Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933
Identifieur interne : 001873 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001872; suivant : 001874Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933
Auteurs : Ralph Shlomowitz ; Lance BrennanSource :
- Indian Economic & Social History Review [ 0019-4646 ] ; 1992-03.
English descriptors
- Teeft :
- African history, African slaves, Annual report, Annual reports, Assam, Average death rate, Benign disease environment, British guyana, British malaya, Cambridge university press, Central africa, Childhood disease environment, Chinese labour, Chinese labour migrants, Chinese workers, Commercial officials, Comparative analysis, Death rate, Death rates, Differential mortality, Disease environment, Disease environments, Emigration, European troops, Federated, Federated malay states, Fiji, Free labour, Free workers, Further study, Government printer, Health services, High death rates, Higher death rate, Hyperendemic malaria, Immigrant labour, Immunological hypothesis, Indenture, Indian immigrants, Indian immigration, Indian labour, Indian labour emigration, Indian migrants, Indian workers, Indie, John murray, Kernial singh sandhu, Kuala lumpur, Labour, Labour conditions, Labour department, Legislative council, Malaria, Malaria research, Malay, Malaya, Migrant, Migrant labour, Mortality, Natal, Negri sembilan, Nineteenth century, Other regions, Oxford university press, Pacific history, Pacific islanders, Pacific labour trade, Perak, Poor health, Province wellesley, Regional differences, Relative lack, Rubber boom, Rubber estates, Rural development, Second contract, Separate statistics, Shlomowitz, Social history review, Southern africa, Southern india, Special reference, Straits, Straits settlements, Sugar cane plantations, Twentieth century, Various regions, West africa, West indies, Yellow fever.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/001946469202900103
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:AB95C4A8D21AE70FB60DE24E97FC9C21EF004746Le document en format XML
<record><TEI wicri:istexFullTextTei="biblStruct"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title xml:lang="en">Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933</title><author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Shlomowitz, Ralph" sort="Shlomowitz, Ralph" uniqKey="Shlomowitz R" first="Ralph" last="Shlomowitz">Ralph Shlomowitz</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation>The Flinders University of South Australia</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author><author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Brennan, Lance" sort="Brennan, Lance" uniqKey="Brennan L" first="Lance" last="Brennan">Lance Brennan</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation>The Flinders University of South Australia</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author></titleStmt><publicationStmt><idno type="wicri:source">ISTEX</idno><idno type="RBID">ISTEX:AB95C4A8D21AE70FB60DE24E97FC9C21EF004746</idno><date when="1992" year="1992">1992</date><idno type="doi">10.1177/001946469202900103</idno><idno type="url">https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P/fulltext.pdf</idno><idno type="wicri:Area/Istex/Corpus">001873</idno><idno type="wicri:explorRef" wicri:stream="Istex" wicri:step="Corpus" wicri:corpus="ISTEX">001873</idno></publicationStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933</title><author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Shlomowitz, Ralph" sort="Shlomowitz, Ralph" uniqKey="Shlomowitz R" first="Ralph" last="Shlomowitz">Ralph Shlomowitz</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation>The Flinders University of South Australia</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author><author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Brennan, Lance" sort="Brennan, Lance" uniqKey="Brennan L" first="Lance" last="Brennan">Lance Brennan</name><affiliation><mods:affiliation>The Flinders University of South Australia</mods:affiliation></affiliation></author></analytic><monogr></monogr><series><title level="j">Indian Economic & Social History Review</title><idno type="ISSN">0019-4646</idno><idno type="eISSN">0973-0893</idno><imprint><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</pubPlace><date type="published" when="1992-03">1992-03</date><biblScope unit="volume">29</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">1</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="57">57</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="75">75</biblScope></imprint><idno type="ISSN">0019-4646</idno></series></biblStruct></sourceDesc><seriesStmt><idno type="ISSN">0019-4646</idno></seriesStmt></fileDesc><profileDesc><textClass><keywords scheme="Teeft" xml:lang="en"><term>African history</term><term>African slaves</term><term>Annual report</term><term>Annual reports</term><term>Assam</term><term>Average death rate</term><term>Benign disease environment</term><term>British guyana</term><term>British malaya</term><term>Cambridge university press</term><term>Central africa</term><term>Childhood disease environment</term><term>Chinese labour</term><term>Chinese labour migrants</term><term>Chinese workers</term><term>Commercial officials</term><term>Comparative analysis</term><term>Death rate</term><term>Death rates</term><term>Differential mortality</term><term>Disease environment</term><term>Disease environments</term><term>Emigration</term><term>European troops</term><term>Federated</term><term>Federated malay states</term><term>Fiji</term><term>Free labour</term><term>Free workers</term><term>Further study</term><term>Government printer</term><term>Health services</term><term>High death rates</term><term>Higher death rate</term><term>Hyperendemic malaria</term><term>Immigrant labour</term><term>Immunological hypothesis</term><term>Indenture</term><term>Indian immigrants</term><term>Indian immigration</term><term>Indian labour</term><term>Indian labour emigration</term><term>Indian migrants</term><term>Indian workers</term><term>Indie</term><term>John murray</term><term>Kernial singh sandhu</term><term>Kuala lumpur</term><term>Labour</term><term>Labour conditions</term><term>Labour department</term><term>Legislative council</term><term>Malaria</term><term>Malaria research</term><term>Malay</term><term>Malaya</term><term>Migrant</term><term>Migrant labour</term><term>Mortality</term><term>Natal</term><term>Negri sembilan</term><term>Nineteenth century</term><term>Other regions</term><term>Oxford university press</term><term>Pacific history</term><term>Pacific islanders</term><term>Pacific labour trade</term><term>Perak</term><term>Poor health</term><term>Province wellesley</term><term>Regional differences</term><term>Relative lack</term><term>Rubber boom</term><term>Rubber estates</term><term>Rural development</term><term>Second contract</term><term>Separate statistics</term><term>Shlomowitz</term><term>Social history review</term><term>Southern africa</term><term>Southern india</term><term>Special reference</term><term>Straits</term><term>Straits settlements</term><term>Sugar cane plantations</term><term>Twentieth century</term><term>Various regions</term><term>West africa</term><term>West indies</term><term>Yellow fever</term></keywords></textClass><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage></profileDesc></teiHeader></TEI><istex><corpusName>sage</corpusName><keywords><teeft><json:string>malaya</json:string><json:string>straits settlements</json:string><json:string>shlomowitz</json:string><json:string>death rates</json:string><json:string>federated</json:string><json:string>labour department</json:string><json:string>annual reports</json:string><json:string>federated malay states</json:string><json:string>indian labour</json:string><json:string>indian immigration</json:string><json:string>annual report</json:string><json:string>fiji</json:string><json:string>malay</json:string><json:string>labour</json:string><json:string>perak</json:string><json:string>province wellesley</json:string><json:string>indie</json:string><json:string>free workers</json:string><json:string>death rate</json:string><json:string>kuala lumpur</json:string><json:string>west indies</json:string><json:string>malaria</json:string><json:string>emigration</json:string><json:string>pacific labour trade</json:string><json:string>migrant labour</json:string><json:string>disease environment</json:string><json:string>social history review</json:string><json:string>differential mortality</json:string><json:string>indian migrants</json:string><json:string>indian labour emigration</json:string><json:string>indian immigrants</json:string><json:string>british guyana</json:string><json:string>southern india</json:string><json:string>yellow fever</json:string><json:string>rubber estates</json:string><json:string>african history</json:string><json:string>health services</json:string><json:string>west africa</json:string><json:string>indian workers</json:string><json:string>government printer</json:string><json:string>straits</json:string><json:string>british malaya</json:string><json:string>rural development</json:string><json:string>malaria research</json:string><json:string>childhood disease environment</json:string><json:string>pacific islanders</json:string><json:string>high death rates</json:string><json:string>oxford university press</json:string><json:string>regional differences</json:string><json:string>relative lack</json:string><json:string>african slaves</json:string><json:string>negri sembilan</json:string><json:string>benign disease environment</json:string><json:string>southern africa</json:string><json:string>further study</json:string><json:string>nineteenth century</json:string><json:string>assam</json:string><json:string>natal</json:string><json:string>mortality</json:string><json:string>indenture</json:string><json:string>migrant</json:string><json:string>kernial singh sandhu</json:string><json:string>john murray</json:string><json:string>legislative council</json:string><json:string>rubber boom</json:string><json:string>twentieth century</json:string><json:string>second contract</json:string><json:string>separate statistics</json:string><json:string>other regions</json:string><json:string>labour conditions</json:string><json:string>special reference</json:string><json:string>pacific history</json:string><json:string>average death rate</json:string><json:string>sugar cane plantations</json:string><json:string>immigrant labour</json:string><json:string>cambridge university press</json:string><json:string>free labour</json:string><json:string>commercial officials</json:string><json:string>higher death rate</json:string><json:string>immunological hypothesis</json:string><json:string>hyperendemic malaria</json:string><json:string>european troops</json:string><json:string>central africa</json:string><json:string>poor health</json:string><json:string>disease environments</json:string><json:string>various regions</json:string><json:string>comparative analysis</json:string><json:string>chinese labour</json:string><json:string>chinese workers</json:string><json:string>chinese labour migrants</json:string></teeft></keywords><author><json:item><name>Ralph Shlomowitz</name><affiliations><json:string>The Flinders University of South Australia</json:string></affiliations></json:item><json:item><name>Lance Brennan</name><affiliations><json:string>The Flinders University of South Australia</json:string></affiliations></json:item></author><articleId><json:string>10.1177_001946469202900103</json:string></articleId><arkIstex>ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P</arkIstex><language><json:string>eng</json:string></language><originalGenre><json:string>research-article</json:string></originalGenre><qualityIndicators><score>6.879</score><pdfWordCount>4867</pdfWordCount><pdfCharCount>30053</pdfCharCount><pdfVersion>1.4</pdfVersion><pdfPageCount>19</pdfPageCount><pdfPageSize>433 x 688 pts</pdfPageSize><refBibsNative>false</refBibsNative><abstractWordCount>1</abstractWordCount><abstractCharCount>0</abstractCharCount><keywordCount>0</keywordCount></qualityIndicators><title>Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933</title><genre><json:string>research-article</json:string></genre><host><title>Indian Economic & Social History Review</title><language><json:string>unknown</json:string></language><issn><json:string>0019-4646</json:string></issn><eissn><json:string>0973-0893</json:string></eissn><publisherId><json:string>IER</json:string></publisherId><volume>29</volume><issue>1</issue><pages><first>57</first><last>75</last></pages><genre><json:string>journal</json:string></genre></host><namedEntities><unitex><date><json:string>1934</json:string><json:string>1912</json:string><json:string>1992</json:string><json:string>1901</json:string><json:string>1946</json:string><json:string>1865</json:string><json:string>the twentieth century</json:string><json:string>1880s</json:string><json:string>1920s</json:string><json:string>1913</json:string><json:string>1670</json:string><json:string>1902</json:string><json:string>1918</json:string><json:string>1877</json:string><json:string>1920</json:string><json:string>1826</json:string><json:string>1895</json:string><json:string>1930s</json:string><json:string>1880</json:string><json:string>in the nineteenth century</json:string><json:string>1867</json:string><json:string>1910</json:string><json:string>1900s</json:string><json:string>1879</json:string><json:string>1911</json:string><json:string>1900</json:string><json:string>between October 1904 and March 1905</json:string><json:string>1897</json:string><json:string>1916</json:string><json:string>1870s</json:string><json:string>1910s</json:string><json:string>1905</json:string></date><geogName></geogName><orgName><json:string>Mauritius, British Guyana</json:string><json:string>South Australia Introduction During</json:string><json:string>Commission of Estates, Vol</json:string><json:string>British Guyana and the West Indies</json:string><json:string>Singapore, Penang, Province Wellesley, Dindings, and Malacca</json:string><json:string>Singapore, Penang, Malacca, Sunjei Ujong</json:string><json:string>Fiji and Surinam</json:string><json:string>Princeton University</json:string><json:string>Cambridge University</json:string><json:string>University of Malaya</json:string><json:string>Commission Appointed</json:string><json:string>Fiji Islands, New York, The Rockefeller Foundation, International Health Board, Publication No</json:string><json:string>Australian Research Council</json:string><json:string>British Guyana, the West Indies, Natal, Mauritius, and Reunion</json:string><json:string>Fiji, Mauritius, Natal, and the West Indies</json:string><json:string>Fiji, Samoa, Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands, Nauru, and Ocean Island</json:string><json:string>Mauritius and Reunion</json:string><json:string>Oxford University</json:string><json:string>Duke University</json:string><json:string>In British Guyana and the West Indies</json:string><json:string>Committee on Emigration</json:string><json:string>Queens University</json:string><json:string>Jamaican Slave Mortality</json:string></orgName><orgName_funder></orgName_funder><orgName_provider></orgName_provider><persName><json:string>David Richardson</json:string><json:string>Harvey M. Feinberg</json:string><json:string>W. Hartwig</json:string><json:string>Mark W. Delancey</json:string><json:string>Leonie Randall</json:string><json:string>R.N. Jackson</json:string><json:string>Inc</json:string><json:string>Hugh Tinker</json:string><json:string>Joy Brain</json:string><json:string>John McDonald</json:string><json:string>Gordon Harrison</json:string><json:string>India</json:string><json:string>Alan H. Jeeves</json:string><json:string>Lin Ken</json:string><json:string>C.N. Maxwell</json:string><json:string>Ralph Shlomowitz</json:string><json:string>V.S. Srinivasa</json:string><json:string>Kathy Prior</json:string><json:string>David Arnold</json:string><json:string>Mary J. Dobson</json:string><json:string>W.L. Blythe</json:string><json:string>G. St</json:string><json:string>John Murray</json:string><json:string>The</json:string><json:string>Brenda Yeoh</json:string><json:string>Tom W. Shick</json:string><json:string>P. Brain</json:string><json:string>Ronald Ross</json:string><json:string>J.B. Brain</json:string><json:string>N.E. Marjoribanks</json:string><json:string>S. Arasaratnam</json:string><json:string>Tin Industry</json:string><json:string>Pacific Islanders</json:string><json:string>James C. Jackson</json:string><json:string>Kenneth G. Davis</json:string><json:string>Lenore Manderson</json:string><json:string>Malcolm Watson</json:string><json:string>Pieter Emnier</json:string><json:string>C.W.C. Parr</json:string><json:string>J. Orde</json:string><json:string>Eugene D. Genovese</json:string><json:string>J.N. Parmer</json:string><json:string>L. Engerman</json:string><json:string>J.A. Sinton</json:string><json:string>A.T. Marakkayer</json:string><json:string>J.J. Augustin</json:string><json:string>Singh Sandhu</json:string><json:string>K. David</json:string><json:string>Pacific History</json:string><json:string>E.P. Dutton</json:string><json:string>Robin Haines</json:string><json:string>D. Curtin</json:string><json:string>Chan Chai</json:string></persName><placeName><json:string>United States</json:string><json:string>Australia</json:string><json:string>Liberia</json:string><json:string>New Delhi</json:string><json:string>Montreal</json:string><json:string>Kuala Lumpur</json:string><json:string>Mauritius</json:string><json:string>India</json:string><json:string>West Indies</json:string><json:string>Europe</json:string><json:string>America</json:string><json:string>South Africa</json:string><json:string>York</json:string><json:string>Cameroon</json:string><json:string>Stanley</json:string><json:string>Cambridge</json:string><json:string>Guinea</json:string><json:string>Fiji</json:string><json:string>Tucson</json:string></placeName><ref_url></ref_url><ref_bibl><json:string>Mauritius, and Malaya, London, HMSO, 1943</json:string><json:string>Singapore, Government Printer, 1924</json:string><json:string>Fiji, Surinane, and Malaya, 1871</json:string><json:string>University of Arizona Press, 1965</json:string><json:string>Malaya and Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1970</json:string><json:string>Malaya, 1877</json:string></ref_bibl><bibl></bibl></unitex></namedEntities><ark><json:string>ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P</json:string></ark><categories><wos><json:string>1 - arts and humanities</json:string><json:string>2 - history</json:string></wos><scienceMetrix><json:string>1 - economic & social sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - social sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - cultural studies</json:string></scienceMetrix><scopus><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Economics, Econometrics and Finance</json:string><json:string>3 - Economics and Econometrics</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - General Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Arts and Humanities</json:string><json:string>3 - History</json:string></scopus></categories><publicationDate>1992</publicationDate><copyrightDate>1992</copyrightDate><doi><json:string>10.1177/001946469202900103</json:string></doi><id>AB95C4A8D21AE70FB60DE24E97FC9C21EF004746</id><score>1</score><fulltext><json:item><extension>pdf</extension><original>true</original><mimetype>application/pdf</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P/fulltext.pdf</uri></json:item><json:item><extension>zip</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/zip</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P/bundle.zip</uri></json:item><istex:fulltextTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P/fulltext.tei"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933</title></titleStmt><publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority><publisher scheme="https://scientific-publisher.data.istex.fr">Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</pubPlace><availability><licence><p>sage</p></licence></availability><p scheme="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B"></p><date>1992</date></publicationStmt><notesStmt><note type="research-article" scheme="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</note><note type="journal" scheme="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</note></notesStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct type="inbook"><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933</title><author xml:id="author-0000"><persName><forename type="first">Ralph</forename><surname>Shlomowitz</surname></persName><affiliation>The Flinders University of South Australia</affiliation></author><author xml:id="author-0001"><persName><forename type="first">Lance</forename><surname>Brennan</surname></persName><affiliation>The Flinders University of South Australia</affiliation></author><idno type="istex">AB95C4A8D21AE70FB60DE24E97FC9C21EF004746</idno><idno type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1177/001946469202900103</idno><idno type="article-id">10.1177_001946469202900103</idno></analytic><monogr><title level="j">Indian Economic & Social History Review</title><idno type="pISSN">0019-4646</idno><idno type="eISSN">0973-0893</idno><idno type="publisher-id">IER</idno><idno type="PublisherID-hwp">spier</idno><imprint><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</pubPlace><date type="published" when="1992-03"></date><biblScope unit="volume">29</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">1</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="57">57</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="75">75</biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>1992</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="1992-03">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P/fulltext.txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus sage not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="2.3" xml:lang="EN"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">spier</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">IER</journal-id><journal-title>Indian Economic & Social History Review</journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">0019-4646</issn><publisher>
<publisher-name>Sage Publications</publisher-name>
<publisher-loc>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</publisher-loc>
</publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1177/001946469202900103</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">10.1177_001946469202900103</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Articles</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933</article-title></title-group>
<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Shlomowitz</surname><given-names>Ralph</given-names></name><aff>The Flinders University of South Australia</aff></contrib></contrib-group>
<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Brennan</surname><given-names>Lance</given-names></name><aff>The Flinders University of South Australia</aff></contrib></contrib-group>
<pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>03</month><year>1992</year></pub-date><volume>29</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>57</fpage><lpage>75</lpage><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>57 Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933 SAGE Publications, Inc.1992DOI: 10.1177/001946469202900103 Ralph Shlomowitz The Flinders University of South Australia Lance Brennan The Flinders University of South Australia Acknowledgements: This research is part of an ongoing project on the health of Indian migrant labour funded by the Australian Research Council. We are indebted to Robin Haines, Kathy Prior, and Leonie Randall for assisting us in searching for government reports on Malaya, and to Kernial Singh Sandhu and Brenda Yeoh for comments on an earlier version of this paper. Introduction During the past two decades or so, historians have attempted to systematically quantify the increased mortality associated with the movement of various populations from their childhood disease environment to new disease environments. Studies have been completed on the mortality suffered by Africans in the transatlantic slave trade; African troops as they were posted to new disease environments within Africa, and in the West Indies; Afro-American troops from the West Indies who were posted to West Africa, and Afro-Americans from the United States who were resettled in Liberia; African indentured labourers from central Africa who were recruited for the mines of southern Africa; European troops and government and commercial officials who were posted to a variety of epidemiologically hostile locations in the Americas, Africa, and Asia; and Pacific Island indentured labourers who were recruited for the plantations and mines of Queensland (Australia), Fiji, Samoa, Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands, Nauru, and Ocean Island 1. Historians have attempted to quantify the death rates suffered by these various migrant populations, and to identify the new diseases to which they became susceptible. This research has shown that African slaves were 1 Philip D. Curtin, 'Epidemiology and the Slave Trade', Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 83, 1968, pp. 190-216; Curtin, 'African Health at Home and Abroad', Social Science History, Vol. 10, 1986, pp. 369-98; Curtin, Death by Migration: Europe's Encounter with the Tropical World in the Nineteenth Century, New York; Cambridge University Press, 1989; Ralph Shlomowitz, 6258susceptible to dysentery in the coastal barracoons while they awaited transshipment, and during the 'middle passage'. In the Americas, both African slaves and troops were susceptible to tuberculosis and pneumonia, diseases brought to the Americas by Europeans. Afro-Americans from non-malarial regions of the Americas were susceptible to malaria on their return to Africa-it appears that their hereditary protection against malaria, through possession of the sickle cell trait, had been weakened, presumably due to their lack of exposure to malaria over a number of generations in the Americas. In the mines of southern Africa, indentured labourers recruited from central Africa were susceptible to pneumonia, a disease brought to southern Africa by Europeans. European troops, government and commercial officials, and colonists were susceptible to malaria and cholera in India, and to malaria and yellow fever in West Africa and the Americas, malaria and yellow fever having been brought to the Americas by African slaves. Indentured Pacific Islanders recruited for employment on European plantations and mines in various parts of the Pacific region were susceptible to bacillary dysentery, tuberculosis, and pneumonia, new diseases brought to the Pacific by Europeans. Scholars of the migration of Indian indentured labour to the tea gardens of Assam, and the sugar cane plantations of Malaya, Fiji, Mauritius, Natal, and the West Indies have also been mindful of this linkage between mortality and migration, and they have identified the mortality suffered by'Mortality and the Pacific Labour Trade', Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 22, 1987, pp. 34-55; Shlomowitz, 'Mortality and Indentured Labour in Papua (1885-1941) and New Guinea (1920-1941)', Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 23, 1988, pp. 70-79; Shlomowitz, 'Epidemiology and the Pacific Labor Trade', Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 19, 1989, pp. 585-610; Shlomowitz, 'Differential Mortality of Asians and Pacific Islanders in the Pacific Labour Trade', Journal of the Australian Population Association, Vol. 7, 1990, pp. 116-127; Michael Craton, 'Jamaican Slave Mortality: Fresh Light from Worthy Park, Longville and the Tharp Estates', Journal of Caribbean History, Vol. 3, 1971, pp. 1-27; Peter H. Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion, New York; Knopf, 1974, pp. 63-91; Mary J. Dobson, 'Mortality Gradients and Disease Exchanges: Com parisons from Old England and Colonial America', Social History of Medicine, Vol. 2, 1989, pp. 259-298; Tom W. Shick, 'A Quantitative Analysis of Liberian Colonization from 1820 to 1843 with Special Reference to Mortality', Journal of African History, Vol. 12, 1971, pp. 45-59; Harvey M. Feinberg, 'New Data on European Mortality in West Africa: The Dutch on the Gold Coast, 1719-1760', Journal of African History, Vol. 15, 1974, pp. 357-371; Kenneth G. Davis, 'The Living and the Dead: White Mortality in West Africa, 1684-1732', in Stanley L. Engerman and Eugene D. Genovese, eds., Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1975, pp. 83-98; Mark W. Delancey, 'Health and Disease on the Plantations of Cameroon, 1884-1939', in Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson, eds., Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, Durham, North Carolina, Duke University Press, 1978, pp. 153-179; Alan H. Jeeves, Migrant Labour in South Africa's Mining Economy: The Struggle for the Gold Mines' Labour Supply, 1890-1920, Kingston and Montreal, McGill-Queens University Press, 1985, pp. 25, 224-247, 234; Rob Turrell, 'Kimberley's Model Compounds', Journal of African History, Vol. 25, 1984, pp. 60, 67. 6359 Indian indentured workers in particular years.2 They have not, however, attempted the systematic and comprehensive quantification of the death rates suffered by these workers at home and abroad. Nor have they attempted to identify the immunities acquired by Indian indentured workers in their childhood disease environment, and their susceptibilities to new diseases en route to, and at, their new places of employment. This paper is part of a wider research project which attempts to fill these lacunae in the Gterature.3 3 The paper provides the first systematic quantification of the mortality suffered by indentured and 'free' (that is, non-indentured) immigrant workers from southern India in the Straits Settlements and The Federated Malay States between 1877 and 1933.4 It identifies malaria as the new disease to which Indian indentured workers became susceptible, and it offers comparative perspectives with the epidemiological experience of Indian indentured workers in other regions. . Sources and Data The main body of primary evidence used in this paper is the annual reports on Indian immigration issued by the colonial governments of the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States. These annual reports had various titles. In the Straits Settlements, they were called 'Report of the Protector of Indian Immigrants' (for 1879), 'Report on Indian Immigration' (1880-1929), 'Annual Report on the Working of the Labour Department' (1930-1933), and 'Annual Report of the Labour Department' (from 1934); in Perak, they were called the 'Annual Reports on Indian 2 For general surveys of Indian labour emigration, see Panchanan Saha, Emigration of Indian Labour, 1834-1900, New Delhi, People's Publishing House, 1970; Hugh Tinker, A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830-1920, London, Oxford University Press, 1974. 3 For other papers emanating from this project, see Shlomowitz, 'Infant Mortality and Fiji's Indian Migrants, 1879-1919', Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 23, 1986, pp. 289-302; Shlomowitz, 'Fertility and Fiji's Indian Migrants, 1879-1919', Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 24, 1987, pp. 205-213; Shlomowitz, 'Mortality and the Pacific Labour Trade'; Shlomowitz, 'Differential Mortality of Asians and Pacific Islanders in the Pacific Labour Trade'; Shlomowitz and John McDonald, 'Mortality of Indian Labour on Ocean Voyages, 1843-1917', Studies in History, Vol. 6, 1990, pp. 35-65; Shlomowitz and Brennan, 'Mortality and Migrant Labour in Assam, 1865-1921', Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 27, 1990, pp. 85-110; Shlomowitz and Brennan, 'Mortality and Migrant Labour en route to Assam, 1863-1924', Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 27, 1990, pp. 313-330. 4 Before 1946, the Malay Peninsula was divided into three administrative regions: the Straits Settlements (Singapore, Penang, Province Wellesley, Dindings, and Malacca), the Federated Malay States (Perak, Selangor, Pahang, and Negri Sembilan), and the unfederated Malay States (Johore, Kelantan, Kedah, Trengganu, and Perlis). The Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States were formed in 1826 and 1895, respectively. (In 1867, the Straits Settlements were separated from the British administration of India to become a crown colony.) 6460 Immigration' (1896-1904); while in the Federated Malay States they were called 'Report on Indian Immigration and Emigration' (1902-1911), and 'Report on the Working of the Labour Department' (from 1912). The annual reports can be found in a variety of locations. For the Straits Settlements, they were usually published in Legislative Council Annual Reports, the Annual Departmental Reports, or the Government Gazette, while many of the earlier reports, from the first report issued in 1879, can be found in the files of the correspondence on emigration of the Colonial Office (CO 384).5 For the Federated Malay States, the reports were published in the Government Gazettes of Perak, Selangor, or the Federated Malay States, and the Annual Departmental Reports of the Federated Malay States. In addition to these annual reports, the body of evidence used in this paper includes a variety of special government reports on the condition of Indian labour,6 reports of medical officials, ~ aiid a rich body of secondary sources. 8 5 The annual reports on Indian immigration to the Straits Settlements for the following years can be found in Colonial Office files: 1879 (CO 384/127), 1880 (CO 384/133), 1882 (CO 384/143), 1883 (CO 384/148), 1884 (CO 384/154), 1886 (CO 384/164), 1888 (CO 384/172), 1889 (CO 384/176), 1893 (CO 384/189), 1894 (CO 384/191). 6 Report of the Committee on Emigration from India to the Crown Colonies and Protectorates, 3 parts, London, HMSO, 1910, Part 1 (Cd. 5192), pp. 33-39; Part 2 (Cd. 5193), pp. 42-43, 403-405, 430-435; Part 3 (Cd. 5194), pp. 110-112; C.W.C. Parr, Report of the Commission Appointed to Enquire into the Conditions of Indentured Labour in the Federated Malay States, Kuala Lumpur, Government Printer, 1910; N.E. Marjoribanks and A.T. Marakkayer, Report on Indian Labour Emigration to Ceylon and Malaya, Madras, Government Press, 1917; V.S. Srinivasa Sastri, Report on the Condition of Indian Labour in Malaya, New Delhi, Government Printer, 1937; Major G. St. J. Orde Browne, Labour Conditions in Ceylon, Mauritius, and Malaya, London, HMSO, 1943. 7 Hookworm and Malaria Research in Malaya, Java, and the Fiji Islands, New York, The Rockefeller Foundation, International Health Board, Publication No. 9, 1920; Report of the Commission appointed to Enquire into Certain Matters Affecting the Health of Estates in the Federated Malay States, Singapore, Government Printer, 1924; Malcolm Watson, The Preven tion of Malaria in the Federated Malay States, 2nd. ed., London, John Murray, 1921, first published in 1901. 8 S. Arasaratnam, Indians in Malaya and Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1970; Hon-Chan Chai, The Development of British Malaya, 1896-1909, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1964; James C. Jackson, Planters and Speculators: Chinese and European Agricultural Enterprise in Malaya, 1786-1921, Kuala Lumpur, University of Malaya Press, 1968; R.N. Jackson, Immigrant Labour and the Development of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Government Printer, 1961; J.N. Parmer, Colonial Labor Policy and Administration, New York, J.J. Augustin Inc., 1960; Kernial Singh Sandhu, Indians in Malaya: Some Aspects of Their Immigration and Settlement (1786-1957), Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1969; Saw Swee-Hock, 'Indian Immigration in Malaya before the Second World War', Malaysia in History, Vol. 23, 1980, pp. 47-58. For two recent articles on health services in colonial Malaya, see Lenore Manderson, 'Health Services and the Legitimation of the Colonial State: British Malaya, 1786-1941', International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 17, 1987, pp. 91-112; J.N. Parmer, 'Health and Health Services in British Malaya in the 1920s', Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 23, 1989, pp. 49-71. 6561 l Data on the mortality suffered by Indian indentured workers are available from 1877, when the indenture system was first regulated, until the system was ended by a political decree of the British government. The last cohort of indentured workers were introduced in 1910, and the last indenture contracts expired in 1913. Indentured workers were mostly employed on the sugar cane estates of Province Wellesley and Perak. A few hundred were also employed on coffee estates, railways, and various government departments in Singapore, Penang, Malacca, Sunjei Ujong (Negri Sembilan), and other states. Few Indian indentured workers were recruited for employment on rubber estates, and the rubber boom at the end of the first decade of the twentieth century coincided with the demise of the sugar cane industry in Malaya, and in the use of the indentured labour system for Indian labour. Although some free Indian workers were employed on the same sugar cane estates as their indentured compatriots, they were mainly employed on coffee, and then rubber estates. These coffee and rubber estates supplemented their Indian labour force with Javanese, Chinese, and Malay labour. Work on sugar cane plantations was more arduous than in other types of agriculture, and indentured workers were specially selected for such heavy work.9 Although indentured workers had to meet certain physical standards, these were relaxed, as will be shown below, in times of famine in India, aid in times of exceptional demand for labour in Malaya. Initially, the length of the indenture was set at three years. From 1 November 1899, this was reduced to two years, and from the beginning of 1905, the length was fixed at 600 drays. 10 Between 1902 and 1905, however, the decline in the length of the indenture was offset, in part, by an increase in the number of workers who re-engaged for contracts of usually 12 or 18 months on completing their first indenture: whereas before 1902, usually less than five per cent of workers re-engaged, between 1902 and 1905 this increased to over ten per cent. Yet after 1905, the percentage re-engaging declined markedly to levels usually under five per cent (see Table 1). The consequences of changes in the length of the indenture and in the incidence of re-indentures for the average length of time indentured workers were at risk of death can now be assessed. Before 1902, indentured workers who had regularly completed their tasks would have been at risk for slightly over three years, while from 1902, the period at risk would have declined to between two and two-and-a-half years. Those workers who did not regularly perform their tasks would have had their contracts extended, and so would have been at risk for longer periods. 9 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements, 1934, pp. 852-853. 10 'Annual Report on Indian Immigration', in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements, 1902, p. 189; 'Report on Indian Immigration and Emigration'. F.M.S., 1905, p. 8. 6662 Table 1 ' Number of Renewed Contracts, Province WeUesley, 1885-1910 a Up to 1897, number employed under second contract; thereafter, number of contracts renewed during the year. In 1897, for example, 177 Indians were employed under second contract and 112 contracts were renewed during the year. Source: Annual Reports on Indian Immigration, Straits Settlements. The annual reports present mortality data relating to workers, exclusive of dependant, non-working children and accompanying, non-working adults. Separate statistics on the mortality suffered by these young and aged dependants were not reported. It can be presumed that not all deaths were reported, though the death-reporting process would have been more reliable for indentured than free workers." Another bias in the reported statistics was created by the practice of repatriating chronically sick workers, 11 'Annual Report on Indian Immigration, in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settle ments, 1910, p. 502. 6763 which meant that their deaths were not reported in the official returns. (Statistics on the number of workers so repatriated were not reported.) Similarly, deaths among sick and unfit workers who had deserted were not entered against the estate from which they deserted.'2 Due to the existence of these two biases, the 'reported' number of deaths should be considered a lower bound on the 'actual' number of deaths. Deaths of indentured workers were usually attributed in the annual reports to malaria, debility, anaemia, diarrhoea, and dysentery. Evaluation of these conclusions of contemporary health officials is difficult because debility, anaemia, and diarrhoea are usually considered symptoms rather than underlying causes of disease (for example, debility and anaemia were probably symptoms of malaria or hookworm), while dysentery was often a secondary infection of patients already suffering from malaria. (Malaria is usually a chronic complaint which weakens patients, making them particularly susceptible to secondary infections.)13 It appears that malaria was the main underlying killer of Indians in Malaya. 14 Indian workers were vulnerable because of their relative lack of immunity to malaria. Two types of evidence provide support for this proposition: (a) the relatively low endemicity of malaria in southern India shown in malarial maps prepared in the 1920so and (b) the relatively low spleen rate of Indian immigrants entering Malaya. 16 In contrast to southern India, malaria was hyperendemic in nearly all of Malaya, and, in particular, malaria was hyperendemic on estates which had been established by clearing jungle. The process of clearing jungle promoted the breeding of Anopheles maculatus, which does not breed in jungles giving complete shade, but likes sunny waters. And the A. maculatus flourished on estates employing a continual supply of non-immune immigrant labour." In sum, Indian immigrants were placed at great risk because few acquired some degree of immunity to malaria in their childhood disease environment in southern India, and they migrated to a most epidemiologically hostile environment in which malaria was hyperendemic. 12 Report on Indian Immigration and Emigration', F.M.S., 1905, p. 7. 13 Watson, The Prevention of Malaria. pp. 97-98; Ronald Ross, The Prevention of Malaria, London. John Murray. 1910, p. 246. 14 Watson. The Prevention of Malaria, pp. 97-98, 102; Marjoribanks and Marakkayer, Re port on Indian Labour Emigration, p. 40; Jin-bee Ooi. 'Rural Development in Tropical Areas. with Special Reference to Malaya'. The Journal of Tropical Geography, Vol. 12. 1959. p. 55: Report of the Commission ... Health of Estates, Vol. 2, p. B 11. 15 S.R. Christophers and J.A. Sinton. 'A Malaria Map of India', The Indian Journal of Medical Research. Vol. 14. 1926-27. pp. 173-178. 16 Hookworm and Malaria Research. pp. 8, 67, 157. 17 Report of the Commission...Health of Estates. Vol. 1. p. A13; Gordon Harrison. Mos quitoes, Malaria, and Man: A History of the Hostilities since 1880. New York. E.P. Dutton. 1978. pp. 136-138; Ooi. 'Rural Development'. pp. 48-49. 6864 Findings Death rates of indentured and free Indian labour are presented in Tables 2 to 6. Five findings are particularly noteworthy. First, there was no long-run decline in the death rate of indentured workers; the highest annual death rates were, in fact, in the last decade before the system was ended (see Table 2). The increase in the average death rate in . the 1900s appears to have been associated with (a) a higher proportion of new recruits in the indentured population due to the reduction in the length of the indenture, and (b) a reduction in physical standards of recruits in 1900 due to famine conditions in India,18 and another reduction between October 1904 and March 1905 to meet an increase in the demand for recruits.'9 Second, new recruits were most at risk. Separate statistics on the average death rate by year of residence in Malaya are only available for indentured workers, and then only in the form of an annual average over the period between 1884 and 1889: 57.5 per 1,000, 27.9 per 1,000, and 13.5 per 1,000 in the first, second, and third year of the indenture, respectively.2° The greater vulnerability of new recruits was well-recognised by contemporaries,21 and it is also evident more indirectly in a variety of cross-section and time-series data. Using cross-section data, it is shown in the higher average death rate of indentured than free workers (see Tables 2 and 5). Time-series data on indentured and free workers can also be used. For indentured workers, an increase in immigration was associated with a rise in death rates (see data on Perak in Table 2), while the ending of the immigration inflow in 1910, was associated with plummeting death rates in 1911 and 1912 (see Table 2). For free workers, the enormous immigration between 1905 and 1912, brought about by the rubber boom, was also associated with very high death rates (see Tables 3 to 5). Third, disregarding the influenza pandemic of 1918, death rates of free workers declined steadily after 1911 and 1912 (see Tables 3 to 5). Whereas the average death rate was usually over 20 per 1,000 in the 1910s, it declined to between 10 and 20 per 1,000 in the 1920s, and to below 10 per 1,000 in the 1930s. 22 18 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements. 1902, p. 188. 19 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements, 1905, p. 94. 20 'Report by the Commissioners appointed to Enquire into the State of Labour in the Straits Settlements and the Protected Native States', Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements Papers, 1891, Part III, p. 59. 21 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements, 1904, p. 95; 1905, p. 94. 22 'The Annual Reports of the Labour Department', in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements, present mortality data for the Straits Settlements and the F.M.S. for the 1930s. 6965 7066 7167 « £ s:: a C4 -V m 9 ~ .C 4) a~ 0 C f f O ~' ~ : 0 0 °c. MM M -~ -~ " 0 1 - = o o g I it Js is Q S 3 E s 3 -~ ca 5 c c S ~ & ~ m ~ to co o ao ... c wv o o _E a w ~ ~ ' b N u £ . , , O < w ~ H j ~ S e o 0 i g ~ 3 p 8 a. ,f § o j 'fl j £ jg i 1 a SL a _ 1 § i E 1 H 3 # g u © j « © ~ Q Q ~ K ^r 'o T .%Kll , s s ~w ~ § s o 'o B S 3 w o b ' tS ~ "' MS 4.1 .a w ~ Qg ~~ a, 1 w $ v ' ~i©I if~l i .!~i C '7E ~ o W w w H m o a "~ fi[) j a.§ w ~ ~ g& 00 ii w? ~~ ., w w ~ ~ ~ s oA w po t/1 a1 u u 6~ 9 o M 7268 7369 - « ~ c 3 ~ . , v cd ''' C vi , - ~ 8 1 < o ~ ~ E 11.1 ~ E o ...... .B f .9 0 ' cd ~fl s ' ~ V~ < y ! ! M c o 3. ' ] 0 t: ... 11.1 =' > 0 . C © B 11.1 8 j 11.1 M S M ~ rei..s i t~" ' ~. Cd ar '5 MfD g [ ~ 1 ca § M 0 ~ ~ g, N CL 'L7 ~ >. o ~ fflz £fi S'S j 3 %oy # < i I O < 'O ;~o 1# . 7470 s 71, ~ ~ - I I I ~ "I:f' ~ :3 i , ' ~ ~ j ~ f 4 11 Cb, I # 9 1 M ~° p '~V § 4w . 2 V I C ~ ~ K ' W d0 -£ ~ ~ « ~ ~ x 0 ~ ~ I S. ~ ~ G c - ~ . fli x j gQ z L T~ S b C~ Q ~C 'L~ co ~ # o i ~% g , . c~t ~ i . fl % £ " C ca 0 c 'n 0 M 'Eh 00 w" E - j e k ~. S c~ > O g oON n c - I ~ N_ G ©E~ ~ ~2 ~ fl6 vo v c ~ .s a w '£ tC CO i# # 8 7571 Table 5 Mortality of Free Indian Estate Labour, Federated Malay States, 1902-1930~°~ a From 1920, inclusive of some mine workers. Sources: Annual Reports on Indian Immigration and Emigration, F.M.S. (1902-1911); Annual Reports on the Working of the Labour Department, F.M.S. (1912-1930). Fourth, there were marked regional differences in death rates. For indentured workers, death rates were higher in Perak than in Province Wellesley (see Table 2). For free labour in the Straits Settlements, death rates were higher in Malacca than in Province Wellesley and Dindings (see Table 3), while for free labour in the Federated Malay States, death rates were higher in Negri Sembilan than Selangor, which, in turn, suffered higher rates than Perak (see Table 4). Fifth, death rates for indentured workers in Malaya and Assam were considerably higher than in other regions, such as Fiji and Surinam, for which comparable data are available (see Table 6). 7672 ' Table 6 _ Differential Mortality of Indentured Indian Labour in Assam, Fiji, Surinane, and Malaya, 1871-1910 Sources: Table 2; Shlomowitz, 'Mortality and the Pacific Labour Trade', p. 43; Shlomowitz ' and Brennan, 'Mortality and Migrant Labour in Assam, 1865-1921', Table 4; Pieter Emnier, 'The Great Escape: The Migration of Female Indentured Servants from British India to Surinam, 1873-1916', in David Richardson, ed., Abolition and Its Aftermath: The Historical Context, 1790-1916, London, Cass, 1985, derived from data on pp. 262-263. Discussion There are three broad types of explanation for these findings. The first explanation places emphasis on the relative lack of exposure of southern Indians to malaria, and their movement to a new disease environ- - ment in Malaya in which malaria was hyperendemic. New recruits, accordingly, were most at risk because they lacked immunity to the new disease environment in Malaya. If they survived the first year of residence in Malaya, they built up immunities to the new disease environment, and their death rates declined thereafter. " The long-run decline in the death rate of free workers is then explained by the increasing proportion of this population who had acquired immunities to the new disease environment. The higher death rate of free workers in Malacca than in Province Wellesley can also be explained by this immunological hypothesis, the labour force on the older established estates of Province Wellesley being more seasoned than the labour forces in other regions23 and Province Wellesley being one of the least malarious regions of Malaya.24 . _ 23 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements, 1924, p. 358. 24 Ooi, 'Rural Development', p. 48. 7773 The higher death rates suffered by indentured Indian workers in Assam and Malaya than in Fiji can similarly be explained in terms of this immunological hypothesis. Assam and Malaya were most hostile disease environments, characterised primarily by hyperendemic malaria, though cholera was also endemic in Assam. Fiji, in contrast, had a relatively benign disease environment, malaria and cholera being absent. The relatively low death rate of indentured Indian workers in Surinam may also have been associated with the nature of its disease environment, but this awaits further study. 25 The second explanati'on places emphasis on the poor health of new recruits, migration usually being prompted by poverty and famine. The finding that new recruits were mainly at risk is then explained in terms of the weakest recruits dying first, so that the average health of the remaining members of the migrant cohort was improved, with associated lower death rates. The finding that death rates were higher in Assam and Malaya than in Fiji and Surinam, is then explained in terms of the more exacting recruiting standards used in colonial emigration to places such as Fiji and Surinam. Support for this hypothesis is given by assertions of contemporaries that many recruits for Assam and Malaya had been previously rejected by other recruiting agencies.26 The third explanation places emphasis on working and living conditions. New recruits, for example, were more vulnerable to disease because they earned less than experienced workers, and on some estates in the 1870s 25 Indian indentured labourers were also introduced into British Guyana, the West Indies, Natal, Mauritius, and Reunion. In British Guyana and the West Indies, they were particularly vulnerable to malaria and yellow fever; in Mauritius and Reunion, they were vulnerable to malaria which was introduced into these colonies in 1865, and thereafter became endemic; in Natal, they were vulnerable to the malaria epidemic of 1905-1906. In general, however, Natal had a benign disease environment, free of endemic malaria, cholera, and yellow fever. A review of the Annual Reports of the Protector of Indian Immigrants in Natal, Mauritius, British Guyana, and the various West Indies colonies shows that separate data on the mortality suffered by Indian labourers during their first (five year) indenture were only reported in Natal, and then only from 1902. Confirmation of the benign disease environment of Natal is shown by the annual death rate of Indian indentured workers seldom rising above 20 per 1,000 in the years from 1902 until 1916 when the last batch of recruits were received. We are indebted to Joy Brain and Kathy Prior for organising the microfilming of the Annual Reports of the Protectors of Indian Immigration of Natal and Mauritius, respectively, and Joy Brain kindly supplied a number of the reports from British Guyana and the West Indies. On Natal, see J.B. Brain and P. Brain, 'The Health of Indentured Indian Migrants to Natal, 1860-1911', South African Medical Journal, Vol. 62 (1982), pp. 739-742; and J.B. Brain and P. Brain, 'Nostalgia and Alligator Bite—Morbidity and Mortality among Indian Migrants to Natal, 1884-1911', South African Medical Journal, Vol. 65 (1984), pp. 98-102. More generally, see David Arnold, 'The Indian Ocean as a Disease Zone, c1500-1950', unpublished paper, 1990. 26 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements, 1904, p. 97; Shlomowitz and Brennan, 'Mortality and Migrant Labour in Assam', note 56. 7874 and 1880s, they were not even victualled if their work performance, perhaps due to poor health, was deficient. 27 New recruits also had to learn how to cope with the new work regime and living arrangements. They had to learn, for example, about hygiene under the new circumstances, as crowded and insanitary plantations provided ideal conditions for the transmission of infectious diseases such as dysentery. Sanitation deficiencies and the lack of clean water supplies may also explain, in part, the high death rates associated with the rapid expansion of rubber estates between 1906 and 1912 in frontier-type conditions. The post-1912 decline in the death rate may then have been due to improved living conditions. Placing emphasis on working and living conditions may also explain, in part, the higher death rate of indentured as compared to free workers. Indentured workers earned less, worked harder and longer hours, and the work requirements of sugar cane were more exacting than those of coffee and rubber.28 - It is also possible that the differential mortality suffered by Indian indentured workers in various regions at home and abroad may have been due to differences in working and living conditions. The comparative analysis of wages, hours of work, water supplies, and sanitation conditions in the various regions, however, needs further study. Comparing Chinese and Indian Labour A comparative analysis of the mortality suffered by Chinese and Indian immigrant labour is made difficult by the paucity of information on Chinese mortality: death rates suffered by Chinese labour were only reported from 1913, and even then the reader was warned that because Chinese workers were usually engaged through a contractor and so often did not appear on the plantation's check-roll or live on the estate, the data were not reliable. 9 Fragments of literary evidence that are available, suggest that Chinese labour migrants suffered very high death rates in the nineteenth century, and~ the mortality suffered by Indian and Chinese labour migrants in the nineteenth century were similar. This conclusion is not surprising: both migrant populations were nutritionally deficient due to famine and poverty in their home countries, both were migrating to a new epidemiological environment, and both encountered harsh working and living conditions in Malaya.3° ' ' 27 'Report by the Commissioners, 1891', p. 51. 28 Parr, Report of the Commission, pp. C105-106. 29 Annual Report on the Working of the Labour Department, F.M.S., 1913, p. 9. 30 On Chinese mortality in nineetenth century, see Lamb to Gottlieb, 10 February 1879, Straits Settlements Government Gazette, 1 August 1879, p. 555; W.L. Blythe, 'Historical 7975However, by the first few decades of the twentieth century when death rates of both migrant populations had declined substantially, many contemporaries observed that the mortality suffered by Chinese workers was lower than that of Indian workers. This was attributed to cultural factors such as their better diet, use of mosquito nets, greater concern over clean water (by the use of boiled water), and generally taking better care of themselves.31 Conclusions The paper has attempted the first systematic quantification of the mortality suffered by Indian labour in Malaya. The central conclusion of the paper is that death rates of Indian labour in Malaya were extraordinarily high in comparison with the mortality suffered by Indian labour in other overseas colonies, and by other immigrant groups in Malaya. Indians in Malaya were at risk because of (a) their relative lack of immunity to Malaya's hyperendemic malaria, (b) their poor health status on arrival in Malaya, and (c) their relatively poor living and working conditions in Malaya. This paper does not attempt to assign weights to these various explanations, and further research will need to investigate the possibility of finding critical evidence which can help to determine the relative importance . of each of these explanations. One of the most intriguing findings of the paper is the marked regional differences in mortality suffered by Indian labour in Malaya. The paper has suggested that some regions may have been more epidemiologically hostile than others, and that newly-established plantations in frontier areas may have encountered problems in effecting a reasonable sanitation regime, and so in procuring clean water. Clearly these explanations are merely tentative and undoubtedly incomplete, and the marked regional differences in mortality call for further study.Sketch of Chinese Labour in Malaya', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malaya Branch, Vol. 20, 1947, p. 36; Wong Lin Ken, The Malayan Tin Industry to 1914, Tucson, University of Arizona Press, 1965, p. 65. 31 Marjoribanks and Marakkayer, Report on Indian Labour Emigration, p. 40; Orde-Browne, Labour Conditions, pp. 102-103; Hookworm and Malaria Research, p. 4; Chai, The Develop ment of British Malay, p. 140; Jackson, Immigrant Labour, p. 134; Sandhu. Indians in Malaya, pp. 169-170; Harrison, Mosquitoes, Malaria, and Man, p. 136; 'Annual Report on the Working of the Labour Department', F.M.S., 1915, p. 9; C.N. Maxwell, The Control of Malaria, Kuala Lumpur, Kyle, Palmer & Co. Ltd., 1930, pp. 31-32.</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes>
<p><sup>1</sup> Philip D. Curtin, 'Epidemiology and the Slave Trade', <italic>Political Science Quarterly,</italic> Vol. 83, 1968, pp. 190-216; Curtin, 'African Health at Home and Abroad', Social Science History, Vol. 10, 1986, pp. 369-98; Curtin, <italic>Death by Migration: Europe's Encounter with the Tropical World in the Nineteenth Century,</italic> New York; Cambridge University Press, 1989; Ralph Shlomowitz, 'Mortality and the Pacific Labour Trade', <italic>Journal of Pacific History,</italic> Vol. 22, 1987, pp. 34-55; Shlomowitz, 'Mortality and Indentured Labour in Papua (1885-1941) and New Guinea (1920-1941)', <italic>Journal of Pacific History,</italic> Vol. 23, 1988, pp. 70-79; Shlomowitz, 'Epidemiology and the Pacific Labor Trade', <italic> Journal of Interdisciplinary History,</italic> Vol. 19, 1989, pp. 585-610; Shlomowitz, 'Differential Mortality of Asians and Pacific Islanders in the Pacific Labour Trade', <italic>Journal of the Australian Population Association,</italic> Vol. 7, 1990, pp. 116-127; Michael Craton, 'Jamaican Slave Mortality: Fresh Light from Worthy Park, Longville and the Tharp Estates', Journal <italic>of Caribbean</italic> History, Vol. 3, 1971, pp. 1-27; Peter H. Wood, <italic>Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion,</italic> New York; Knopf, 1974, pp. 63-91; Mary J. Dobson, 'Mortality Gradients and Disease Exchanges: Com parisons from Old England and Colonial America', <italic>Social History of Medicine,</italic> Vol. 2, 1989, pp. 259-298; Tom W. Shick, 'A Quantitative Analysis of Liberian Colonization from 1820 to 1843 with Special Reference to Mortality', <italic> Journal of African History,</italic> Vol. 12, 1971, pp. 45-59; Harvey M. Feinberg, 'New Data on European Mortality in West Africa: The Dutch on the Gold Coast, 1719-1760', <italic>Journal of African History,</italic> Vol. 15, 1974, pp. 357-371; Kenneth G. Davis, 'The Living and the Dead: White Mortality in West Africa, 1684-1732', in Stanley L. Engerman and Eugene D. Genovese, eds., <italic>Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere: Quantitative Studies,</italic> Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1975, pp. 83-98; Mark W. Delancey, 'Health and Disease on the Plantations of Cameroon, 1884-1939', in Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson, eds., <italic>Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies,</italic> Durham, North Carolina, Duke University Press, 1978, pp. 153-179; Alan H. Jeeves, <italic>Migrant Labour in South Africa's Mining Economy: The Struggle for the Gold Mines' Labour Supply, 1890-1920,</italic> Kingston and Montreal, McGill-Queens University Press, 1985, pp. 25, 224-247, 234; Rob Turrell, 'Kimberley's Model Compounds', <italic>Journal of African History,</italic> Vol. 25, 1984, pp. 60, 67.</p>
<p><sup>2</sup> For general surveys of Indian labour emigration, see Panchanan Saha, <italic>Emigration of Indian Labour, 1834-1900,</italic> New Delhi, People's Publishing House, 1970; Hugh Tinker, <italic>A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830-1920,</italic> London, Oxford University Press, 1974.</p>
<p><sup>3</sup> For other papers emanating from this project, see Shlomowitz, 'Infant Mortality and Fiji's Indian Migrants, 1879-1919', <italic>Indian Economic and Social History Review,</italic> Vol. 23, 1986, pp. 289-302; Shlomowitz, 'Fertility and Fiji's Indian Migrants, 1879-1919', <italic>Indian Economic and Social History Review,</italic> Vol. 24, 1987, pp. 205-213; Shlomowitz, 'Mortality and the Pacific Labour Trade'; Shlomowitz, 'Differential Mortality of Asians and Pacific Islanders in the Pacific Labour Trade'; Shlomowitz and John McDonald, 'Mortality of Indian Labour on Ocean Voyages, 1843-1917', <italic>Studies in History,</italic> Vol. 6, 1990, pp. 35-65; Shlomowitz and Brennan, 'Mortality and Migrant Labour in Assam, 1865-1921', <italic>Indian Economic and Social History Review,</italic> Vol. 27, 1990, pp. 85-110; Shlomowitz and Brennan, 'Mortality and Migrant Labour en route to Assam, 1863-1924', <italic>Indian Economic and Social History Review,</italic> Vol. 27, 1990, pp. 313-330.</p>
<p><sup>4</sup> Before 1946, the Malay Peninsula was divided into three administrative regions: the Straits Settlements (Singapore, Penang, Province Wellesley, Dindings, and Malacca), the Federated Malay States (Perak, Selangor, Pahang, and Negri Sembilan), and the unfederated Malay States (Johore, Kelantan, Kedah, Trengganu, and Perlis). The Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States were formed in 1826 and 1895, respectively. (In 1867, the Straits Settlements were separated from the British administration of India to become a crown colony.)</p>
<p><sup>5</sup> The annual reports on Indian immigration to the Straits Settlements for the following years can be found in Colonial Office files: 1879 (CO 384/127), 1880 (CO 384/133), 1882 (CO 384/143), 1883 (CO 384/148), 1884 (CO 384/154), 1886 (CO 384/164), 1888 (CO 384/172), 1889 (CO 384/176), 1893 (CO 384/189), 1894 (CO 384/191).</p>
<p><sup>6</sup>
<italic>Report of the Committee on Emigration from India to the Crown Colonies and Protectorates,</italic> 3 parts, London, HMSO, 1910, Part 1 (Cd. 5192), pp. 33-39; Part 2 (Cd. 5193), pp. 42-43, 403-405, 430-435; Part 3 (Cd. 5194), pp. 110-112; C.W.C. Parr, <italic>Report of the Commission Appointed to Enquire into the Conditions of Indentured Labour in the Federated Malay States,</italic> Kuala Lumpur, Government Printer, 1910; N.E. Marjoribanks and A.T. Marakkayer, Report <italic>on Indian Labour Emigration to Ceylon and Malaya,</italic> Madras, Government Press, 1917; V.S. Srinivasa Sastri, <italic>Report on the Condition of Indian Labour in Malaya,</italic> New Delhi, Government Printer, 1937; Major G. St. J. Orde Browne, <italic> Labour Conditions in Ceylon, Mauritius, and Malaya,</italic> London, HMSO, 1943.</p>
<p><sup>7</sup>
<italic>Hookworm and Malaria Research in Malaya, Java, and the Fiji Islands,</italic> New York, The Rockefeller Foundation, International Health Board, Publication No. 9, 1920; <italic>Report of the Commission appointed to Enquire into Certain Matters Affecting the Health of Estates in the Federated Malay States,</italic> Singapore, Government Printer, 1924; Malcolm Watson, <italic>The Preven tion of Malaria in the Federated Malay States,</italic> 2nd. ed., London, John Murray, 1921, first published in 1901.</p>
<p><sup>8</sup> S. Arasaratnam, <italic> Indians in Malaya and Singapore,</italic> Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1970; Hon-Chan Chai, <italic>The Development of British Malaya, 1896-1909,</italic> Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1964; James C. Jackson, <italic>Planters and Speculators: Chinese and European Agricultural Enterprise in Malaya, 1786-1921,</italic> Kuala Lumpur, University of Malaya Press, 1968; R.N. Jackson, <italic> Immigrant Labour and the Development of Malaya,</italic> Kuala Lumpur, Government Printer, 1961; J.N. Parmer, <italic>Colonial Labor Policy and Administration,</italic> New York, J.J. Augustin Inc., 1960; Kernial Singh Sandhu, <italic>Indians in Malaya: Some Aspects of Their Immigration and Settlement (1786-1957),</italic> Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1969; Saw Swee-Hock, 'Indian Immigration in Malaya before the Second World War', <italic>Malaysia in History,</italic> Vol. 23, 1980, pp. 47-58. For two recent articles on health services in colonial Malaya, see Lenore Manderson, 'Health Services and the Legitimation of the Colonial State: British Malaya, 1786-1941', <italic>International Journal of Health Services,</italic> Vol. 17, 1987, pp. 91-112; J.N. Parmer, 'Health and Health Services in British Malaya in the 1920s', <italic>Modern Asian Studies,</italic> Vol. 23, 1989, pp. 49-71.</p>
<p><sup>9</sup> 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements,</italic> 1934, pp. 852-853.</p>
<p><sup>10</sup> 'Annual Report on Indian Immigration', in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements,</italic> 1902, p. 189; 'Report on Indian Immigration and Emigration'. <italic> F.M.S.,</italic> 1905, p. 8.</p>
<p><sup>11</sup> 'Annual Report on Indian Immigration, in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settle ments,</italic> 1910, p. 502.</p>
<p><sup>12</sup> Report on Indian Immigration and Emigration', <italic>F.M.S.,</italic> 1905, p. 7.</p>
<p><sup>13</sup> Watson, <italic> The Prevention of Malaria.</italic> pp. 97-98; Ronald Ross, <italic>The Prevention of Malaria,</italic> London. John Murray. 1910, p. 246.</p>
<p><sup>14</sup> Watson. <italic> The Prevention of Malaria,</italic> pp. 97-98, 102; Marjoribanks and Marakkayer, Re <italic>port on Indian Labour Emigration,</italic> p. 40; Jin-bee Ooi. 'Rural Development in Tropical Areas. with Special Reference to Malaya'. <italic>The Journal of Tropical Geography,</italic> Vol. 12. 1959. p. 55: Report of the <italic>Commission</italic> ... <italic>Health</italic> of <italic> Estates,</italic> Vol. 2, p. B 11.</p>
<p><sup>15</sup> S.R. Christophers and J.A. Sinton. 'A Malaria Map of India', <italic>The Indian Journal of Medical Research.</italic> Vol. 14. 1926-27. pp. 173-178.</p>
<p><sup>16</sup>
<italic>Hookworm and Malaria Research.</italic> pp. 8, 67, 157.</p>
<p><sup>17</sup>
<italic>Report of the Commission...Health of Estates.</italic> Vol. 1. p. A13; Gordon Harrison. <italic> Mos quitoes, Malaria, and Man: A History of the Hostilities since 1880.</italic> New York. E.P. Dutton. 1978. pp. 136-138; Ooi. 'Rural Development'. pp. 48-49.</p>
<p><sup>18</sup> 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements.</italic> 1902, p. 188.</p>
<p><sup>19</sup> 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements,</italic> 1905, p. 94.</p>
<p><sup>20</sup> 'Report by the Commissioners appointed to Enquire into the State of Labour in the Straits Settlements and the Protected Native States', <italic>Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements Papers,</italic> 1891, Part III, p. 59.</p>
<p><sup>21</sup> 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements,</italic> 1904, p. 95; 1905, p. 94.</p>
<p><sup>22</sup> 'The Annual Reports of the Labour Department', in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements,</italic> present mortality data for the Straits Settlements and the <italic>F.M.S.</italic> for the 1930s.</p>
<p><sup>23</sup> 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements,</italic> 1924, p. 358.</p>
<p><sup>24</sup> Ooi, 'Rural Development', p. 48.</p>
<p><sup>25</sup> Indian indentured labourers were also introduced into British Guyana, the West Indies, Natal, Mauritius, and Reunion. In British Guyana and the West Indies, they were particularly vulnerable to malaria and yellow fever; in Mauritius and Reunion, they were vulnerable to malaria which was introduced into these colonies in 1865, and thereafter became endemic; in Natal, they were vulnerable to the malaria epidemic of 1905-1906. In general, however, Natal had a benign disease environment, free of endemic malaria, cholera, and yellow fever. A review of the Annual Reports of the Protector of Indian Immigrants in Natal, Mauritius, British Guyana, and the various West Indies colonies shows that separate data on the mortality suffered by Indian labourers during their first (five year) indenture were only reported in Natal, and then only from 1902. Confirmation of the benign disease environment of Natal is shown by the annual death rate of Indian indentured workers seldom rising above 20 per 1,000 in the years from 1902 until 1916 when the last batch of recruits were received. We are indebted to Joy Brain and Kathy Prior for organising the microfilming of the Annual Reports of the Protectors of Indian Immigration of Natal and Mauritius, respectively, and Joy Brain kindly supplied a number of the reports from British Guyana and the West Indies. On Natal, see J.B. Brain and P. Brain, 'The Health of Indentured Indian Migrants to Natal, 1860-1911', <italic>South African Medical Journal,</italic> Vol. 62 (1982), pp. 739-742; and J.B. Brain and P. Brain, 'Nostalgia and Alligator Bite—Morbidity and Mortality among Indian Migrants to Natal, 1884-1911', <italic>South African Medical Journal,</italic> Vol. 65 (1984), pp. 98-102. More generally, see David Arnold, 'The Indian Ocean as a Disease Zone, c1500-1950', unpublished paper, 1990.</p>
<p><sup>26</sup> 'Annual Report of the Labour Department', in <italic>Annual Departmental Reports of the Straits Settlements,</italic> 1904, p. 97; Shlomowitz and Brennan, 'Mortality and Migrant Labour in Assam', note 56.</p>
<p><sup>27</sup> 'Report by the Commissioners, 1891', p. 51.</p>
<p><sup>28</sup> Parr, <italic> Report of the Commission,</italic> pp. C105-106.</p>
<p><sup>29</sup> Annual Report on the Working of the Labour Department, <italic>F.M.S.,</italic> 1913, p. 9.</p>
<p><sup>30</sup> On Chinese mortality in nineetenth century, see Lamb to Gottlieb, 10 February 1879, <italic> Straits Settlements Government Gazette,</italic> 1 August 1879, p. 555; W.L. Blythe, 'Historical Sketch of Chinese Labour in Malaya', <italic>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Malaya Branch,</italic> Vol. 20, 1947, p. 36; Wong Lin Ken, <italic>The Malayan Tin Industry to 1914,</italic> Tucson, University of Arizona Press, 1965, p. 65.</p>
<p><sup>31</sup> Marjoribanks and Marakkayer, <italic>Report on Indian Labour Emigration,</italic> p. 40; Orde-Browne, <italic>Labour Conditions,</italic> pp. 102-103; <italic>Hookworm and Malaria Research,</italic> p. 4; Chai, <italic>The Develop ment of British Malay,</italic> p. 140; Jackson, <italic>Immigrant Labour,</italic> p. 134; Sandhu. <italic>Indians in Malaya,</italic> pp. 169-170; Harrison, <italic> Mosquitoes, Malaria, and Man,</italic> p. 136; 'Annual Report on the Working of the Labour Department', <italic>F.M.S.,</italic> 1915, p. 9; C.N. Maxwell, <italic>The Control of Malaria,</italic> Kuala Lumpur, Kyle, Palmer & Co. Ltd., 1930, pp. 31-32.</p>
</notes></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Ralph</namePart><namePart type="family">Shlomowitz</namePart><affiliation>The Flinders University of South Australia</affiliation></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Lance</namePart><namePart type="family">Brennan</namePart><affiliation>The Flinders University of South Australia</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1992-03</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">1992</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Indian Economic & Social History Review</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0019-4646</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">0973-0893</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">IER</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spier</identifier><part><date>1992</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>29</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>1</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>57</start><end>75</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">AB95C4A8D21AE70FB60DE24E97FC9C21EF004746</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/001946469202900103</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_001946469202900103</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-691NCB4F-P/record.json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
EXPLOR_STEP=$WICRI_ROOT/Sante/explor/PandemieGrippaleV1/Data/Istex/Corpus
HfdSelect -h $EXPLOR_STEP/biblio.hfd -nk 001873 | SxmlIndent | more
Ou
HfdSelect -h $EXPLOR_AREA/Data/Istex/Corpus/biblio.hfd -nk 001873 | SxmlIndent | more
Pour mettre un lien sur cette page dans le réseau Wicri
{{Explor lien
|wiki= Sante
|area= PandemieGrippaleV1
|flux= Istex
|étape= Corpus
|type= RBID
|clé= ISTEX:AB95C4A8D21AE70FB60DE24E97FC9C21EF004746
|texte= Mortality and Indian labour in Malaya, 1877-1933
}}
| This area was generated with Dilib version V0.6.34. |  |