed, then they might not be worthy objectives after all. [See also Abstr. 57.7110] 57.7013 KAUFMANN, Chaim — Why nuclear proliferation is get- ting easier. Peace Review 18(3), July-Sept. 2006 : 315-324. The author [offers] a primer on nuclear technology. He explains how programs to build or run nuclear power plants help to provide both the know-how and the materials needed to make nuclear bombs, and shows why the proliferation of nuclear weapons to more and more countries is becoming ever easier. [R] [Part of a symposium on `Nonproliferation and disarmament`, edited and introduced by Randall FORSBERG, pp. 311- 314. See also Abstr. 57.6971, 7005, 7118, 7518, 7779, 7869, 7995] 57.7014 KAZA, Nikhil — Tyranny of the median and costly con- sent: a reflection on the justification for participatory ur- ban planning processes. Planning Theory 5(3), Nov. 2006 : 255-270. Wide participation in the urban planning context is justified as the means of balancing multiple interests outside the traditional decision-making setup. However, the participatory paradigm provides at best inadequate justification to the planning process. Particularly if consensus-building is the aim of the participatory process, it suffers from a number of impossi- bility results well documented in the political economics literature. “Lazy deliberators” will arrive at the acceptance of a priori median preference, and participatory processes necessarily exclude some groups, even under equitable capability- and power-distribution. This article contributes to the debate on the nature of participatory planning by critically analyz- ing the motivations of participation and limitation of the participatory planning paradigms, and advocates a temperate view on their efficacy. [R] 57.7015 KEMAN, Hans — Experts and manifestos: different sources — same results for comparative research? Elec- toral Studies 26(1), March 2007 : 76-89. This article examines scales of Left/Right and Progressive/Conservative positioning of political parties to assess the relative internal and external validity of expert-driven data vis-à-vis document-based data. First, I discuss issues of conceptual traveling and conceptual stretching. Sec- ond, I assess the internal validity of the expert- and document-driven scales. There is indeed a difference between expert- and document- driven scaling. Third, I examine external validity by comparing different scales in relation to various political variables. The scales, when used as variables in comparative political research, produce different effects. In addition to internal validity problems, the external validity of scaled variables generated from different types of data needs to be assessed more carefully than is often the case in comparative politics. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7048] 57.7016 KENNEDY, Scott — Transnational political alliances [of multinational firms]: an exploration with evidence from China. Business and Society 46(2), June 2007 : 174-200. This article draws attention to an understudied phenomenon, transna- tional political alliances (TPA), which occur when multinational corpora- tions cooperate with local companies to influence public policies of the host government. The article first explores the economic and political sources of TPAs, their structures, and the obstacles to their formation. It then examines TPAs in the context of China, a critical case because of the hostile political environment that discourages TPAs. However, the surprisingly common occurrence of TPAs in China indicates the power of economic incentives for political cooperation yet also suggests the need for further studies of TPAs in a wide variety of economic and political settings. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7025] 57.7017 KEONIG-ARCHIBUGI, Mathias — Rivisitando il neorea- lismo : Kenneth Waltz tra teoria della politica interna- 722 zionale e teoria strutturale della politica (Kenneth Waltz between international relations theory and the structural theory of politics). Rivista italiana di Scienza politica 37(1), Apr. 2007 : 113-124. Two claims about the nature and scope of IR theories can be found in K. Waltz's work: (1) that it is possible to develop a theory of international politics, i.e. a theory capable of predicting the outcomes of interactions among states without necessarily predicting their foreign policy behavior; (2) that it is possible to develop a structural theory of politics, i.e., a theory that separates rigorously structural and unit-level causes and considers only the former. This note argues that: (1) the two claims are distinct; (2) Waltz does not separate them consistently; (3) he defends the first claim by using arguments that support the second claim; (4) the first claim is not plausible; (5) the second claim is plausible, but needs to be qualified. [R] 57.7018 KHODYAKOV, Dmitry — Trust as a process: a three- dimensional approach. Sociology 41(1), Feb. 2007 : 115- 132. What is trust? Should trust be used as a variable or as a process? Is trust in people similar in nature to trust in institutions? Addressing these questions, I argue that trust is a complex and multi-dimensional phe- nomenon, which consists of a mix of trust in strong ties, weak ties, and institutions. I explain the need for a new approach to trust, using the Soviet Union as an example. I argue that rigid distinctions in social capital theory between high-trust and low-trust societies fail to account for the complexity of trust. I view trust as a process. I also suggest a new definition of trust based on the notion of agency, which underscores the idea of temporality and incorporates the roles of the past, present, and future. [R] 57.7019 KILGOUR, D. Marc ; ZAGARE, Frank C. — Explaining limited conflicts. Conflict Management and Peace Science 24(1), Spring 2007 : 65-82. This report uses a generic two-stage escalation model to ask whether and when limited conflicts can occur. There are two players in the model: Challenger and Defender. Challenger can either initiate a conflict or not. If Challenger initiates, Defender can concede, respond-in-kind, or esca- late. If Defender does not concede, Challenger can escalate. The proc- ess continues until one side concedes or both escalate. Limited conflicts do not occur in our model when information is complete or when De- fender's threat to respond-in-kind is seen to be completely non-credible. They are also extremely unlikely when Defender is seen strictly to prefer a response-in-kind to immediate capitulation when challenged. Limited conflicts are most probable under a Constrained Limited-Response Equilibrium (CLRE) — when there is uncertainty about Defender's willingness to respond-in-kind to an initiation. [R, abr.] 57.7020 KIM So Young — Openness, external risk, and volatility: implications for the compensation hypothesis. Interna- tional Organization 61(1), Winter 2007 : 181-216. Based on the assumption that economic openness generates economic insecurity and volatility, scholars of international political economy have proposed the compensation hypothesis, which claims that globalization bolsters rather than undermines the welfare state by increasing public demand for social protection against externally generated economic instability. The openness-volatility link is dubious, however, on both theoretical and empirical grounds. I focus on a crucial difference between openness and external risk in their effect on volatility. My statistical analysis of a panel data set from 175 countries (1950-2002) finds a consistent effect of external risk on volatility of the major economic aggregates, but a largely insignificant effect of openness. These findings suggest that economic volatility may be a mistaken link in explaining the openness-spending nexus, calling for further research on the causal mechanisms linking the two. [R, abr.] 57.7021 KING, Preston — Friendship in politics. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 10(2), June 2007 : 125-145. Friendship has different aspects, enacted socially and politically in [different] ways. A key difference is between ancient and modern times, the one marked by low density and physical intimacy, the other by high density and sharp individuation. The challenge is to transfer what is valuable from the first and adapt it aptly to the politics of the second. This philosophical retrieval of friendship, and its express restoration to politics, encounters difficulties, not least along stipulative and analytical lines. This essay sketches a basic conceptual grid for friendship applicable to modernity. It stresses continuity between reciprocal (dyadic) friendships and friendship networks, on the one hand; and unilateral friendship (universal friendliness), on the other. The state can be checked at the level of civil society by vibrant dyads and networks and a generalized morality of friendliness. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on `Friendship in politics`, edited and introduced by Graham M. SMITH and Preston KING. See also Abstr. 57.7080, 7143, 7146, 7204, 7634] 57.7022 KIRPALANI, Manek ; GABRIELSSON, Mika — Global strategies: a control perspective. World Affairs (New Delhi) 10(3), Autumn 2006 : 36-54. What is new about globalization? The growth of international marketing is looked at before turning to the main subject. The empire-building strategy of Ancient Rome in comparison to the ongoing hegemony- building approach of the US highlights what multinational enterprises (MNE) should be doing to dominate markets. Such strategies emphasize the importance of global integration of worldwide activities and necessary market adaptations, but more importantly they introduce a third vector — control through size and power — that emerges as a requisite for suc- cessful global leadership. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6974] 57.7023 KISBY, Ben — Analysing policy networks: towards an ideational approach. Policy Studies 28(1), March 2007 : 71- 90. This article argues that an ideational variant of D. Marsh and M. Smith's `dialectical` model of policy networks [`Understanding policy networks: towards a dialectical approach`, Political Studies 48(1), March 2000: 4- 21; Abstr. 50.5282] adds significant value to their analysis by taking certain kinds of ideas seriously as independent, causal factors. Marsh and Smith's approach focuses attention on both structure and agency and defends it against the rational choice critique, [but] does not pay sufficient attention to the role of ideas in explaining policy-making. I argue instead for an approach that treats programmatic beliefs as inde- pendent variables, policy networks as intermediate variables, and policy outcomes as dependent variables. The article demonstrates the potential utility of such an approach by briefly examining D. Toke and Marsh's analysis of policy change on the issue of GM crops in the UK [“Policy networks and the GM crop issue: assessing the utility of a dialectical model of policy networks”, Public Administration 81(2), 2003: 229-251]. [R, abr.] 57.7024 KLINGEMANN, Hans-Dieter ; KULESZA, Ewa ; LEGUTKE, Annette — Ştiinţa politică în ţările candidate la Uniunea europeană (Political science in the countries candidates to the EU). Romanian Journal of Political Science 3(1), Spring 2003 : 1-17. The paper draws on a report on the state of the art in East European political science based on country reports. The authors found a correla- tion between the degree of democratization and the degree of political science's institutionalization in a given country. Candidate countries improved the political science teaching and research, but dealing with the communist legacy proved a cumbersome task still needing decades for completion. There is considerable variation within the pool of coun- tries surveyed. Those which had the opportunity to develop even a minor political science nucleus in the communist regime are doing far better presently. The solutions suggested to bridge the gap between the two Europes are mobility of academics and students, higher autonomy of the universities and wider use of new communication technologies. [R, abr.] 57.7025 KOLK, Ans ; PINKSE, Jonatan — Multinationals' political activities on climate change. Business and Society 46(2), June 2007 : 201-228. This article explores the international dimensions of multinationals' corporate political activities, focusing on an international issue — climate change — being implemented differently in a range of countries. Analyz- ing data from Financial Times Global 500 firms, it examines the influence on types and process of multinationals' political strategies, reckoning with institutional contexts and issue saliency. Findings show that the type of political activities can be characterized as an information strategy to influence policy-makers toward market-based solutions, not so much withholding action on emission reduction. Moreover, multinationals pursue self-regulation, targeting a broad range of political actors. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Business-government interactions in a globalizing economy”, edited and introduced, pp. 129-135, by Arnold WILTS and Mika SKIPPARI. See also Abstr. 57.7016, 7158] 57.7026 KORNPROBST, Markus — Argumentation and compro- mise: Ireland's selection of the territorial status quo norm. International Organization 61(1), Winter 2007 : 69-98. Given a number of conditions, I contend that states select norms in three ideal-typical stages: innovative argumentation, persuasive argumenta- tion, and compromise. My research elaborates on the literature on advocacy networks. I explain why agents engage in an advocacy for a normative idea in the first place; I add the epistemic dimension of rea- soning to argumentation theory; and I show in detail the pathways through which persuasive argumentation links an advocated idea and already-established sets of meaning. Second, synthesizing rationalist and constructivist selection mechanisms, I contend that successful argumentation makes recalcitrant actors eager to reach a compromise with the advocates as long as this does not violate their most cherished beliefs. The Republic of Ireland's eventual selection of the territorial status quo norm in the late 1990s lends empirical evidence to this norm- selection mechanism. [R, abr.] 723 57.7027 KRISCH, Nico ; KINGSBURY, Benedict, eds. — Global governance and global administrative law in the interna- tional legal order. European Journal of International Law 17(1), Feb. 2006 : 1-278. Introduction by the editors, pp. 1-13. Articles by Michael S. BARR and Geoffrey P. MILLER, `Global administrative law: the view from Basel`, pp. 15-46; Errol MEIDINGER, `The administrative law of global private- public regulation: the case of forestry`, pp. 47-87; Terry MACDONALD and Kate MACDONALD, `Non-electoral accountability in global politics: strengthening democratic control within the global garment industry`, pp. 89-119; Gus VAN HARTEN and Martin LOUGHLIN, `Investment treaty arbitration as a species of global administrative law`, pp. 121-150; Christopher McCRUDDEN and Stuart G. GROSS, `WTO government procurement rules and the local dynamics of procurement policies: a Malaysian case study`, pp. 151-185; Carol HARLOW, `Global adminis- trative law: the quest for principles and values`, pp. 187-214; Bronwen MORGAN, `Turning off the tap: urban water service delivery and the social construction of global administrative law`, pp. 215-246; Nico KRISCH, `The pluralism of global administrative law`, pp. 247-278. 57.7028 KROOK, Mona Lena — Reforming representation: the diffusion of candidate gender quotas worldwide. Politics and Gender 2(3), Sept. 2006 : 303-327. In recent years, more than a hundred countries have adopted quotas for the selection of female candidates to political office. Examining individual cases of quota reform, scholars offer four basic causal stories to explain quota adoption: women mobilize for quotas to increase women's repre- sentation, political elites recognize strategic advantages for supporting quotas, quotas are consistent with existing or emerging notions of equal- ity and representation, and quotas are supported by international norms and spread through transnational sharing. I argue that the fourth offers the greatest potential for understanding the rapid diffusion of gender quota policies. In a theory-building exercise, I combine empirical work on gender quotas with insights from the international norms literature to identify four distinct international and transnational influences on national quota debates: international imposition, transnational emulation, interna- tional tipping, and international blockage. [R, abr.] 57.7029 KÜHNER, Stefan — Country-level comparisons of welfare state change measures: another facet of the dependent variable problem within the comparative analysis of the welfare state? Journal of European Social Policy 17(1), Feb. 2007 : 5-18. The introduction of innovative macro-measures has been one of the preferred means to account for identified limitations of traditional quanti- tative approaches in comparative analyses of the welfare state. How- ever, these state-of-the-art indicators are not powerful enough to account for the nuanced politics of `welfare state change` across mature welfare states as they produce inconsistent findings on the country level, which also appear to be at odds with the established notion of `regime- dependence` in the historical, case-study literature. While the combina- tion of nuanced quantitative and historical findings has become the norm in the broader literature, the article stresses the potential of disaggre- gated analyses of individual social policy domains within nations and its combination with detailed case-study analyses of social policy-making. [R, abr.] 57.7030 LA CAZE, Marguerite — The asymmetry between apology and forgiveness. Contemporary Political Theory 5(4), Nov. 2006 : 447-468. I contend that governments are obligated to apologize for past injustices because they are responsible for them and that official apologies should not involve a corresponding expectation for forgiveness. An apology and forgiveness are asymmetrical because an apology is based on respect, a perfect duty, and can be a public act, whereas forgiveness is based on love, is an imperfect duty, and is a personal undertaking. It follows from this asymmetry that an apology is a prerequisite for reconciliation, but forgiveness is discretionary. Refusals to apologize tend to impede the reconciliation process and make the possibility of forgiveness remote. [R, abr.] 57.7031 LADWIG, Bernd — Menschenrechte und menschliche Natur. Bausteine zu einer kritischen Theorie der Men- schenrechte (Human rights and human nature. Contribu- tions to a critical theory of human rights). Leviathan 35(1), March 2007 : 85-106. A critical theory of human rights would have to combine normative arguments with a critique of ideology regarding obstacles of norm- realization. For that purpose, it seems as if assumptions of anthropologi- cal generality are needed. Against R. Rorty, I show that a normative theory of human rights referring to images of human nature is in fact possible and necessary. To be sure, human rights cannot be founded in ideas of man. Also, concepts of man are never independent of normative interests. Nevertheless, we need those images in order to gain basic dimensions of human rights' content. The idea of man arising that way that one of a uniquely vulnerable animal who therefore needs human rights. [R] 57.7032 LAI, Brian ; THYNE, Clayton — The effect of civil war on education, 1980-1997. Journal of Peace Research 44(3), May 2007 : 277-292. This study examines the negative effects of civil wars and the post-civil war environment on educational expenditures and enrollment. Two causal mechanisms are considered: (1) civil wars are likely to destroy a state's system of education through the loss of infrastructure and per- sonnel; (2) a less deleterious cause may be the drawing away of funds for increased military expenditures to fight the civil war. Using UNESCO education data, the authors examine the percent change in educational expenditures and primary, secondary, and tertiary enrollment for all states from 1980 through 1997. The authors use a measure of when a state is in a civil war, a dynamic post-civil war measure, an interaction with military spending, and relevant control variables. These results highlight the importance of addressing the social costs of a civil war. [R, abr.] 57.7033 LATT, P. Alex — Locating democratic politics in ecologi- cal citizenship. Environmental Politics 16(3), June 2007 : 377-393. Ecological (or environmental) citizenship has recently experienced a coming of age. To date, ecological citizenship has largely been taken up as an instrument for normative theorizing about how to promote and/or structure “greener“ forms of political organization. This focus has come at the expense of not appreciating how the turn toward citizenship might revitalize a concern for democratic politics in ecological thought. While elements of democracy are treated in the literature on environmental citizenship, there is a failure to address issues of recognition and inclu- sion, and to identify the subaltern voices that open the possibility for greater democratic participation through their politicization of dominant socio-ecological orders. This failing can be partly remedied by making connections between research in ecological citizenship and environ- mental justice. [R, abr.] 57.7034 LEHTINEN, Aki — The welfare consequences of strategic voting in two commonly used parliamentary agendas. Theory and Decision 63(1), Aug. 2007 : 1-40. This paper studies the welfare consequences of strategic voting in two commonly used parliamentary agendas by comparing the average utilities obtained in simulated voting under two behavioral assumptions: expected utility-maximizing behavior and sincere behavior. The average utility obtained in simulations is higher with expected utility-maximizing behavior than with sincere voting behavior under a broad range of assumptions. Strategic voting increases welfare particularly if the distri- bution of preference intensities correlates with voter types. [R] 57.7035 LEVY, Guillermo — Considerations on the connections between race, politics, economics, and genocide. Journal of Genocide Research 8(2), June 2006 : 137-148. This study first compares Nazi genocide with the mass killings rational- ized by the US doctrine of National Security. It then examines the appro- priateness of applying the term “genocide” to neo-liberal policies, within the framework of “genocide by omission”. Multiple factors are relevant, including the central role of the concepts of “inside” and “outside” as the fundamental building block of genocide. It is also crucial not only to discuss and understand neo-liberal ideas, but to apply this knowledge and dispense with the idea that the world, the state and politics have a life beyond political participants; it must be accepted that actors are not only produced by, but are simultaneously producers of social practices. It is by acknowledging this intractable dilemma that history will be made. [Part of a thematic issue, `Confronting genocide: new voices from Latin America`, edited by Daniel FEIERSTEIN and Marcia ESPARZA. See also Abstr. 57.8038, 8040] 57.7036 LEYS, Colin — The cynical state. Socialist Register 2006 : 1-27. Although governments both democratic and otherwise have always lied, denying it long after being exposed, state cynicism reached new ex- tremes with the British government's abuse of military intelligence to gain support for the Iraq war. Inherited ideas and illusions about sovereignty, democracy and the public interest are threatened by a new neo-liberal policy regime that is fundamentally concerned with national competitive- ness and responding to global market forces. Policy-makers attempt to conceal the basic fact that economic and social policy must now be made on capital's terms, terms that are often electorally unpalatable and therefore more and more made in secret. The state is increasingly responsive to capital, the risks of which are not borne by the new entre- preneurs of the state, but by the public. [First article of a thematic vol- ume, `Telling the truth`. See also Abstr. 56.5799, 5929, 6096, and 57.6952, 6966, 6992, 7099, 7148, 7299, 7337, 7548, 8014] 57.7037 LIAO, S. Matthew — The right of children to be loved. Journal of Political Philosophy 14(4), Dec. 2006 : 420-440. While many people believe intuitively that children have a right to be loved, there are those who are concerned that such rights are often 724 claimed without sufficient consideration as to whether these claims can be justified. That children have a right to be loved is not merely empty rhetoric; it can be grounded as a human right by showing that love is an appropriate object of duty. Moreover, the duty to love a child does not belong only to the biological parents; if the right of children to be loved is a human right based on the fact that they need to be loved in order to develop essential capacities needed for a good life, then society also has a duty to promote this right. 57.7038 LISCHER, Sarah Kenyon — Causes and consequences of conflict-induced displacement. Civil Wars 9(2), June 2007 : 142-155. Violent conflict causes millions of people to flee their homes every year. The resulting displacement crises create logistical and humanitarian nightmares, threaten international security and risk the lives of displaced people, aid workers, and peace-keepers. Despite the dangers posed by conflict-induced displacement, scholars, policy-makers and international organizations usually have only a partial understanding of these crises. Conflict-induced displacement consists of two main factors: (1) the violence that caused the displacement and (2) the characteristics of the resulting displacement crisis. Many observers fail to disaggregate each factor, rather lumping all types of violence together or viewing displaced people as an undifferentiated mass. This paper demonstrates that disaggregation of both concepts — causes of conflict-induced displace- ment and characteristics of a crisis — is necessary to understand fully the importance of displacement in international politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7112] 57.7039 LLOYD, Moya — (Women's) human rights: paradoxes and possibilities. Review of International Studies 33(1), Jan. 2007 : 91-103. Human rights discourse is used to legitimize humanitarian and military intervention in the affairs of other states, provide a rationale for “ethical“ foreign policy, justify the punishment of war crimes, and validate the formation of international coalitions mandated to eradicate terrorism wherever its is found. At grass-roots level, human rights talk is deployed to lobby governments and to press for socio-economic and legal change, to combat the dehumanizing treatment of specific populations, to ground educational initiatives and spawn local, national, international, and sometimes global networks oriented to its advancement, and to induce the patient and meticulous documentation of its violations. In terms of women, human rights activism has been instrumental in problematizing violence against women. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7131] 57.7040 LOCHARD, Guy — Vertiges et vertus du comparatisme international dans les études événementielles (Vertigoes and virtues of the international comparative approach to the study of events). Hermès 46, 2006 : 37-46. [Résumé en français] After emphasizing their pioneer status in the social and human sciences, [The article] underlines their continuity and their vitality. It then examines the espistemological difficulties of these studies as well as the reasons of doubts due mainly to the risks of socio-cognitive bias (effects of exoti- cism or ethnocentrism, stereotypes, etc.) For media studies, it highlights and discusses certain confusions (categories) which reduce the interest of these studies. It defends the heuristic power of these approaches and suggest reference marks and methodological principles able to guaran- tee their validity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6888] 57.7041 LÓPEZ, Alexander — Las dimensiones de la desigualdad en la ciudad global (The dimensions of inequality in the global city). Politeia (Caracas) 34-35, 2005 : 137-158. An individual's place in the global city rests on preparedness to deal with articulate language encompassing three main elements: time, space and speed. This new language arises by coincidence and is facilitated by the impact of information technology on contemporary society. Inequalities result from the diverse involvement of individuals in the culture and development of lifestyles inherent in the global city. Inequality is not a lateral but a regular component of society, and may have a constructive effect. Nevertheless, inequality must be remedied. Assistance programs must be developed based on information, science and recognition of lifestyles. [R, abr.] 57.7042 LÓPEZ-PINTOR, Rafael — Post-conflict elections and ethnic divides measures to encourage participation [Ver- sion française (“Consultations après-conflit et clivages interethniques : comment encourager la participation électorale”) dans Perspectives électorales, 8(2), déc. 2006: 53-61]. Electoral Insight 8(2), Dec. 2006 : 50-57. [Ré- sumé en français] This article looks at the effects of constitutional and legal reform on ethnic divides in transitional and post-conflict elections. Useful legal provisions for an electoral system that accommodates ethnic divisions may include power-sharing arrangements and representation formulas with quotas or reserved seats, out-of-country registration and voting, inter-ethnic composition of electoral commissions, and use of minority languages in polling forms, civic education and voter information pro- grams. Examples are presented from transitional and post-conflict around the world. The main conclusion is that obstacles to inter-ethnic accord can be removed more easily than incentives can be offered, especially through the electoral system. However, an electoral process during or after a civil conflict in itself translates ethnic grievances to a political scenario, mitigating or displacing armed confrontation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7511] 57.7043 LORZ, Oliver ; NASTASSINE, Stanislav — Citizen- candidate mobility and endogenous local policy. Public Choice 132(1-2), 2007 : 27-47. This paper analyzes the influence of personal mobility on the citizens' willingness to run for a political office in their municipality and on the resulting local policy outcome. Our model portrays heterogeneous policy preferences that are coupled with different exogenous degrees of inter- jurisdictional mobility. An increase in mobility can be liable to shift the policy outcome towards the preferred policy of the less mobile citizens. We thus identify an endogenous policy response to personal mobility diametrically opposed to the tax competition effect that has hitherto dominated the discussion of the political consequences of personal mobility. [R] 57.7044 MAGGI, Giovanni ; MORELLI, Massimo — Self-enforcing voting in international organizations. American Economic Review 96(4), Sept. 2006 : 1137-1158. Some international organizations are governed by unanimity rule, others by (simple or qualified) majority rules. Standard voting models, which assume that the decisions made by voting are perfectly enforceable, have a hard time explaining the observed variation in governance mode, and in particular the widespread occurrence of the unanimity system. We present a model whose main departure from standard voting models is that the organization cannot rely on external enforcement mechanisms: each country is sovereign and cannot be forced to comply with the collective decision or, in other words, the voting system must be self- enforcing. The model identifies conditions under which the organization adopts the unanimity rule, and yields rich comparative-statics predictions on the determinants of the mode of governance. [R] 57.7045 MAIER, Hans — Political religion: a concept and its limitations. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 8(1), March 2007 : 5-16. This article presents political religion as a concept for studying commu- nism, fascism and national socialism, which display significant elements of traditional religion, such as rites of purgation, penitence and renewal, cultic patterns of behavior, and heresy. It then considers the history of the concept, paying particular attention to the light thrown on the phe- nomenon by the analysis of Nazism offered by the writer F. Werfel in 1932. This argued that the roots of its appeal lay in the solution it seemed to offer to the contemporary socio-political crisis of Weimar, which was widely experienced as a personal crisis of meaning and identity. Finally, it asks whether `political religion` can truly be used to explain or illuminate political phenomena without distorting the basic idea of religion in the process. [R, abr.] 57.7046 MALENA, Carmen — Can we measure civil society? A proposed methodology for international comparative re- search. Development in Practice 17(3), June 2007 : 338-352. In recent years, there has been renewed interest in the concept of civil society in development and governance circles. Broadly understood as the space in society where collective citizen action takes place, civil society has, in fact, proved an extremely difficult concept to define and operationalize. This article proposes a framework and methodology for measuring and comparing the state of different civil societies around the world. It discusses outstanding questions and challenges, drawing on preliminary insights from current efforts to apply the approach in more than 50 countries. [R] 57.7047 MARENCO, André — Path-dependency, instituciones políticas y reformas electorales en perpectiva comparada (Path dependency, political institutions and electoral re- forms: a comparative analysis). Revista de Ciencia política 26(2), 2006 : 53-75. This work examines to what extent changes in electoral institutions are conditioned by the previous electoral system. Electoral reforms, once approved, tend to acquire incremental intention and, consequently, are influenced by the previous rules, implying that they follow a path- dependent model. Electoral reforms are less probable the longer the life of the previous electoral system and, if adopted, they show restricted margins of innovation. In order to analyze these hypotheses, I study 84 electoral reforms promoted in 40 countries with competitive political systems between 1800 and 2002. Two aspects are considered within the arena of electoral reform: changes in the modes of representation (plu- rality-majority, proportional representation, and mixed) and the types of 725 ordering of legislative candidates (closed lists or preferential vote). The results support the premises, showing the restrictive effects exerted on electoral changes by time and previous institutions. [R] 57.7048 MARKS, Gary — Triangulation and the square-root law [for measuring party positioning]. Electoral Studies 26(1), March 2007 : 1-10. This thematic issue evaluates the validity of expert, manifesto, and survey data on the positioning of national political parties. This introduc- tion examines the logic and limits of triangulation. I make explicit the most important lesson of this issue: improving the validity demands that one take full advantage of the information that is available. Even if observation is inherently biased, one can improve accuracy by compar- ing the observations that are biased in different ways. [R] [Introduction to a symposium, `Comparing measures of party positioning: expert, mani- festo, and survey data`, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 57.6898, 7015, 7055, 7147, 7543, 7560, 7585, 7632] 57.7049 MARSCHALL, Stefan — Neoparlamentarische Demokratie jenseits des Nationalstaates? Transnationale Versammlungen in internationalen Organisationen (Neo-parliamentary democ- racy beyond the nation state? Transnational assemblies in in- ternational organizations). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 37(4), Dec. 2006 : 683-697. Facing processes of Europeanization and globalization, the question has been raised how to safeguard democracy. For the EU, one answer is to use the concept of parliamentary legitimization by strengthening national parliaments or the EP. However, even beyond nation-states, a form of parliamentary organizations exists, the `Transnational` or `Parliamentary Assemblies`. This type of institution has expanded rapidly [in recent] decades and is attached to international organizations to different ex- tents. An analysis of the composition, the mode of operation, structures, and functions of the assemblies of the Council of Europe, NATO, OSCE and WEU indicates that the assemblies have potential to generate more democracy beyond the nation-state. Due to their new qualities and functions these organizations may be called `neo-parliamentary`. [R, abr.] 57.7050 MARSHALL, Alex — Managing withdrawal: Afghanistan as the forgotten example in attempting conflict resolu- tion and state reconstruction. Small Wars and Insurgen- cies 18(1), March 2007 : 68-89. Perhaps surprisingly, given the availability of new Russian memoir material, some excellent individual monographs, and a large variety of declassified documents, a full operational-political account of the Soviet Union's withdrawal strategy from Afghanistan has yet to be written. This article, utilizing openly published yet neglected sources, fills that gap. The final fate of the Najibullah regime, and the contradictory effect of the National Reconciliation Policy in Afghanistan itself, suggest four key lessons for international forces today as disengagement from both Iraq and Afghanistan again becomes a pressing issue, and as questions around re-creating stability within a failed state scenario again occupy the international community. [R] 57.7051 MASCIANDARO, Donato — Divide et impera: financial supervision unification and central bank fragmentation effect. European Journal of Political Economy 23(2), June 2007 : 285-315. This paper analyzes how the role of the central bank can influence the unification of the overall financial supervision architecture. We claim that the policy-maker's choices can be viewed as a sequential process in which the institutional status quo matters. The degree of unification in supervision is decided based on the position of the central bank. If the central bank involvement in supervision and its reputation are high, the unification level is likely to be low, and vice versa. The central bank fragmentation effect can be explained through the three possible chan- nels of moral hazard, bureaucracy, and reputation-endowment effects. The empirical analysis — performed with ordered logit and probit func- tions on a dataset of 89 countries — confirms the robustness of the central bank fragmentation effect. [R] 57.7052 MATHIEU, Lilian — L'espace des mouvements sociaux (The space of social movements). Politix 77, 2007 : 131- 151. [Résumé en français] The concept of space of social movements describes the relatively autonomous world of practice and meaning in which contentious mobili- zations are linked by relations of interdependence. By locating the contentious activity, the concept helps to understand the internal dynam- ics of the relationships between different social movements, and, on the external side, the relationships between the space of social movements and other social spheres, such as the political field or that of labor un- ions. It also helps to analyze the practical aspects of the contentious activities, as the space of social movements is considered as a world of specialized skills, that requires from those who are part of it the control of some knowledge and know-how. The presentation of the concept is based on the analysis of the current evolution of French social move- ments, and introduces a discussion of the main concepts of the sociology of collective action. [R] 57.7053 MATHUR, Navdeep ; SKELCHER, Chris — Evaluating democratic performance: methodologies for assessing the relationship between network governance and citi- zens. Public Administration Review 67(2), March-Apr. 2007 : 228-237. Network governance can enhance democratic practice by furnishing new routes for actors to deliberate, make, and execute public policy. But it is hindered by a lack of political oversight, limited democratic competence of new organizational forms, and informality of operation. Little research has been conducted on the democratic performance of governance networks, and the methodology is poorly developed. Quality-of- democracy studies of national governmental and political systems offer a starting point. Their criteria-based method is useful in accessing the democratic `hardware` of formal entities, such as partnerships and hybrids, but it does not enable data to be gathered on democratic `soft- ware` — the informal day-to-day practices of actors in networks. Interpre- tive approaches offer a way forward. [R, abr.] 57.7054 MATTHEWS, Kim C. — Perceiving discrimination: psy- chological and sociopolitical barriers. Journal of Interna- tional Migration and Integration 7(3), Summer 2006 : 367- 388. [Résumé en français] Recognizing discrimination is not always an easy, particularly in North America where perpetrators' fears of being labeled have resulted in a shift in the type of discrimination experienced. As a country of immigra- tion, Canada provides a template for the world community. While condi- tions for minorities in Canada may rival other countries, improvement is needed. This paper analyzes narratives of East and Central African Asian Ismailis in Quebec to demonstrate that understanding the way people perceive discrimination requires not only knowledge of the psy- chological processes involved but also of the reasons for immigrating, the beliefs about the country of destination prior to migration, and the socio-political conditions in host and sending societies. The analysis provides policy-relevant information to address problems of racism and discrimination more effectively. [R, abr.] 57.7055 McDONALD, Michael D. ; MENDES, Silvia M. ; KIM Myung- hee — Cross-temporal and cross-national comparisons of party left-right positions. Electoral Studies 26(1), March 2007 : 62-75. We investigate the cross-time and cross-nation comparability of party left-right position measurements by expert surveys and the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP). While expert surveys show party left-right positions to be mostly static, we find the CMP records systematic party movements for one-third of the parties analyzed. On the issue of cross- national comparability, we find cross-national variation in expert surveys is muted. They contain little more than the variation associated with reputations based on party-family affiliation. The CMP measurements, on the other hand, contain variation attributable to national party-system differences. We conclude with thoughts about why all of this is so and about how one might navigate the expert survey limitations depending on the question one wants to answer about democratic politics and policy- making. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7048] 57.7056 McDONALD, Patrick J. — The purse strings of peace. American Journal of Political Science 51(3), July 2007 : 569- 582. This article examines how commerce promotes peace between states. It diverges from the commercial peace literature and its predominant focus on international trade by looking inside the domestic economy to see how its structure influences conflict. Drawing on selectorate theory, I argue that substantial quantities of public property generate fiscal auton- omy for governments, strengthen their hold on the domestic reigns of power, and create opportunities to pursue more aggressive foreign policies. A series of statistical tests shows that greater quantities of publicly held assets increase the likelihood that a state will participate in military conflict. Given that the predominance of privately held property is one of the defining institutions of capitalism, these results support the claim that capitalism promotes peace. [R] 57.7057 McGANN, Anthony J. — Social choice and comparing legislatures: constitutional versus institutional con- straints. Journal of Legislative Studies 12(3-4), Sept.-Dec. 2006 : 443-461. There are two `institutionalist` literatures that seek to explain legislative behavior. (1) There is the macro `patterns of democracy` literature that explains outcomes in terms of constitutional constraints. (2) There is a micro `industrial organization of legislatures` literature that explains outcomes in terms of internal legislative rules. I argue that constitutional rules are powerful constraints on outcomes that can be bargained, while internal rules are endogenous. Neither of these literatures deals with the 726 question of which legislatures are `strong` in the law-making sense. This question, indeed, is [poorly] framed, as it makes little sense to treat a legislature as a unitary agent. In particular, the common belief that the US Congress is a strong law-making legislature is mistaken. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6889] 57.7058 McGRAW, Kathleen M. ; DOLAN, Thomas M. — Personify- ing the state: consequences for attitude formation. Politi- cal Psychology 28(3), June 2007 : 299-327. In this experiment, we investigate how various ways of embodying the state influence attitude-formation processes. Drawing on the on- line/memory-based processing and entitativity literatures, we hypothe- size that personification of the state should facilitate on-line processing and stronger attitudes, whereas embodying the state as a parliamentary institution should produce weaker attitudes that are formed in a memory- based fashion. The results support these hypotheses. Embodiment as a social group produced inconsistent results. This study provides the first systematic evidence that the widespread practice of personification of the state has robust and potentially far-reaching attitudinal conse- quences that have meaningful implications for strategic interaction, perception and learning, and attitude-change in the international realm. [R, abr.] 57.7059 McMAHAN, Jeff — On the moral equality of combatants. Journal of Political Philosophy 14(4), Dec. 2006 : 377-393. Contemporary just war theory principles that make no distinction be- tween soldiers whose war is just and those whose war is unjust must be rejected. Soldiers should not be trained that all that is required of them is to obey orders and conduct themselves honorably in the battlefield or that the responsibility for their actions is not theirs, but that of their superiors. Military personnel are at the greatest risk of being used for wrongdoing and injustice; their vocation is not only morally important, but also morally perilous. They should be trained for combat, but also for the exercise of moral and political judgment. To this end, combatants must no longer be treated as instruments, but instead as morally autonomous beings responsible for their actions. 57.7060 MEDINA DE SOUZA, Igor Abdalla — Dom Quixote reen- contra Sancho Pança — relações internacionais e direito internacional antes, durante e depois da Guerra Fria (Don Quixote meets again Sancho Panza — international relations and international law before, during and after the Cold War). Contexto internacional 28(1), Jan.-June 2006 : 101-166. This article deals with the relation between the disciplines of International Relations and International Law from a historical perspective. The con- ventional conceptions about the main theories of International Relations — realism and liberalism — are discussed and presented in a new light. Liberalism is conceived in the context of the convergence of international politics scholars and international lawyers until the development of a skeptical view in the field of International Law, responsible for the emer- gence of realism in International Relations. The post-Cold War interdisci- plinary debate is focused on three theories: institutionalism, liberalism and constructivism. Constructivism is better able to develop a deeper cooperation between international politics scholars and international lawyers, because of the connections between constructivism and critical theory. [R, abr.] 57.7061 MELANDER, Erik ; ÖBERG, Magnus — The threat of vio- lence and forced migration: geographical scope trumps intensity of fighting. Civil Wars 9(2), June 2007 : 156-173. Civil war and other forms of generalized violence have been identified as the main determinants of forced migration. Yet, large variations across armed conflicts have not been accounted for. This article examines new measures of armed conflict that indicate the magnitude and scope of fighting. We find that the geographical scope of fighting and the extent to which urban centers are affected determine a significant portion of the variation in the expected number of forced migrants across conflicts. Contrary to our expectations, our results show that the intensity of the armed conflict is not significantly related to the number of forced mi- grants. These findings suggest that the threat perceived by potential forced migrants is more related to where the fighting is taking place, than to the overall intensity of the fighting. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7112] 57.7062 MENGAL, Paul — Néoliberalisme et psychologie beha- vioriste (Neoliberalism and behaviorist psychology). Rai- sons politiques 25, Feb. 2007 : 15-30. [Résumé en français] This article explores the relationship between neoliberalism and behav- iorist psychology. It was the Utilitarians who laid the foundations for the liberal economy and a new psychology that presents the individual as the product of interaction with his environment. By progressively incorporat- ing the contributions of Darwinian evolutionism, this behaviorist school eventually became the reigning paradigm of American psychology. J. Watson and, above all, B.F. Skinner gave this school, by turns, an educational and re-educational orientation. By demonstrating through experiments the superiority of positive reinforcement to punitive systems, they developed a technology of behavioral control. What this conception of psychology has in common with contemporary neoliberalism is an ideology of social control based on the necessary rationality of human behavior and on consumption as the main positive reinforcement system. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on `Politics and psychology`, edited and introduced, pp. 5-13, by Franck CHAUMON and Frédéric GROS. See also Abstr. 57.7185] 57.7063 MERCIER, Arnaud — Logiques journalistiques et lecture événementielle des faits d'actualité (Journalistic logic and event reading of current news). Hermès 46, 2006 : 23- 35. [Résumé en français] The use of the term `event` covers several realities. This article confronts the its by the medias make with what social sciences researchers retain. For journalists, an event is a remarkable fact deserving a special treat- ment which emphasizes it. For the social sciences, it is a phenomenon lived as a rupture by a collectivity, and which thus engages a search for intelligibility. Are these two logics necessarily brought to meet? Are all events recognized and dealt with as events by the media? This article seeks to determine the conditions of media emergence of an event on the international scale, which we call the event reading of facts. Four conditions are retained: emotional intensity; access to the field and existence of social actors able to provide an eventful interpretation; the possibility of cultural recoding of the facts; the degree of competition with other facts eligible to event status. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6888] 57.7064 MERRILL, Samuel, III ; ADAMS, James — The effects of alternative power-sharing arrangements: do “moderat- ing” institutions moderate party strategies and govern- ment policy outputs? Public Choice 131(3-4), 2007 : 413- 434. There exists little research that evaluates whether consensual institutions promote moderation in parties' policy declarations. We develop a multi- party spatial model with policy-seeking parties operating under propor- tional representation, in which we vary the extent to which government policies reflect power-sharing among all parties as opposed to being determined by a single party. We determine parties' optimal (Nash equilibrium) policy positions and conclude that power-sharing does not typically motivate parties to moderate their policy declarations; in fact, policy positioning under power-sharing appears to be similar to or more extreme than under single-party dominance. Consistent with previous research, however, we find that power-sharing does promote moderation in government policy outputs. Our results have implications for parties' election strategies, for the design of political institutions, and for repre- sentative government. [R, abr.] 57.7065 MESZAROS, Thomas — Un apport philosophique mar- ginalisé. Le concept de société internationale chez Panayis Papaligouras (A marginalized philosophical con- tribution: Panayis Papaligouras' concept of international society). Études internationales 38(1), March 2007 : 87-109. [Résumé en français] I treat the question of the state of nature from the philosophical point of view and present the outcome of P. Papaligouras's thought. In his 1941 PhD thesis, he developed a methodological approach, inspired by Kan- tian philosophy, which constitutes a critical approach of the theory of social formalism, [which] enables us to determine the conception of the state of nature implicitly developed by Papaligouras. The definitions of the concepts of homogeneity and heterogeneity in international societies start from a particular conception of the state of nature, which stems from his theoretical approach. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6980] 57.7066 MINKKINEN, Panu — The ethos of sovereignty: a critical appraisal. Human Rights Review 8(2), Jan.-March 2007 : 33- 51. The article identifies a fundamental paradox between the classical Westphalian notion of state sovereignty and human rights. In a contem- porary understanding of sovereignty, the responsibility of a state to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms is a constituent ingredi- ent of the state itself. The conditional membership in the `family of nations` involves a contradiction: a sovereign state must act in a `digni- fied` manner, it must use its sovereignty with `restraint` by respecting the human rights and fundamental freedoms of its citizens, i.e., it must employ its sovereignty in a non-sovereign way. This restriction of sover- eignty, addressed as `ethical sovereignty`, becomes a constitutive element in a post-Westphalian state and a central ingredient in the contemporary doctrine of humanitarian intervention. [R, abr.] 57.7067 MOGHADAM, Assaf — Suicide terrorism, occupation, and the globalization of martyrdom: a critique of Dying to Win. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 29(8), Dec. 2006 : 707-729. This article offers a three-pronged critique of R. A. Pape's book Dying to Win [Chicago, 2005]. It first highlights problems related to the book's 727 definition of key concepts, its assessment of existing research on suicide terrorism, and its presentation of data. The next section challenges the book's argument that suicide attacks have a high success rate of 54 percent. The last section argues that Pape exaggerates the link between occupation and suicide terrorism, especially with regard to the case of Al Qaeda. A distinction between traditional (localized) and contemporary (globalized) patterns of suicide attacks is introduced. The occupation thesis may help explain the traditional (localized) pattern of suicide attacks, but falls short of illuminating the causes of the contemporary `globalization of martyrdom`. [R, abr.] 57.7068 MOLIER, Gelijn — Humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect after 9/11 [2001]. Netherlands In- ternational Law Review 53(1), 2006 : 37-62. The article [examines the] consequences of the war on terrorism on the practice of and thinking about humanitarian intervention. The discussions about the legality and legitimacy of humanitarian intervention reached their peak after the NATO bombardments against Yugoslavia to protect the Albanians in Kosovo in 1999. The terrorist attacks of 9/11 [2001], which led to the war on terrorism, however, changed the focus of atten- tion. The central question for international lawyers is whether the use of force in anticipatory self-defense is allowed under international law in view of new security threats. After describing humanitarian intervention after the end of the Cold War, the impact of the war on terrorism on the protection of human rights is analyzed. [R, abr.] 57.7069 MOORE, Phoebe — Global knowledge capitalism, self- woven safety nets, and the crisis of employability. Global Society 20(4), Oct. 2006 : 453-473. In a developed, post-industrial global economy, management has begun to view workers as dynamic individuals with the capacity for symbolic reasoning, intelligence, independently generated ideas, and even the desire to work for the sake of self-fulfillment. The Fordist workplace was expected to [fade] and organizations were to become `learning organiza- tions` rather than the hierarchical workfloors of the manufacturing age. Nevertheless, rather than [obtaining] freedom from the iron cage of capitalism, workers face a contemporary form of coercion that substitutes political representation with a set of expectations and limitations in- tended, ironically, to result in workplace emancipation. Emphasis on employability of individuals through workers' creation of self-woven safety nets demonstrates an elite-led project to reduce government responsibility for employment welfare. The article looks at the case of education policy in South Korea after the economic crisis of 1997. [R, abr.] 57.7070 MORGENSTERN, Scott — Grupos organizados y partidos desorganizados. Incentivos electorales en Uruguay (Or- ganized groups and disorganized parties. Electoral in- centives in Uruguay). América latina hoy 29, Dec. 2001 : 109-131. This paper extends the study of party organization and legislative voting to factionalized party systems. After developing a typology of factional types, it argues that hierarchically organized factions respond to a com- petitive incentive system. Factions have interests that push them to work together for the good of the party, but at the same time they have inter- ests in distinguishing themselves for electoral purposes. Further, the electoral cycle drives the weights of these competing pressures, leading factional cooperation to break down as elections near. These patterns and incentives are particularly evident in Uruguay, and the paper uses roll-call data from that country's legislature to test the propositions. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7553] 57.7071 MORRISON, Kevin M. — Natural resources, aid, and democratization: a best-case scenario. Public Choice 131(3-4), 2007 : 365-386. Natural resources and aid give dictators revenue to maintain power. Attempts are being made, therefore, to funnel these resources away from non-democratic governments and toward their citizens. Using formal analysis and building on existing theories of democratization, I analyze the effects of such institutional solutions when they function perfectly (the best-case scenario). The models show that even with institutional safeguards, these resources diminish chances for democra- tization. In addition to their practical importance, the results have an important theoretical implication: the political resource curse may not be due to dictators' use of these resources, but simply to their existence in non-democracies. [R] 57.7072 MOYNIHAN, Donald P. — Ambiguity in policy lessons: the agencification experience. Public Administration 84(4), 2006 : 1029-1050. The policy-transfer literature identifies the importance of context in shaping policy-selection. However, countries with distinctly different contexts are pursuing the agencification of the public sector. Why? The solution to this puzzle lies in the ambiguity associated with public man- agement ideas, which allows policy-adopters room to interpret manage- ment doctrines and experience. The result is that public management ideas that carry the same identifying label can mask variation in the understanding of the policy, the motivation for adoption and in implemen- tation outcomes. The process of interpretation allows policy-makers in different contexts to: (1) adopt superficially similar policy concepts; (2) overlook negative experiential learning that contradicts the policy doc- trine; and (3) adopt policies unsuitable to the national context. [R] 57.7073 MUKHAMETDINOV, Mikhail — Mercosur and the Euro- pean Union: variation among the factors of regional co- hesion. Cooperation and Conflict 42(2), June 2007 : 207- 228. The EU and the Common Market of the South (Mercosur) are very different regions that have come to seemingly analogous compromises as far as the operation of their common markets is concerned. Like the EU, Mercosur confirms the textbook logic of integration development from a free trade area to a customs union and then to a common market. Does this mean that well-developed theories of European integration that emphasize certain properties of the European region are useless in explaining and predicting the Mercosur process? This article proposes a framework for comparison of the two blocs that uses selected theories of European integration: neofunctionalism, liberal inter-governmentalism, social constructivism and neo-realism. The framework is applied to the examination of intra-regional cohesion of the two interstate cooperative groups. [R, abr.] 57.7074 MUNCK, Gerardo L. — Monitoreando la democracia : profundizando un consenso emergente (Monitoring de- mocracy: deepening an emergent consensus). Revista de Ciencia política 26(1), 2006 : 158-168. This paper considers efforts to monitor democracy and addresses four questions: (1) why should democracy be monitored? (2) who are the monitors? (3) what is to be monitored? (4) how is the monitoring to be conducted? It first highlights and articulates an emerging consensus regarding the monitoring of democracy. The discussion then turns to a set of new challenges that remain to be met. It focuses on the challenges of balancing multiple political values, bringing politicians and researchers together, integrating monitoring efforts, and resolving measurement problems. Emphasis is placed on the importance of tackling these com- plex issues and hence on deepening the consensus that has emerged regarding the monitoring of democracy. [R] 57.7075 NEVERS, Renee de — Imposing international norms: great powers and norm enforcement. International Studies Review 9(1), Spring 2007 : 53-80. When great powers seek to promote new norms, they coerce the weak; persuasion is saved for the strong. The interaction of two factors — the standing of the target state in the international society of states and its power relative to the norm-promoting great power — helps to explain the use, or non-use, of force by great powers seeking to promote norms. The cases of the slave trade, piracy, and state sponsorship of terrorism are examined to evaluate how the attributes of norm-violating states affect the likelihood that great powers will intervene to encourage states to adopt new norms. Power appears to be the best defense against being targeted by a great power seeking to promote norm-change, but good standing in the international society of states is an important deterrent against intervention. [R, abr.] 57.7076 NEWMAN, Edward — Exploring the `root causes` of terrorism. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 29(8), Dec. 2006 : 749-772. This article clarifies what is meant by `root causes` and considers if their analysis helps to explain and describe how, where, and why terrorism occurs. It delineates `root causes` into qualitative and quantitative vari- ables that can be empirically tested in relation to contemporary terrorist activity. In so doing, it considers the relative merits of different method- ologies for approaching `root causes`. Indirect and underlying sources of conflict are significant to understanding specific incidents of terrorism and certain categories of terrorism; `root causes` are less helpful in describing and explaining terrorism as a general phenomenon; and root causes are of analytical use only in conjunction with precipitant factors. [R] 57.7077 O'CALLAGHAN, Terry — Disciplining multinational enter- prises: the regulatory power of reputation risk. Global Society 21(1), Jan. 2007 : 95-117. A good corporate reputation has become an increasingly valuable com- modity to large global corporations, or multinational enterprises (MNEs). This is reflected in the explosion of literature on the subject in the last few years and the extraordinary growth in risk-management practices geared towards the protection of corporate reputations and the man- agement of shareholder value. In part it is an initiative forced upon MNEs by political and social activists demanding socially responsible conduct by MNEs, but it is also one that has increasingly come to frame and instantiate norms of corporate conduct. Consequently, we should not 728 focus on traditional forms of state-regulatory capacity as the only me- dium able to discipline MNEs. Corporate reputation is beginning to function as a market mechanism constraining MNE activities and produc- ing socially desirable outcomes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7003] 57.7078 O'NEILL, Jeffrey C. — Choosing a runoff election thresh- old. Public Choice 131(3-4), 2007 : 351-364. This paper investigates when a runoff election is desirable and when a plurality result is good enough. A runoff election increases the likelihood that the Condorcet winner will be elected but also entails additional costs. The metric for determining whether a runoff election is desirable will be the probability that the winner of the plurality election would win an ensuing runoff. Statistical models of voter behavior are developed that estimate this probability, which are verified with runoff-election data from US elections. The models allow governments to make more informed choices in creating rules to decide when to hold runoff elections. [R] 57.7079 O'SULLIVAN, Siobhan — Advocating for animals equally from within a liberal paradigm. Environmental Politics 16(1), Feb. 2007 : 1-14. Orthodox liberal thought rejects the notion that (some) non-human animals should be allocated justice on the same basis as humans. Extending human protection to animals would break down the hu- man/animal divide. However, the application of one set of standards to humans and another to animals is not the only way in which current animal protection trends harm animals. Even within the group “non- human animal”, different standards are applied. Inconsistencies mean that animal-protection legislation safeguards some animals more strongly than others. Given that, this article asserts that if animal protection theorists wish to advocate positively on behalf of animals, without offend- ing those who subscribe to a mainstream liberal point of view, a way forward is to address inconsistencies between different types of animals, and not challenge inconsistencies between humans and animals. [R, abr.] 57.7080 OELSNER, Andrea — Friendship, mutual trust and the evolution of regional peace in the international system. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philoso- phy 10(2), June 2007 : 257-279. IR scholars have been reluctant to engage with questions of friendship in the international system. However, over the last six decades, some regions have overcome the security dilemma and states have con- structed peaceful relationships based on mutual trust and confidence, resembling friendship at the interstate level. Building upon securitization theory, this essay distinguishes between different perceptions that states may have of their own security, and links them with different types of regional peace. It proposes a two-phase process whereby relationships may move from negative to positive peace, suggesting different mecha- nisms for each phase. It illustrates this model by examining the Argen- tine-Brazilian détente of the late 1970s and the determination to build a zone of positive peace in Latin America's Southern Cone. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7021] 57.7081 OMORI, Sawa — Exploring political determinants of the magnitude of financial reforms in developing countries. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 7(2), 2007 : 251- 275. This paper explores empirically political determinants of the magnitude of financial reforms, namely, under which conditions a country is more likely to choose a `big-bang` type of financial reform versus a gradual financial reform. Especially, how the IMF's effect on the magnitude of financial reforms is conditioned by political institutions is quantitatively examined using 30 developing countries' data from 1973 to 2002. Results demon- strate that the IMF's effect on facilitating a big-bang type of financial reforms is contingent upon the number of veto-players in the case of a democratic government. Also, a non-democratic government is more likely to engage in big-bang type of financial reforms than a democratic government, holding other conditions constant. [R] 57.7082 OSTERHOLM, Michael T. — Unprepared for a pandemic. Foreign Affairs 86(2), March-Apr. 2007 : 47-57. The need to prepare for an influenza pandemic has not yet sunk in, partly because disaster has not yet struck. But that good news could turn into very bad news if it leads to slacking off on necessary preparations today: although no one can predict when or how, a pandemic will occur for sure, and it will have implications far beyond its toll on human health. [R] 57.7083 PAGE, Edward A. — Intergenerational justice of what: welfare, resources or capabilities? Environmental Politics 16(3), June 2007 : 453-469. An important aspect of intergenerational justice concerns the specifica- tion of a `currency of advantage` that can be used to evaluate distributive outcomes across time. Environmental theorists have introduced several innovative currencies of justice in recent years, such as ecological space and critical natural capital. However, they have often downplayed the application of established currencies (such as welfare, resources or capabilities) to issues of futurity. After exploring the merits of a number of rival currencies, it is argued that the currency of `capabilities to function` provides a promising basis for a theory of justice that takes seriously the rights and duties of intergenerational justice. [R] 57.7084 PALMER, Michael — Nommer les nouvelles du monde (Naming international news). Hermès 46, 2006 : 47-56. [Résumé en français] For about a decade, the International Press Telecommunications Coun- cil, whose members include transnational media corporations and inter- national news agencies, has developed new taxinomies of news; the aim is to have hypertext mark up languages with categories of news informa- tion and related data (and metadata) intelligible to both computers and `human agents`, i.e. journalists. A case study (the coverage of the 2006 death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in Iraq) is used to exemplify some of the issues involved. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6888] 57.7085 PAPADOPOULOS, Yannis — Problems of democratic accountability in network and multilevel governance. European Law Journal 13(4), July 2007 : 469-486. Most studies converge on the growth of processes of `multilevel govern- ance` (MLG) in policy-making, related to the often combined trends towards supranationalism and regionalism. Such processes are usually analyzed under the angle of their efficiency, while their impact on the quality of democracy is neglected. This article first defines the concepts of multilevel governance and accountability, and then identifies the various dimensions of the latter. It argues that MLG generates novel forms of accountability, but undermines its democratic dimension mainly [due to] the weak visibility of MLG networks, their selective composition and the prevalence of peer over public forms of accountability. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7660] 57.7086 PATTY, John W. ; WEBER, Roberto A. — Letting the good times roll: a theory of voter inference and experimental evidence. Public Choice 130(3-4), 2007 : 293-310. This paper examines inference and attribution in a simple and ubiquitous strategic situation: a voter is faced with discerning whether a leader worked on his or her behalf after observing an informative, but noisy signal about the leader's performance. We characterize perfect Bayesian equilibria, quantal response equilibria (QRE), and provide a simple model of a heuristic-based approach, referred to as strategic naïveté, within a wide class of such environments. We also discuss experiments conducted to examine human behavior within such an environment. While it is clear that the observed behavior is inconsistent with perfect Bayesian equilibrium, distinguishing between QRE and “strategic na- ïveté” will require further work. We conclude with a discussion of the broader implications of probabilistic and/or heuristic-based attribution processes for electoral politics and political economy. [R, abr.] 57.7087 PERELLI, Carina — Reformas a los sistemas electorales : algunas reflexiones desde la práctica (Reforming elec- toral systems: a practitioner's reflections). Revista de Ciencia política 26(1), 2006 : 203-211. “Electoral engineering” is a set of technical tools for designing or reform- ing electoral systems to better adjust them to the evolving reality of a given country. Beyond design, however, there is a vast field composed of the implementation and the lessons learned from it. [This paper] high- lights some of the lessons the electoral community learned through concrete experiences of design and reform of electoral systems in conflict areas, and proposes some best practices to contribute to the current debate on electoral reform in Chile. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7324] 57.7088 PETERKOVÁ, Jana — Veřejná diplomatie — jen módní pojem nebo skutečná změna? (Public diplomacy: a buzzword or real change?). Mezinárodní Vztahy 41(3), 2006 : 83-99. The article introduces the phenomenon of public diplomacy, highlighting the key features of the concept, pointing out [why] public diplomacy is a relevant and legitimate segment of foreign policy. The article [reviews] the development of public diplomacy. The article also touches upon the relationship between public diplomacy and propaganda, branding, international cultural relations and traditional diplomacy. The author indicates effective public diplomacy strategies and pre-conditions for its further development. [R, abr.] 57.7089 POLISHCHUK, Leonid — Legal reforms and immature democracies: a developmental challenge the risk of insti- tutional imports. Romanian Journal of Political Science 2(2), Sept. 2002 : 27-32. In the last decade, the post-communist world was subject to various attempts to build institutions, largely by implanting with little adaptation 729 imports from the Western world. Most of the time, these well-intended efforts have failed, as we see in the case of Russia. It is about time the international assistance shifted its focus from the transfer of institutions to creating genuine domestic demand for them. Property rights are an area where such a shift would be welcome. [R] 57.7090 POLLETTA, Francesca ; LEE, John — Is telling stories good for democracy? Rhetoric in public deliberation af- ter 9/11 [2001]. American Sociological Review 71(5), Oct. 2006 : 699-723. This article develops a sociological perspective on the rhetorical condi- tions for good public deliberation, a topic of longstanding interest to scholars of the public sphere. The capacity of reason-giving, storytelling, and other rhetorical genres to foster deliberation depends on social conventions of the genre's use and popular beliefs about its credibility relative to other genres. Such beliefs are structured but contingently so: concerns about the generalizability of personal stories or the abstraction of logical arguments come into play on some occasions and not others. The authors appraise this argument by way of a systematic comparison of personal storytelling and reason-giving in public deliberation. Ordinary conventions of storytelling helped deliberators to identify their own preferences, demonstrate their appreciation of competing preferences, advance unfamiliar views, and reach areas of unanticipated agreement. [R, abr.] 57.7091 POOLE, Thomas — Tilting at windmills? Truth and illu- sion in [J. Griffith's] `The political constitution`. Modern Law Review 70(2), March 2007 : 250-277. Centering on J.G. Griffith's seminal article `The political constitution`, [ibid. 42(1), Jan. 1979; 1-21; Abstr. 29.3524] the analysis reveals a more complex and pessimistic thinker than the standard image of Benthamite radical would allow. The article then examines the cogency of Griffith's vision — particularly his thesis that rights discourse `corrupts` law and politics — against recent developments. It concludes by reflecting on Griffith's radical debunking style. [R] 57.7092 PRINCEN, Sebastiaan — Advocacy coalitions and the internationalization of public health policies. Journal of Public Policy 27(1), Jan.-Apr. 2007 : 13-33. This article looks at the impact of multilevel governance structures on state-society relations. Rather than focusing on relations between state actors and societal actors, it is more useful to look at shifts between competing advocacy coalitions in a given issue area. The impact of multilevel governance structures on domestic advocacy coalitions de- pends on the political opportunity structure provided at the international level, the types of policy outputs international institutions can deliver, and the extent to which members of an advocacy coalition have the organiza- tional capacities to be active at the international level. These factors are explored in two cases of public health policy: anti-smoking policy and alcoholism policy. Moreover, both cases show that multilevel governance structures offer better opportunities for challengers than for defenders of the domestic status quo. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6951] 57.7093 PROST, Yannick — Le Tiers-monde, la fin d'un acteur des relations internationales ? (Is the Third World still an ac- tor in international relations?). Revue internationale et stratégique 65, Spring 2007 : 22-35. [Résumé en français] The alliance of Third World countries has sought to influence the interna- tional balance of power since the 1960s, but it has been strongly weak- ened by successive failures, including lack of economic development. The convergence of the countries' interests has been jeopardized by globalization. Yet the South supported by sectors of Northern civil society world governance, accesses to international markets, intellectual prop- erty rights, etc. In recent years, however, the alliance served mainly the purposes of the emergent powers, the only ones to be accepted in the broader world governance directorate; the remaining countries are confined to a declaratory diplomacy, which strengthens the risk of a new radicalization of some of them. [R] 57.7094 QUENAULT, Béatrice — Les dangers de la libéralisation des échanges internationaux de services pour le développement durable (The dangers of the freeing of in- ternal service trade for sustainable development). Géo- économie 37, Spring 2006 : 85-114. This paper deals with the consequences of pursuing further international trade liberalization of services [with] the [goal] of sustainable develop- ment. The purpose is to appreciate the limits and the scope of the Gen- eral Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), negotiated within the WTO in order to evaluate the potential damages for public services. To reach sustainable development implies guaranteeing a better access of the poorest to essential services as defined by the UN's `Millennium Devel- opment Goals`. [R] 57.7095 QUESADA, Antonio — 1 dictator = 2 voters. Public Choice 130(3-4), 2007 : 395-400. For the case of strict preferences, a measure of a voter's average power in a dictatorial social welfare function is defined, making the dictator never have more average power than three voters and, as the number of voters grows, making the dictator's average power converge to the average power of two voters. This result suggests, as those in A. Tangian's conference paper (2004), that dictatorial social welfare functions might not be as undesirable aggregation rules as traditionally held. [R] 57.7096 RAMONEDA, Toni — Le sujet cosmopolite à la lumière des sciences de l'information et de la communication (The cosmopolitan subject from the perspective of com- munication studies). Études internationales 38(1), March 2007 : 51-69. [Résumé en français] From the point of view of research in the field of mass communication, the cosmopolitical question finds a broader importance, for it sets politics around two main relations: the relation between individuals and [groups] on the one hand, and the relation between local and global on the other hand. In J. Habermas's perspective, these relations can be transliterated into two main political axes: action and communication. This article distinguishes between both concepts, setting the basis for a cosmopoliti- cal conception of non-national institutions, from which the case of the war in Iraq can eventually be analyzed. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6980] 57.7097 RANCIÈRE, Jacques — Democracy, republic, representa- tion. Constellations 13(3), Sept. 2006 : 297-307. The author explores the fictitious separation between state and society that has underlain the identification of republicanism and democracy since the French Revolution. While republicanism seems to amplify politics, it actually seeks to translate politics into the political, the consti- tuted juridico-political sphere. Democracy is the political action of the people, the contestatory process by which they counteract the privatiza- tion of the public sphere. By bringing to the fore the excess and impurity of democratic politics, the author sets it against oligarchic tendencies in the private realm as well as elitist usurpations in the official public realm. [R] 57.7098 REBELO, José — Le temps et le mode de l'événement circulant (The time and mode of circulating events). Her- mès 46, 2006 : 57-66. [Résumé en français] The author outlines the definition of the concept of “event” and deals with the various aspects of the international coverage of events. Regarding the impact of new technologies on the media, he analyzes the role of the new online “captors” of information and their impact on the coherence of the media. The author suggests the possibility of a reinforcement of reception as a locus of production of meaning. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6888] 57.7099 REDDY, Sanjay G. — Counting the poor: the truth about world poverty statistics. Socialist Register 2006 : 169-178. Global poverty estimates are crucial in assessing the state of the world and the appropriateness of policies currently being followed by states and international institutions. The strenuous debate in the last four years concerning the World Bank's global poverty estimates is especially important in the context of the Millennium Development Goals adopted by the UN. Criticism has focused on specific methodologies and their effect on poverty-reduction assessments. Confusion is deep-seated and ultimately rooted in the lack of transparency and accountability of interna- tional institutions. Economic statistics are too important to be left to economists, and activists must become familiar with data-production in order to hold the producers appropriately accountable, and suitable international protocols for poverty-line construction, survey-design and - analysis must become a priority. [See Abstr. 57.7036] 57.7100 REISMAN, W. Michael ; ARMSTRONG, Andrea — The past and future of the claim of preemptive self-defense. American Journal of International Law 100(3), July 2006 : 525-550. The claim to pre-emptive self-defense goes beyond anticipatory self- defense in claiming to use unilaterally, without prior international authori- zation, high levels of violence to arrest an incipient development that is neither operational nor directly threatening. The US may now have retreated from its 2002 broad claim to pre-emption while other states (including some with nuclear weapons) have adopted it as their own, usually with respect to ill-defined `terrorists` and `terrorist actions`. This mimetic dynamic may accelerate the drift away from the strict formulation of Article 51 of the UN Charter with only limited gains for self-defense but potentially grave consequences for both the expectation and eventuation of international violence. [A] 57.7101 RICE, James Mahmud ; GOODIN, Robert E. ; PARPO, Antti — The temporal welfare state: a crossnational compari- son. Journal of Public Policy 26(3), Sept.-Dec. 2006 : 195- 228. 730 Using income and time-use surveys from five countries (the US, Austra- lia, Germany, France, and Sweden) that represent the principal types of welfare and gender regimes, we propose ways of operationalizing the time that is strictly necessary for people to spend in paid labor, unpaid household labor, and personal care. The time people have at their disposal after taking into account what is strictly necessary in these three arenas — which we christen discretionary time — represents people's temporal autonomy. We measure the impact on this of government taxes, transfers, and child-care subsidies in these five countries. In so doing, we calibrate the contributions of the different welfare and gender regimes that exist in these countries, in ways that correspond to the lived reality of people's daily lives. [R, abr.] 57.7102 RICHARDSON, James T. — The sociology of religious freedom: a structural and socio-legal analysis. Sociology of Religion 67(3), Fall 2006 : 271-294. This paper offers a structural and socio-legal analysis that examines historical, sociological, and cultural factors that have given rise to and promoted the idea of religious freedom in modern human societies. The effort involves an integration of research from the sociology of new and minority religions with theoretical ideas from the sociology of religion and the sociology of law. The relationship of pluralism to religious freedom is examined, as is how the pervasiveness, centralization, autonomy, type (adversarial vs. inquisitorial), and discretion of legal and judicial systems impact religious freedom. The application of key concepts from the work of D. Black, including status, intimacy, and third-party partisanship seem especially useful. [R, abr.] 57.7103 RICHMOND, Oliver P. — Patterns of peace. Global Society 20(4), Oct. 2006 : 367-394. Different strategies are used to conceptualize peace in the literature on IR, peace and conflict studies. These have included strategies based upon the notion that peace is geographically contained, and constructed by race, identity, ideology, or power, and has universal qualities, al- though it is also utopian and unlikely to be fully achieved. What has developed more recently in the relevant literature is a hybrid version of peace: the liberal peace. This is universal, attainable, and dependent upon a specific methodology. This essay outlines the main discursive characteristics associated with peace, and with the emergence of the concept of the liberal peace. It outlines the patterns of thought prevalent in the conceptualization of peace, and their ontological and epistemo- logical implications in the context of the liberal peace framework. [R] 57.7104 RIPSMAN, Norrin M. — Peacemaking and democratic peace theory: public opinion as an obstacle to peace in post-conflict situations. Democracy and Security 3(1), 2007 : 89-113. Democratic peace theory rests on several assumptions. Structural variants assume that, in all states, the public is more peaceful than its leaders and that, in democratic states, institutional checks and balances restrain bellicose leaders. These assumptions are challenged, however, by the experience of post-conflict peacemaking by democratic states. When negotiating peace, public opinion tends to be more bellicose than its leaders, even when the former enemy has become either democratic or quasi-democratic. This paper examines the post-war peace processes between France and Germany from 1949-1954 and between Israel and the Palestinian Authority since 1992. The logic of democratic peace theory might apply to states with no past history of war, but not to states which have recently been to war. [R, abr.] 57.7105 RIVERA URRUTIA, Eugenio — Concepto y problemas de la construcción del gobierno electrónico (Concept and problems of electronic government construction. A sur- vey of the literature). Gestión y Política pública 15(2), 2006 : 259-305. The incorporation of information technologies in public management raises very different challenges compared to those confronted by the private sector. Web sites, fundamental parts of electronic government, reshape in a substantial manner the links between the state and the citizens and the users of public services. However, the progression of the web sites from information mechanisms to complex transactional portals requires a deep internal transformation of the governmental agencies, that includes a broad modification of its regulatory and legal frame, process reengineering, a transition from the traditional modalities of the bureaucracy towards `virtual bureaucracy`, and even a progressive blurring of the institutional borders and the appearance of virtual agen- cies. The construction of digital government represents a paramount effort of institutional innovation and transformation ol public organiza- tions. [R, abr.] 57.7106 ROBST, John ; POLACHEK, Solomon ; CHANG Yuan-Ching — Geographic proximity, trade, and international con- flict/cooperation. Conflict Management and Peace Science 24(1), Spring 2007 : 1-24. This article examines the interactive effect of distance and trade on international conflict and cooperation. The effect of geographic distance depends on trade, while the effect of trade varies with geographic dis- tance. Trade reduces conflict to a greater extent when dyads are geo- graphically close, but has a greater effect on cooperation when countries are more distant. Geographic proximity increases conflict and coopera- tion more among non-trading dyads. [R] 57.7107 ROSANVALLON, Pierre — Democracia y desconfianza (Democracy and distrust). Revista de Estudios políticos 134, Dec. 2006 : 219-237. In recent decades, political scientists have increasingly turned their attention to the erosion of citizens' confidence in their democratic leaders and institutions. But while citizens may be increasingly skeptical of ballot boxes, they have not become merely passive citizens; we are witnessing a increase in street demonstrations, mobilization on the internet, and other forms of active contestation. In order to understand the contempo- rary Janus-faced citizen, the article considers the mechanisms used to institutionalize public confidence and the social expression of distrust as two distinct spheres and moments in the history of democracy. Electoral representation is consonant with the first dimension and form most often studied, while the second has never been explored systematically. The article uncovers that dimension by proposing a history and theory of the structural role of distrust in democracy. This perspective shift offers an introduction to the world of `counter-democracy` by analyzing a series of practices — surveillance, prevention, and judgment — and suggesting that is through these practices that society may exert pressure and correction. [R] [See also Abstr. 57.7203] 57.7108 ROSS, Robert S. — Balance of power politics and the rise of China: accommodation and balancing in East Asia. Security Studies 15(3), July-Sept. 2006 : 355-395. Realists agree that great powers balance the military power of rising powers, but there is little agreement regarding secondary-state re- sponses to rising powers. (1) There are differences regarding whether secondary states balance or accommodate rising powers. (2) There are differences among realists regarding the distinct roles of economic and military factors in secondary-state alignment policies. (2) Some scholars argue that state alignments are not necessarily determined by realist variables, but can reflect preferences shaped by intentions, historical experiences, or cultural influences. This paper addresses these issues in balance-of-power theory. Its empirical focus is the impact of the rise of China on secondary-state alignments in East Asia. [R, abr.] 57.7109 ROY, Abhik Guha — The blurring lines of law and society. World Affairs (New Delhi) 10(3), Autumn 2006 : 30-35. In a global system in which economic liberalism reigns supreme, law can become only an instrument to facilitate trade, as the internationalization of intellectual property rights shows. The legal system is increasingly used in the service of dominant business interests at the expense of true social justice. Will this evolution of legal concepts lead to a worldwide revolt against the contemporary notion of law? [R] [See Abstr. 57.6974] 57.7110 RUMMENS, Stefan — The co-originality of private and public autonomy in deliberative democracy. Journal of Political Philosophy 14(4), Dec. 2006 : 469-481. Co-originality is essential for a proper understanding of the deliberative model of democracy. Moral deliberation needs to be understood as a typically modern practice in which traditional sources of moral authority are replaced by the authority of moral agents engaged in moral delibera- tion. This practice presupposes the co-original recognition of moral and individual autonomy. From within the deliberative paradigm, both the refusal to engage in deliberation and/or the silencing of the voice of the Other is seen as a lack of recognition and as a moral injury. A moral reconstruction of the system of rights can be successful only if it refers to the moral presuppositions of the practice of moral deliberation. [See also Abstr. 57.7012] 57.7111 SAGALYN, Lynne B. — Public/private development: lessons from history, research, and practice. Journal of the American Planning Association 73(1), Winter 2007 : 7-22. Public/private partnerships have become a favored strategy for imple- menting complex urban developments in the US and Western Europe, but the large volume of literature on the topic falls short of providing city planners, development experts, and policy analysts the knowledge needed for either teaching or practice. Academic literature from abroad has used inventive means to analyze public/private developments and generalize about their impacts and significance. I synthesize the case- based research on public/private development projects to extract insights and lessons for planning, deal-making, and performance, recommending additional research most needed. [R, abr.] 57.7112 SALEHYAN, Idean — Refugees and the study of civil war. Civil Wars 9(2), June 2007 : 127-141. This introduction examines the current literature on refugees and civil conflict. Rather than treating refugees as the unfortunate victims of 731 conflict and the by-product of war, recent literature places forced migra- tion squarely within the study of political violence. While humanitarian issues are certainly significant, refugees are also important political actors who play an active part in conflict dynamics. Three themes are considered here: conflict as a cause of forced migration, forced migration as a cause of conflict, and policy responses to refugee flows. This contri- bution also outlines promising areas for future research and introduces the articles in this special issue. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on `Forced migration and civil war`, edited by the author and Karl DeR- OUEN, Jr. See also Abstr. 57.7038, 7061, 7123, 8031, 8056] 57.7113 SALEHYAN, Idean — Transnational rebels: neighboring states as sanctuary for rebel groups. World Politics 59(2), Jan. 2007 : 217-242. To what extent do international factors affect domestic conflict proc- esses? How do external conditions affect the state's repressive capabili- ties and the opportunities for opposition groups to mobilize, launch an insurgency, and sustain it? Because state strength is limited by interna- tional boundaries, rebel groups often organize transnationally in order to evade repression. External bases, refugee communities, and character- istics of neighboring states are expected to increase the likelihood of civil war onset and continuation. Importantly, external mobilization is difficult for states to monitor and verify, a factor that exacerbates bargaining problems and increases the probability of armed conflict. These claims are tested through a quantitative analysis of civil conflicts from 1951 to 1999. [R, abr.] 57.7114 SANDOLE, Dennis J. D. — Traditional `realism` versus the `new` realism, and the elusive `paradigm shift`. Global Society 20(4), Oct. 2006 : 543-562. Review essay of John W. Burton, Conflict Prevention [New York, 1990]. 57.7115 SANNERHOLM, Richard — Legal, judicial and administra- tive reforms in post-conflict societies: beyond the rule of law template. Journal of Conflict and Security Law 12(1), Spring 2007 : 65-93. A common position adopted by the international community is that establishing the rule of law after violent internal conflict is an essential prerequisite in the transition from war to peace. Rarely is rule of law acknowledged in relation to administrative law, public governance and economic management. But, a new trend is now vaguely discernible in the practice of the international actors involved in rebuilding war- shattered societies that gives priority to the rule of law in relation to public sector reform. Liberia provides, in this regard, an illustrative example through the agreement between the Transitional National Government of Liberia and donor agencies, where international experts will have co-signing authority over a number of budgetary issues, and where national judicial institutions will be strengthened in order to combat arbitrary governance and corruption. [R, abr.] 57.7116 SARDAMOV, Ivelin — Burnt into the brain: towards a redefinition of political culture. Democratization 14(3), June 2007 : 407-424. The notion that human beings all over the world can be chiefly motivated by a desire for personal liberty seems a noble but hardly realistic ideal. Such motivation is fostered by processes of social modernization and individualization. These changes are linked not only to structural trans- formations and the spread of new values and ideas, but also to the gradual rewiring of the brains of individuals involved in them. New find- ings in neuroscience point to clear parallels between changes in social and personality structures (individualization, self-discipline, sense of agency, time-orientation, trust, and the like), and modified patterns of brain wiring in individuals. The cultural changes sometimes seen as a precondition for democratization and democratic consolidation are therefore likely to be slow and to escape deliberate political orchestra- tion. [R, abr.] 57.7117 SCHATZ, Robert T. ; LAVINE, Howard — Waving the flag: national symbolism, social identity, and political en- gagement. Political Psychology 28(3), June 2007 : 329-356. This research examined the psychological underpinnings of concern for national symbols and ritualistic-ceremonial activities or `symbolic in- volvement`. We propose and test a distinction between symbolic and `instrumental` involvement or concern for the functionality of national institutions and their capability to provide instrumental benefits to citi- zens. Items comprising the two constructs were found to be empirically distinct, evidenced by statistically reliable and orthogonal dimensions in exploratory factor-analysis. Moreover, evidence based on divergent patterns of relations with various forms of national membership indicates that symbolic and instrumental involvement are rooted in distinct motiva- tional concerns related to identity expression and object appraisal, respectively. These findings suggest that national symbolism evokes a psychological attachment to the nation as an abstracted social entity, but not as a concrete functional system. [R] 57.7118 SCHELL, Jonathan — Proliferation and possession, nonproliferation and disarmament. Peace Review 18(3), July-Sept. 2006 : 349-352. The author shows why, in the motivations for proliferation and nonproliferation, the degree of disarmament on the part of the major nuclear powers probably plays a decisive role. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7013] 57.7119 SCHMID, Alex P. — Root causes of terrorism: some conceptual notes, a set of indicators, and a model. De- mocracy and Security 1(2), 2005 : 127-136. The author presents a model built on the premise that many of the factors which give to more traditional forms of revolt are also present in the origin of terrorist campaigns. The choice of terrorism as a tactic as opposed to the choice of other tactics is based on factors like group size (small groups are more likely than very large ones to engage in terror- ism); group resources (e.g. access to guns and bomb-making material and availability of methods of delivery); receptivity of mass media to providing coverage to terrorists deeds; internal group dynamics within underground organization; relative strength compared to the political opponent and — last but not least — the group's ideology and the con- flict behavior of the opponent itself. [R] 57.7120 SCHMID, Alex P. — Terrorism as psychological warfare. Democracy and Security 1(2), 2005 : 137-146. If terrorism is a form of psychological warfare, we should be focusing as much if not more on countering the propaganda as we focus on prevent- ing and controlling terrorist violence. Ultimately, the fight against terror- ism can only be won if we manage to prevent young people from joining such organizations, if we manage to induce members of terrorist groups to leave their organizations and if we can make it clear to their leaders that their sympathizers issue communiqués and copious writings to explain and “justify” their deeds and win new adherents. This mixture of ideology, propaganda, and half-truths goes all too often consider coun- tering every terrorist propaganda statement with well-argued counter- statements, directed not necessarily at the terrorists themselves but at their constitutency and, above all, at those who are vulnerable to the terrorist temptation. The language of hate and violence needs to be answered by the language of reason and humanity — and deeds that match our words. [R] 57.7121 SCHMIDT, Manfred G. — Die Zukunft der Demokratie (The future of democracy). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 37(4), Dec. 2006 : 812-822. The prospects of democracies are discussed from the angle of an em- pirical comparative approach to democratic theory. In contrast to main- stream contributions which advance optimistic accounts of the capabili- ties and prospects of democracies, not only the strengths and advan- tages of democracies must be taken into consideration but also the structural weaknesses of democratic regimes. Even best-practice de- mocracies find themselves confronted with demanding challenges. These include a globalization-democracy dilemma, short-term decisions, reduced error-correcting capabilities, deficient recruitment of qualified political leaders, and the persistence of the Hobbesian problem of the `inconstancy of the many`. [R] 57.7122 SHAKUN, Melvin F. — ESD: a formal consciousness model for international negotiation. Group Decision and Negotiation 15(5), Sept. 2006 : 491-510. We develop the Evolutionary Systems Design (ESD) formal conscious- ness model for international negotiation extending the usual cognitive rationality of formal models to right rationality validated subjectively by cognition, affection, conation, holistically, and spiritually. Two subjective validation tests for right rationality are described. The purpose is to attain right negotiation agreements in international negotiation. Practice and computer implementation are discussed and applications presented. Though the ESD general formal mathematical model is an evolving difference game, in applying it to specific problems mathematical sym- bols are not normally used, relations between generally familiar sets of elements being expressed by tables (matrices). We believe that ESD can help close the gap between formal modeling and practice of international negotiation. [R] 57.7123 SHELLMAN, Stephen M. ; STEWART, Brandon M. — Pre- dicting risk factors associated with forced migration: an early warning model of Haitian flight. Civil Wars 9(2), June 2007 : 174-199. This study predicts forced migration events by predicting the civil vio- lence, poor economic conditions, and foreign interventions known to cause individuals to flee their homes in search of refuge. If we can predict forced migration, policy-makers can better plan for humanitarian crises. While the study is limited to predicting Haitian flight to the US, its strength is its ability to predict weekly flows as opposed to annual flows, providing a greater level of predictive detail than its `country-year` coun- terparts. We focus on Haiti given that it exhibits most, if not all, of the independent variables included in theories and models of forced migra- tion. Within our temporal domain (1994-2004), Haiti experienced eco- 732 nomic instability, low-intensity civil conflict, state repression, rebel dis- sent, and foreign intervention and influence. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7112] 57.7124 SHLAPENTOKH, Vladimir — Are today's authoritarian leaders doomed to be indicted when they leave office? The Russian and other post-Soviet cases. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39(4), Dec. 2006 : 447-473. The attitudes of leaders toward their personal future are very important to domestic and international politics. These views are particularly vital in the case of leaders of non-democratic regimes who could face legal prosecution for their corrupt acts or violations of human rights in their own country and abroad. Despite these fears, however, the leaders in many authoritarian societies trespass laws, both domestic and interna- tional, in order to preserve their power and enrich their families. They expose themselves to the danger of the prosecution after they leave office or lose control of the regime. In this context, the author pays special attention to V. Putin's political future and to the developments in Russia, which favor/disfavor his continued stay in power after 2008. [R] 57.7125 SIBLEY, Chris G. ; WILSON, Marc S. ; DUCKITT, John — Effects of dangerous and competitive worldviews on right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orien- tation over a five-month period. Political Psychology 28(3), June 2007 : 357-371. The cross-lagged effects of dangerous and competitive social worldviews on Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orienta- tion (SDO) were examined over a five-month period (N=165). Analyses indicated that the motivational goal for group-based dominance and superiority indexed by SDO changed as a function of the degree to which the social world was perceived as a competitive place characterized by inequality and resource-scarcity. The motivational goal for in-group conformity and collective security indexed by RWA, in contrast, changed as a function of the degree to which the social world was perceived as a dangerous and threatening place prone to high levels of crime and immoral behavior. These findings are consistent with the causal path- ways between social worldviews and ideological attitudes predicted by J. Duckitt's model of the dual motivational and cognitive processes underly- ing prejudice [“A competitive motivational theory of ideology and preju- dice” in M.P. Zanna, ed., Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, vol. 33, 2001: 41-113]. [R, abr.] 57.7126 SIMONET, Loïc — Les pipelines internationaux, vecteurs de prospérité, de puissance et de rivalités. Oléoducs et gazoducs dans la géopolitique et les relations interna- tionales (International pipelines, factors of prosperity, power and rivalries. Oil and gas pipelines in geopolitics and international relations). Revue internationale et straté- gique 65, Spring 2007 : 50-62. [Résumé en français] Pipelines are a new stake in international relations and geopolitics. The risks linked to the determination of their itineraries (armed conflicts, separatist threats, terrorist attacks) and the competition between hydro- carbons exporting countries hinder their construction. The blocking capacity of some transit states explains that some `energy crossroads` are being bypassed, as underlined by the future North-European gas pipeline. In the Caucasus-Central Asia region the stake of energy trans- port mobilizes the great powers' diplomacy: for Russia, the US, China, and the EU, oil and gas pipelines are guarantee of energy security, as well as means to achieve political influence and economic penetration. [R] 57.7127 SINAI, Joshua — A democratic approach to resolve terrorism's root causes. Democracy and Security 1(1), 2005 : 63-71. After analyzing the magnitude of the threat posed by a terrorist group against its adversary, the manifestations of the insurgency would then be hierarchically decomposed, or `drilled down`, into their underlying condi- tions, or root causes, for why such warfare is being waged. These under- lying causes would then be systematically mapped, so that in ideal cases this would generate the knowledge and insight on the part of govern- ments to formulate appropriate responses that would be most effective in terminating the terrorist insurgency, whether peacefully, militarily, by law- enforcement, or through a combination of these measures. However, without understanding how to utilize such a root causes-based concep- tual capability and tools, combating terrorism campaigns are likely to be ineffectual and terrorist insurgencies will become, due to lack of effective resolution, increasingly protracted and lethal in their warfare. [R, abr.] 57.7128 SIQUEIRA, Kevin ; SANDLER, Todd — Terrorists versus the government: strategic interaction, support, and sponsorship. Journal of Conflict Resolution 50(6), Dec. 2006 : 878-898. This article focuses on the strategic interaction between a terrorist group and a government as both vie for grassroots support. When terrorists and the government act contemporaneously, the equilibrium outcome depends on the effectiveness of the government's countermeasures and the ability of the government to curb popular support of the terrorists through public spending. In two alternative scenarios, the authors estab- lish that leadership may improve both adversaries' well-being while reducing terrorism. The leader changes in the two cases, with the weaker player going first to the advantage of both players. State spon- sorship and franchising of terrorists augment violence as both adversar- ies expend more effort. Sponsors can offset some strategic limits to violence that competition for supporters offers. [R] 57.7129 SMITH, Mick — Wild-life: anarchy, ecology, and ethics. Environmental Politics 16(3), June 2007 : 470-487. Certain forms of anarchism, especially those associated with primitivism, regard nature as a fundamental source of individual liberty, self- awareness, and self-responsibility. These distinctive varieties of `eco- logical anarchism` often combine a wild(er)ness ethos with a polemical critique of the social constraints and environmental damage they identify, to varying degrees, with `civilization`. To anarchists associated with Enlightenment humanist traditions, like M. Bookchin, such accounts epitomize an irrational and regressive form of nature worship, one sup- posedly shared with many deep ecologists. This critique is, though, somewhat misplaced and obscures the potential of ecological anarchism and its current failings. Re-wilding understandings of self and nature offer diverse ethico-political possibilities but only if it is recognized that self- identities, idea(l)s of nature, and even conceptions of individual auton- omy are partly constituted by the same social histories that primitivism dismisses. [R] 57.7130 SOUSA, Fernando de — A democracia, face política da globalização ? (Is democracy the political face of global- ization?). Revista brasileira de Política internacional 49(1), 2006 : 5-24. The article analyzes the new challenges to democracy, in a context of growing globalization, with the end of the Cold War and the rise of a new world order. A redefinition of the conceptual trajectory of democracy and also of globalization is necessary, because they take on different aspects and focuses at different times and in different contexts. It also analyzes the recent alterations of the international arena, such as the globalization of democracy and the democratization of globalization. [R, abr.] 57.7131 STEANS, Jill — Debating women's human rights as a universal feminist project: defending women's human rights as a political tool. Review of International Studies 33(1), Jan. 2007 : 11-27. This article first whether or not women's human rights can underpin a universal feminist project; it defends women's human rights as a useful political tool to challenge injustice and discrimination against women. It first sets out the universality/particularity debate in both human rights theory and in feminist theory. This serves as a point of departure for the subsequent discussion of universality and particularity in relation to women's human rights specifically. That women's human rights are universal is contested by some feminists although the reasons for their skepticism are quite different from those advanced by ultra-conservatives and religious fundamentalists. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic section on `Women and human rights`, introduced by Roberta GUERRINA and Marysia ZALEWSKI. See also Abstr. 57.6883, 6956, 7039, 7232, 7264] 57.7132 STEELE, Brent J. — Liberal-idealism: a constructivist critique. International Studies Review 9(1), Spring 2007 : 23- 52. Recently, scholars have connected US constructivism to liberal-idealism. IR theorists have branded US constructivists as `liberal theorists` for three notable reasons: (1) realists apply an `idealist` tag on constructiv- ism so that it can efficiently be dismissed as a form of theoretical naiveté; (2) rational choice empiricists are motivated with amending constructivist assumptions to make them viable for quantitative analysis; and (3) certain constructivist scholars have attempted to build bridges with rationalist scholarship, especially on epistemological terms, and this `bridge-building` has opened a door for a liberal-constructivist synergy. This essay demonstrates how constructivism can, and must, be distin- guished from liberalism. It uses the recent Iraq War to illustrate three constructivist critiques of an important liberal theory: democratic peace `theory`. [R, abr.] 57.7133 STOETT, Peter J. — Counter-bioinvasion: conceptual and governance challenges. Environmental Politics 16(3), June 2007 : 43-452. This article defines the problem of invasive alien species, then discusses some of the conceptual implications of treating bio-invasion as a serious topic in both environmental and global ecopolitics, such as the encour- agement of parochial thinking and the reliance on an outdated ecological paradigm that assumes the desirability of natural equilibrium. Both these problems are overcome by the human security imperative of protecting civilians from the most harmful effects of bio-invasion, but they should indeed temper the zeal with which prevention/eradication campaigns are 733 adopted. The third section explicitly visits some of the more concrete governance problems raised at the international but, arguably, all levels of governance. [R, abr.] 57.7134 SULLIVAN, Patricia L. — War aims and war outcomes: why powerful states lose limited wars. Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(3), June 2007 : 496-524. The theory I develop focuses on how the nature of a strong state's war aims affects prewar uncertainty about the cost of victory. I argue that the relative magnitude of the effect of military strength and resolve on war outcomes varies with the nature of the object at stake and that strong states become more likely to underestimate the cost of victory as the impact of resolve increases relative to that of war-fighting capacity. I evaluate the empirical implications of this theory against the historical record provided by the universe of major power military interventions since World War II. The results challenge both existing theories and conventional wisdom about the impact of factors such as military strength, resolve, troop commitment levels, and war-fighting strategies on asymmetric war outcomes. [R, abr.] 57.7135 SWANSON, Jacinda — Power and resistance: perpetuat- ing and challenging capitalist exploitation. Contemporary Political Theory 6(1), Feb. 2007 : 4-23. Although oppressive social practices like capitalism are often portrayed as static, totalizing social “structures“ with “logics“ and “imperatives“ that must be accommodated politically and economically, such portrayals are problematic both theoretically and politically. They rest on determinist and essentialist conceptions of social practices, and they curtail the scope of politics, government regulation, and human action and creativ- ity. Social practices can instead be conceptualized as thoroughly social, historical, and contingent, and thus susceptible to political intervention and reworking, as many feminist, post-structuralist, and anti-economistic Marxian theorists do. Judith Butler's concept of reiteration provides a particularly useful, in-depth theorization of power, the mechanisms enabling social practices to endure and change, and the role of the individual and collectivities in perpetuating and challenging social prac- tices such as capitalism. [R, abr.] 57.7136 TALIAFERRO, Jeffrey W. — State building for future wars: neoclassical realism and the resource-extractive state. Security Studies 15(3), July-Sept. 2006 : 464-495. Neorealist theory holds that the international system compels states to adopt similar adaptive strategies — balancing and emulation — or risk elimination as independent entities. Yet states do not always emulate the successful practices of the system's leading states in a timely and uni- form fashion. Explaining this requires a theory that integrates systemic- level and unit-level variables: a `resource-extraction` model of the state in neoclassical realism. Neoclassical realism suggests that state power — a function of state institutions, as well as nationalism and ideology — shapes the types of internal balancing strategies that countries are likely to pursue. The experiences of six rising or declining great powers over the past three hundred years — China, France, Britain, Japan, Prussia (later Germany), and the US — illustrate the plausibility of these hy- potheses. [R, abr.] 57.7137 TAUBE, Michel ; BARRÉ, Flora — La peine de mort est-elle un enjeu des relations internationales ? (Is the capital penalty a stake in international relations?). Revue interna- tionale et stratégique 64, Winter 2006-2007 : 20-27. [Résumé en français] The capital penalty has been long considered a measure of criminal `justice`, therefore answerable to state sovereignty. International organi- zations, global public opinion, the Council of Europe, the EU and interna- tional criminal justice have gradually emphasized that it is a violation of human rights. The issue has thus become a stake in international rela- tions. A majority of states have abolished the capital penalty, but some great powers are still using it (e.g. China and US). In order to change the situation, it is necessary to debate the issue with Islamic, Buddhist and Taoist spokesmen, and to prove that in the struggle against crime the capital penalty is worthless. [R] 57.7138 THOENIG, Jean-Claude — El rescate de la publicness en los estudios de la organización (Rescuing publicness in organization studies). Gestión y Política pública 15(2), 2006 : 229-258. This article is focused on answering the following question: how should publicness be defined as an organizational studies issue and handled for analytic purposes? As an introductory step, the author considers it important to make a quick return to the founding years of modern organi- zational studies. The perspective suggested in the second section of the paper assumes that public organizations have a specific nature. The third section presents a few reasons and examples why policies, their making and their management, offer a fruitful access to further empirical inquiry on public organizations. [R, abr.] 57.7139 THYNE, Clayton L. — Cheap signals with costly conse- quences: the effect of interstate relations on civil war. Journal of Conflict Resolution 50(6), Dec. 2006 : 937-961. This article examines the effect of interstate signals on the probability of civil war onset. Using a bargaining framework, the author argues that costly signals should have no effect on the likelihood that a civil war begins because they allow the government and opposition to adjust peacefully their bargaining positions to avoid the costs of fighting. In contrast, cheap signals can disrupt intrastate negotiations, which makes conflict more likely by increasing the likelihood that one of the competing parties will make excessive demands. This argument is tested using measures for sanctions, troop mobilization, alliances, and trade ties as indicators for costly signals, as well as events data as measures for cheap signals. [R, abr.] 57.7140 TOSCANO FRANCA FILHO, Marcílio — Historia y razón del paradigma westfaliano (History and reason of the Westphalian paradigm). Revista de Estudios políticos 131, Jan.-March 2006 : 87-112. The Westphalia Peace Treaties [1648] represent the “birth certificate” of the modern, national and sovereign state, the basis of the present de- mocratic state and the founding moment of the contemporary interna- tional political system. They form the “Westphalian Paradigm`, described by many writers on law, political science and international relations. But the `Westphalian Paradigm` has been little studied and researched in the legal field. The origins, implications and characteristics of the state model formed after the Thirty Years' War from the legal point of view constitutes the core of this paper. The article is concluded with a note about the updating of that state model. [R, abr.] 57.7141 TUSALEM, Rollin F. — A boon or a bane? The role of civil society in third- and fourth-wave democracies. Interna- tional Political Science Review 28(3), June 2007 : 361-386. [Résumé en français] Since R. Putnam published Making Democracy Work [1993], many other studies have confirmed the deleterious effects of civil society in promot- ing democratic breakdown and malperformance. To solve the empirical puzzle as to whether civil society is a bane or boon for democracies, this article examines the effect of the pre-transitional strength and post- transitional density of civil society on state institutional performance among more than 60 states since the third wave. The results show that the strength of civil society prior to transition and its density post- transition not only play a significant role in the deepening of political freedoms and civil liberties among transitional citizens, but also lead to better institutional performance. Hence, Putnam's major findings can be extended in the context of third- and fourth-wave democracies. [R, abr.] 57.7142 ULFELDER, Jay ; LUSTIK, Michael — Modelling transitions to and from democracy. Democratization 14(3), June 2007 : 351-387. This article describes the results of a broad reanalysis of factors shaping the prospects of countries making a transition to or from democracy using a new measure of regime-type. The analysis does not support the claim that transitions in neighboring countries directly improve prospects for a transition to democracy, or that economic decline and presidential systems heighten the risk of democratic breakdown. Perhaps most intriguing, our model of transitions to democracy also identifies a new twist on old stories linking economic development to democratization. For countries under authoritarian rule that have attempted democracy before, the research here indicates that development does improve prospects for another attempt, as modernization theory suggests. For countries with no democratic experience, however, affluence conveys no direct democratizing benefit and appears, if anything, to help sustain authoritarian rule. [R, abr.] 57.7143 VAN DER ZWEERDE, Evert — Friendship and the politi- cal. Critical Review of International Social and Political Phi- losophy 10(2), June 2007 : 147-165. Friendship and politics generally [appear] as incompatible phenomena. At the same time, there are at least two important conceptions that link them explicitly: the Aristotelian notion of “political friendship” and C. Schmitt's idea of the political as dividing into friend and enemy. While the second is, in the end, more about enmity than actually about friendship, a modification of the notion of the political offers the possibility of ac- commodating the first. A critical modification of the notion of the political, with the assistance of J. Derrida and C. Mouffe, makes it possible, finally, to use the notion of friendship in politics to point out the tension between friendship in politics, potentially leading to a “rule by friends”, and the necessary striving for political friendship as a means to transform an- tagonistic into agonistic conflict. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7021] 57.7144 VERNBY, Kåre — Strikes are more common in countries with majoritarian electoral systems. Public Choice 132(1- 2), 2007 : 65-84. 734 Strikes are more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (SMD) than in those where it is elected by proportional representation (PR). Furthermore, more working days are lost due to industrial conflict in countries with SMD. I suggest a politico-economic explanation for these rarely noticed empirical regulari- ties. Further empirical testing — including controls drawn from previous strike research — reveals that they hold up in a variety of econometric specifications. [R] 57.7145 VILLACORTA MANCEBO, Luis — Principio de igualdad y legislador : arbitrariedad y proporcionalidad como lími- tes (probablemente insuficientes) (The principle of equal- ity and the legislative branch: arbitrariness and propor- tionality as (probably insufficient) limitations). Revista de Estudios políticos 130, Oct.-Dec. 2005 : 35-75. The fundamental law of the general principle of equality set down in art. 14 of the Spanish Constitution displays disconcerting contrasts. In the case law of the constitutional courts one finds disparate approaches. Insecurity is particularly manifest in appeals, in that the freedom of maneuver of the legislator ends where unequal treatment is no longer compatible with objective reason and produces an arbitrary situation. Since 1980, the German Constitutional Court, and then the other consti- tutional courts including the Spanish one, have combined efforts to reach sounder criteria for resolving the question of when there was an inequal- ity issue. Many consider this a `new formula` that basically consists of incorporating as far as possible the principle of proportionality. Neverthe- less, the results have been unsatisfactory, although on this basis a more concrete concept may be developed to help the legislator to deal with inequality issues. [R, abr.] 57.7146 VION, Antoine — The institutionalization of international friendship. Critical Review of International Social and Politi- cal Philosophy 10(2), June 2007 : 281-297. This paper analyzes international friendship empirically as a result of the construction of multiple institutional facts. Two main fields are investi- gated: the development of city twinnings and cultural institutes. Paying attention to emotions, rituals, and unusual events, allows understanding the ways friendship is socially constructed. Studying international friend- ship as a pattern of institutional facts invites attention to the specific contexts in which they emerge. In Europe, after World War II, the em- beddedness of friendship politics in local communities has partly gone through a process of invention of communal traditions. European com- munal history has been a major symbolic resource in this process. Achieving friendship might not favor a broad and open community but, on the contrary, favor a dense network of closed communities. This is what we may call Tocqueville's paradox. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7021] 57.7147 VOLKENS, Andrea — Strengths and weaknesses of approaches to measuring policy positions of parties. Electoral Studies 26(1), March 2007 : 108-120. This article examines the measurement quality of the three main ap- proaches to estimating policy positions of parties: expert surveys, the conventional content-analysis of election programs by the Manifesto Research Group/Comparative Manifestos Project, and computer- assisted content-analysis of election programs. Based on a literature review in tabular form containing quotations ordered according to major measurement problems, this contribution discusses the merits and shortcomings of the three approaches. All three approaches have their particular strengths and weaknesses. As a rule, the strength of one approach is the weakness of the others and vice-versa. Therefore, the three approaches are not opposed to one another but complementary, so that all three are necessary for future research. [R] [See Abstr. 57.7048] 57.7148 WACQUANT, Loïc — The “scholarly myths” of the new law and order doxa. Socialist Register 2006 : 93-115. The moral panic raging through Europe in recent years about street violence and delinquent youth mutated after the French 2002 presidential elections into near hysteria, exaggerating everyday incidences of `inse- curity` and framing them as public threats, often in direct contradiction to crime statistics. In response, French politicians turned to `crime control` policies used in New York as a reference point for crushing these per- ceived threats. Unfortunately, these policies are based on myths devoid of any scientific validity and their practical efficacy rests on a collective faith without foundation in reality. As a body, however, they make it possible to justify an aggressive policy of class cleansing of city streets, an inherently discriminatory approach that equates behaving outside the norm with behaving outside of the law. [See Abstr. 57.7036] 57.7149 WAISBORD, Silvio — Democratic journalism and `state- lessness`. Political Communication 24(2), Apr.-June 2007 : 115-129. `Statelessness`, a condition particularly affecting large swaths of the global South, deters the prospects for the affirmation of journalism that anchors democratic life. State absence facilitates anti-press violence, undermines the economic basis for news organizations, and weakens the rule of law. It remains unclear whether the press, an institution that has historically played key roles in building and renovating national identities and mediating civic engagement, can also make significant contributions to strengthening effective and democratic states. The article suggests ways in which the press supports state-building proc- esses. Although journalism as civic institution alone cannot address entrenched problems of violence, security, and lawlessness, it contrib- utes to state-building through monitoring state actions, raising attention to problems, and identifying effective accountability mechanisms. [R, abr.] 57.7150 WARD, Michael D. ; SIVERSON, Randolph M. ; XUN Cao — Disputes, democracies, and dependencies: a reexamina- tion of the Kantian peace. American Journal of Political Sci- ence 51(3), July 2007 : 583-601. Militarized interstate disputes are widely thought to be less likely among democratic countries that have high levels of trade and extensive partici- pation in international organizations. We re-examine this broad finding of the Kantian peace literature in the context of a model that incorporates the high degree of dependency among countries. Based on in-sample statistical tests, as well as out-of-sample, predictive cross-validation, we find that results frequently cited in the literature are plagued by overfitting and cannot be characterized as identifying the underlying structure through which international conflict is influenced by democracy, trade, and international governmental organizations. We find that despite high statistical significance and putative substantive importance, none of the variables representing the Kantian tripod is associated with any substan- tial degree of predictive power. [R, abr.] 57.7151 WATSON, Matthew — Towards a Polanyian perspective on fair trade: market-based relationships and the act of ethical consumption. Global Society 20(4), Oct. 2006 : 435- 451. Fair trade requires that developed country consumers engage in market- based transactions with developing country producers. Yet this is not market trade in any straightforward sense, because the purchase of fairly traded products brings consumers into two market relationships at the same time. One is the market relationship through which consumers buy the product itself, which enables them to act altruistically by consciously paying the price premium that the producer receives. The other is the market relationship through which consumers buy the socially reputable knowledge of having helped a distant stranger, which enables them to harness their ostensibly ethical consumption to a knowingly self- interested action. This latter relationship adds a new dimension to ortho- dox commodity fetishism. A Polanyian perspective is developed to investigate the way in which fair trade reworks the commodity fetish. [R, abr.] 57.7152 WEINERT, Matthew S. — Bridging the human rights- sovereignty divide: theoretical foundations of a democ- ratic sovereignty. Human Rights Review 8(2), Jan.-March 2007 : 5-32. Human rights and sovereignty are generally construed as disputatious, if not entirely incompatible; the liability of the former constrains the license of the latter. This article challenges the certitude of that notion and argues that democratic, isocratic, and humanistic elements, or what may be thought of as precursors of human rights, are actually embedded in early theories of sovereignty, including what Bodin's hierarchical, Althu- sius' confederative, Hobbes's singular, and Hegel's progres- sive/constitutional sovereignty. Despite the differences in governmental structure to which each attaches sovereignty, each disassociates sover- eignty from its agents (who does the work of supreme authority) and aligns it to its end (the good of citizens). I derive eight theses to ground a democratic, human rights-friendly conception of sovereignty, which aids in bridging the divide between human rights advocacy and sovereign defenders. [R] 57.7153 WEISENSEE, Hanne — Zukunftskonzept ohne Par- lamente? Die AC `Global Governance` in der Enquete- Kommission `Globalisierung der Weltwirtschaft` des Deutschen Bundestags (Concept of a future without par- liaments? The `Global Governance` working group of the German Bundestag Investigation Committee on `The Globalization of the World Economy`). Zeitschrift für Par- lamentsfragen 37(4), Dec. 2006 : 669-683. From 2000 to 2002, the academic advocates of `global governance` in Germany had a chance to discuss directly their concepts with politicians in the Investigation Committee of the German Bundestag. Under the title `Globalization of the World Economy`, this committee dealt very thor- oughly with the topic. It offered a unique opportunity to develop an impact of the `Global Governance` concept outside the academic com- munity. However, the outcome can be considered unsuccessful. Was it [due] to the only marginal willingness of political actors to acknowledge 735 the academic know-how in its depth? Or also to `blank spaces` inherent in the basic concept of global governance? [R] 57.7154 WELLSTEAD, Adam — The (post) staples economy and the (post) staples state in historical perspective. Cana- dian Political Science Review 1(1), 2007 : 8-25. This article examines the evolution of the contemporary staples state. Two forms of competitive states are relevant: the Schumpeterian and Ricardian competitive states. The importance of the Schumpeterian competitive state is the focus of Bob Jessop's The Future of the Capital- ist State [Cambridge, 2002]and is often applied to Canada. The Ricar- dian competitive state's characteristics, however, lead to the argument that it in fact better describes the contemporary staples state that contin- ues to flourish throughout many parts of Canada. The article first outlines the economic importance of contemporary staples production at both the national and provincial level. It then chronologically defines the staples state in relationship to popular characterizations of it, from its pre-20th c. form to the present. [R] [See Abstr. 57.8054] 57.7155 WIENER, Antje — Relazioni internazionali e costrutti- vismo : puzzles e promesse (Constructivist approaches in international relations theory: puzzles and promises). Rivista italiana di Scienza politica 37(1), Apr. 2007 : 25-54. By raising the question of what made constructivism possible, the paper discusses the puzzle and promises of constructivist scholarship in IR. The communicative style which coined constructivism as a movement provides the key. Two puzzles are the focus: (1) a lack of epistemologi- cal overlap; (2) a disciplinary culture of consecutive debates which reached their high point of non-communication with the “Third Debate”. However, while the constructivist movement gathered influence as a reference frame in the late 1990s, it is neither genuine to IR theory nor does it originate in the 1990s. [R, abr.] 57.7156 WIENER, Antje — The dual quality of norms and govern- ance beyond the state: sociological and normative ap- proaches to “interaction”. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 10(1), March 2007 : 47-69. This essay develops a critique of modern constructivist approaches to norms in IR theory. It distinguishes between a behaviorist and a societal perspective on norms. The former explains compliance with norms and/or norm-diffusion via the logic of appropriateness and the logic of arguing, respectively; the latter understands divergence in normative meaning via the logic of contestedness. Using J. Habermas's approach to facts and norms as a framework, the article discusses the possibilities of legitimate governance based on core constitutional norms such as democracy, the rule of law and fundamental and human rights and their role in contexts beyond the modern nation-state. [R] 57.7157 WILTS, Arnold — Identities and preferences in corporate political strategizing. Business and Society 45(4), Dec. 2006 : 441-463. This conceptual article draws on structuration theory and social identity theory to isolate firm-internal institutionalization processes as antece- dents and drivers of corporate political strategizing. Path dependencies in corporate routines and actors' knowledgeability about these path dependencies are singled out as primary factors structuring strategic decision making within the firm. The concepts of path dependency and knowledgeability, respectively, refer to the institutional and cognitive dimension of corporate political strategizing. These two dimensions come together in actors' identities. Identities on their turn shape manag- ers' recognition of policy issues and the interpretation of issue salience relative to corporate interests. Thus, the article argues that institutional features of competitive environments precipitate in processes of identity building and preference formation and are reproduced through organiza- tional routines and practices within the firm. [R] 57.7158 WINDSOR, Duane — Toward a global theory of cross- border and multilevel corporate political activity. Busi- ness and Society 46(2), June 2007 : 253-278. A proposed global theory of corporate political activity (CPA) analyzes the complex resource-allocation choices involved in integrating politically relevant cross-border and multilevel strategies for multinational enter- prises (MNEs). In each country and at each level, business-relevant policies are determined in multiple policy arenas, shaped by widely differing non-market institutions, corruption conditions, and stakeholder demands for corporate social responsibility. Multiple policy `arena` allocation adds to the analytical complexity of the CPA strategizing problem. Implications for scholarship and practice are presented. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.7025] 57.7159 WITTMAN, Donald — Candidate quality, pressure group endorsements and the nature of political advertising. European Journal of Political Economy 23(2), June 2007 : 360-378. Candidates may vary in quality, where quality is some characteristic orthogonal to policy. This `simple modification` has for the most part defied integration into the Downsian framework. Here we add the follow- ing complicating factors. We consider the possibility that there are unin- formed voters who are ignorant of the candidates' relative quality. How- ever, a pressure group with inside information regarding the quality of the candidates may endorse one of the candidates as the high-quality candidate. We assume that the uninformed voters behave rationally in the presence of this endorsement. We demonstrate that truth-telling by the pressure group is an equilibrium outcome. We also show that cam- paign endorsements by the pressure group are generally welfare- improving, even though the pressure group takes advantage of its private information. [R] 57.7160 YURLOV, Felix N. — Challenges of a globalised and unipolar world. World Affairs (New Delhi) 10(3), Autumn 2006 : 56-70. The present unipolar world order imposes on almost all countries a `liberal` imperialist model of development, inspired by the American system. Yet, the effects of market fundamentalism have been traumatic, and often disastrous to national societies, from Russia to Latin America and South East Asia and the predominant economies, including the US, are also suffering from them. A global revolt against the supremacy of globalized capital is taking place and it is a manifestation of the everlast- ing quest for greater social justice and equity. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6974] 57.7161 ZEMANOVÁ, Štěpánka — Zahraniční politika v oblasti lidských práv. Postup a metody analýzy (Foreign policy in the field of human rights — towards methods of analy- sis). Mezinárodní Vztahy 42(1), 2007 : 25-47. The paper focuses on foreign policy in the field of human rights. Its [examines] prevailing methods in order to obtain an analytical scheme applicable to almost every country. It includes several steps, e.g.: analyz- ing foreign policy in the field of human rights as a specific part of the foreign policy agenda, introduction and elaboration of the Mower's apparatus, interpretation of foreign policy in the field of human rights using different levels of analysis and developing methods of its evalua- tion. [R, abr.] 57.7162 ZURBRIGGEN, Cristina — El institucionalismo centrado en los actores : una perspectiva analítica en el estudio de las políticas públicas (Actor-centered institutionalism: an analytical approach to the study of public policies). Revista de Ciencia política 26(1), 2006 : 67-83. New institutionalism agrees that institutions are important for explaining the development of the political game. But when they seek to explain how institutions emerge and the relationship with agents, the theories offer a diversified panorama difficult to embrace. Despite ontological and epistemological differences between the different varieties of institution- alism, while the rationalist approaches are centered on agents and the culturalist ones on structure, it is possible to overcome these differences and to use complementary approaches. This paper emphasizes in actor- centered institutionalism the relational approach between the agent and structures for policies analysis. [R] 57.7163 Politics (The) of philanthropy. Society 44(3), March-Apr. 2007 : 16-59. Articles by Howard A. HUSOCK, `Stock market for nonprofit`, pp. 16-23; J. Gregory DEES, `Taking social entrepreneurship seriously`, pp. 24-31; Joseph M. KNIPPENBERG, `Social experiments, accountability, and politics`, pp. 32-34; Robin ROGERS-DILLON, `Nonproofit stock markets and social citizenship`, pp. 35-41; David REINGOLD, `Social services and government`, pp. 42-44; Rikki ABZUG, `Wishful thinking about nonprofit`, pp. 45-47; Jeffrey FRIEDMAN, `There is no substitute for profit and loss`, pp. 48-53; Steven RATHGEB SMITH, `Social services and social policy`, pp. 54-59. 57.7164 Religion as political identity. Understanding the global rise of religion as a political issue. Romanian Journal of Political Science 6(2), Winter 2006 : 5-128. Articles by Camil UNGUREANU, `A Christian or a lay Europe? Moving beyond a false dichotomy`, pp. 5-34; Silviu E. ROGOBETE, `Some reflections on religion and multiculturalism in Romania: towards a reap- praisal of the grammar of traditions`, pp. 35-55; Felicia ALEXANDRU, `Church-state relations in post-communist Romania. Real deprivatization or the way back to Byzantine symphonia?`, pp. 57-69; Jelena TOŠIC, `Charity or tolerance? Debating moralities in the educational system of contemporary Serbia`, pp. 71-88; Sergiu PANAINTE, `Secularism In the Republic of Moldova — politics of religion or religious politics: where do we draw the boundaries?`, pp. 89-100; Daniela KALKANDJIEVA, `The consent of state and the blessing of the church: a case study on the new Bulgarian denominations act`, pp. 101-114; Ioana BAN, `The chance for civil society In Central Asia or the role of Islamic movements in shaping political modernity`, pp. 115-128.</meta-value>
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Wicri

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