EdenteV2, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 006541

Depression in the Profession: Social Workers’ Experiences and Perceptions

Identifieur interne : 006541 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 006540; suivant : 006542

Depression in the Profession: Social Workers’ Experiences and Perceptions

Auteurs : Nicky Stanley ; Jill Manthorpe ; Maureen White

Source :

British Journal of Social Work [ 0045-3102 ] ; 2007-02.

RBID : ISTEX:CBD29EA3172D30B8426C2E4B37136351F8D74FA4

English descriptors

KwdEn :
- British journal, Care organizations, Community care, Contributory factors, Counselling, Current areas, Disability, Disability rights commission, Disabled people, Disclosure, Dual identity, Employment opportunities, Environmental medicine, First stage, First time, Front line workers, Health education board, High demands, High levels, Highest levels, Interviewee, Manthorpe, Mental health, Mental health foundation, Mental health problems, Mental health professionals, Mental health service users, Mental health services, Mental wellbeing, Nicky, Nicky stanley, Nisw study, Nisw workforce study, Occupational health, Other factors, Personal experiences, Professional roles, Public services, Second stage, Senior management, Service users, Social care, Social care workforce, Social exclusion, Social exclusion unit, Social security, Social services, Social work, Social work education, Social work profession, Social work research, Social worker, Social workers, Support individuals, Survey data, Telephone interviews, Trade union, Work environment, Workforce, Workload, Workplace, Workplace accommodations, depression, disability, social workers, workplace.
Teeft :
- British journal, Care organizations, Community care, Contributory factors, Counselling, Current areas, Disability, Disability rights commission, Disabled people, Disclosure, Dual identity, Employment opportunities, Environmental medicine, First stage, First time, Front line workers, Health education board, High demands, High levels, Highest levels, Interviewee, Manthorpe, Mental health, Mental health foundation, Mental health problems, Mental health professionals, Mental health service users, Mental health services, Mental wellbeing, Nicky, Nicky stanley, Nisw study, Nisw workforce study, Occupational health, Other factors, Personal experiences, Professional roles, Public services, Second stage, Senior management, Service users, Social care, Social care workforce, Social exclusion, Social exclusion unit, Social security, Social services, Social work, Social work education, Social work profession, Social work research, Social worker, Social workers, Support individuals, Survey data, Telephone interviews, Trade union, Work environment, Workforce, Workload, Workplace, Workplace accommodations.

Abstract

This study reports the findings of interviews with fifty social workers who volunteered to describe their personal experiences of depression in the workplace. The findings confirm the literature on the stresses of social work and provide an account of the ways in which the social workers sought to reconcile their mental health needs with their role as professionals. The study suggests the potential for those working at all levels in social work agencies to support social workers who are experiencing depression. At a time of shortages in the profession in the UK, and of efforts to enable those with mental health problems to remain in or return to work, the experiences of those social workers interviewed illustrate the managerial, training and human resource imperatives to provide more supportive workplaces.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/document/CBD29EA3172D30B8426C2E4B37136351F8D74FA4/fulltext/pdf

DOI: 10.1093/bjsw/bcl058

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:CBD29EA3172D30B8426C2E4B37136351F8D74FA4

Le document en format XML

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<abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This study reports the findings of interviews with fifty social workers who volunteered to describe their personal experiences of depression in the workplace. The findings confirm the literature on the stresses of social work and provide an account of the ways in which the social workers sought to reconcile their mental health needs with their role as professionals. The study suggests the potential for those working at all levels in social work agencies to support social workers who are experiencing depression. At a time of shortages in the profession in the UK, and of efforts to enable those with mental health problems to remain in or return to work, the experiences of those social workers interviewed illustrate the managerial, training and human resource imperatives to provide more supportive workplaces.</p>
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  <front>

    <journal-meta>

      <journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">bjsw</journal-id>

      <journal-id journal-id-type="nlm-ta">Br J Soc Work</journal-id>

<journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">social</journal-id>

      <journal-title>British Journal of Social Work</journal-title>

      <abbrev-journal-title abbrev-type="publisher">Br J Soc Work</abbrev-journal-title>

      <issn pub-type="ppub">0045-3102</issn>

      <issn pub-type="epub">1468-263X</issn>

      <publisher>

        <publisher-name>Oxford University Press</publisher-name>

      </publisher>

    </journal-meta>

    <article-meta>

      <article-id pub-id-type="other">058</article-id>

      <article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1093/bjsw/bcl058</article-id>

      <article-categories>

        <subj-group subj-group-type="heading">

          <subject>Articles</subject>

        </subj-group>

      </article-categories>

      <title-group>

        <article-title>Depression in the Profession: Social Workers’ Experiences and Perceptions</article-title>

      </title-group>

      <contrib-group>

        <contrib contrib-type="author">

          <name>

            <surname>Stanley</surname>

            <given-names>Nicky</given-names>

          </name>

        </contrib>

        <contrib contrib-type="author">

          <name>

            <surname>Manthorpe</surname>

            <given-names>Jill</given-names>

          </name>

        </contrib>

        <contrib contrib-type="author">

          <name>

            <surname>White</surname>

            <given-names>Maureen</given-names>

          </name>

        </contrib>

      </contrib-group>

      <author-notes>

        <corresp>Correspondence to Prof. Nicky Stanley, Social Work Department, University of Central Lancashire, Preston PR1 2HE, UK. E-mail: <ext-link xlink:href="nstanley@uclan.ac.uk" ext-link-type="email">nstanley@uclan.ac.uk</ext-link>
</corresp>

      </author-notes>

      <pub-date pub-type="epub">

        <day>13</day>

        <month>7</month>

        <year>2006</year>

      </pub-date>

      <pub-date pub-type="ppub">

        <month>February</month>

        <year>2007</year>

      </pub-date>

      <volume>37</volume>

      <issue>2</issue>

      <fpage>281</fpage>

      <lpage>298</lpage>

      <history>

        <date date-type="accepted">

          <month>5</month>

          <year>2006</year>

        </date>

      </history>

      <permissions>

        <copyright-statement>© The Author 2006. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The British Association of Social Workers. All rights reserved.</copyright-statement>

        <copyright-year>2007</copyright-year>

      </permissions>

      <abstract xml:lang="en">

        <p>This study reports the findings of interviews with fifty social workers who volunteered to describe their personal experiences of depression in the workplace. The findings confirm the literature on the stresses of social work and provide an account of the ways in which the social workers sought to reconcile their mental health needs with their role as professionals. The study suggests the potential for those working at all levels in social work agencies to support social workers who are experiencing depression. At a time of shortages in the profession in the UK, and of efforts to enable those with mental health problems to remain in or return to work, the experiences of those social workers interviewed illustrate the managerial, training and human resource imperatives to provide more supportive workplaces.</p>

      </abstract>

      <kwd-group kwd-group-type="KWD" xml:lang="en">

        <kwd>depression</kwd>

        <kwd>social workers</kwd>

        <kwd>disability</kwd>

        <kwd>workplace</kwd>

      </kwd-group>

      <custom-meta-wrap>

        <custom-meta>

          <meta-name>hwp-legacy-fpage</meta-name>

          <meta-value>281</meta-value>

        </custom-meta>

        <custom-meta>

          <meta-name>cover-date</meta-name>

          <meta-value>February 2007</meta-value>

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        <custom-meta>

          <meta-name>hwp-legacy-dochead</meta-name>

          <meta-value>Article</meta-value>

        </custom-meta>

      </custom-meta-wrap>

    </article-meta>

  </front>

  <body>

    <sec id="SEC1">

      <title>

        <bold>Background</bold>

      </title>

      <p>Disabled adults are significantly less likely to be in work compared with those without disabilities (<xref rid="MORRIS-2005">Morris, 2005</xref>
) and people with mental health problems have argued that they are the group of disabled people most at risk of experiencing unemployment (<xref rid="BERESFORD-2004">Beresford, 2004</xref>
). In the UK, the New Labour government has consistently stressed the importance of increasing employment opportunities for those with disabilities and mental health problems in order to promote recovery or to maintain health and well-being (<xref rid="DEPARTMENT-AND-EMPLOYMENT-2001">Department for Education and Employment, 2001</xref>
). These goals accord with wider policy initiatives around inclusion into the workforce and economic growth (<xref rid="DEPARTMENT-AND-EMPLOYMENT-2000">Department for Education and Employment and Department of Social Security, 2000</xref>
). Key policy documents make explicit the link between employment and mental well-being (<xref rid="OFFICE-1999">Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 1999</xref>
; <xref rid="SOCIAL-2004">Social Exclusion Unit, 2004</xref>
). As well as encouragement to employers to recruit or retain individuals with health problems or disabilities, UK legislation outlaws discrimination on the grounds of mental ill-health as well as other forms of disability (e.g. 1995 Disability Discrimination Act) at work and in education and training (2001 Special Education Needs and Disability Act), although rights to ‘reasonable adjustments’ may not be sufficiently robust to achieve equality or to counter discrimination. The <xref rid="DISABILITY-2005">Disability Rights Commission (2005)</xref>
 points to the requirement for public services to actively promote disability equality in addition to avoiding discrimination. Nonetheless, Morris notes that ‘employment opportunities remain curtailed by discrimination and the lack of support or adjustments necessary to take up and remain in employment’ (<xref rid="MORRIS-2005">Morris, 2005</xref>
, p. 16).</p>

      <p>While much research and policy concentrates on access to employment and the barriers to this (see <xref rid="SOCIAL-2004">Social Exclusion Unit, 2004</xref>
), there is also evidence of the impact of employment on mental health and ways in which employment experiences compound difficulties or help support individuals through the social, economic and activity rewards of work. However, a survey of people with mental health experiences who were in employment (<xref rid="WARNER-2002">Warner, 2002</xref>
) reports that two-thirds of them ascribed high or unrealistic workloads, long working hours and poor managerial support as contributory factors to the cause of their problems or their exacerbation. Research on those who had lost employment following mental health problems (<xref rid="BODMAN-ET-AL-2003">Bodman <italic>et al</italic>
., 2003</xref>
) confirms difficulties in career progression and terms of employment on their return. Individuals’ decisions to disclose their disability in employment settings are complex and a weighing and trading-off of the risks involved in disclosure appear to be undertaken by many (<xref rid="MENTAL-2002">Mental Health Foundation, 2002</xref>
). It is also important to acknowledge the heterogeneity among people with disabilities and mental health problems. While much of this relates to clinical classifications, some studies argue that more attention should be given to differences between those who are highly likely to work and those for whom this is a more remote possibility (<xref rid="LOPREST-AND-MAAG-2001">Loprest and Maag, 2001</xref>
). Individuals’ employability is likely to be influenced by the nature of the work in prospect and the level of demand for particular skills.</p>

      <p>There is mixed evidence about the attitudes of employers. While the <xref rid="SOCIAL-2004">Social Exclusion Unit (2004)</xref>
 draws attention to the need for employers to remove barriers and improve human resources responses, <xref rid="DIFFLEY-2003">Diffley (2003)</xref>
 considers that many managers lack confidence in their abilities to support people with mental health problems. In the USA, there is some evidence that employers acknowledge their responsibilities for facilitating the employment of disabled people (<xref rid="DIXON-ET-AL-2003">Dixon <italic>et al</italic>
., 2003</xref>
) and are not averse to further encouragement. The importance of organizations’ culture, norms and values, their human resources policies and the ‘nature of the reward system’ are key factors in affecting the employer response to people with disabilities (<xref rid="STONE-AND-COLELLA-1996">Stone and Colella, 1996</xref>
). From the USA, a major study of workplace accommodations conducted with a nationally representative sample (<xref rid="ZWERLING-ET-AL-2003">Zwerling <italic>et al</italic>
., 2003</xref>
) observes that while college graduates are more likely to receive workplace accommodations than others, some of these that are highly relevant to people with mental health problems are not always in place. For example, while 2.3 per cent of the 12,151 disabled employees responding said they needed reduced hours and 2.1 per cent received these, other accommodations were not so commonplace: 2.1 per cent needed attention to elements of job redesign, but only 1.3 per cent received this, and while 2.3 per cent needed breaks and rest at work, only 1.4 per cent received these. In a review of the US literature on employers’ attitudes, <xref rid="HERNANDEZ-ET-AL-2000">Hernandez <italic>et al</italic>
. (2000)</xref>
 comment that there appears to be superficial acceptance of disabled workers by many, and that a range of studies demonstrate that a hierarchy of favourable attitudes exists, with people with psychiatric problems eliciting more negative reactions among employers than others, such as those with physical disabilities.</p>

      <p>The UK social work profession is characterized by a shortage of qualified social workers (<xref rid="EBORALL-2003">Eborall, 2003</xref>
). This has led to an expansion in numbers of those undertaking professional training, greater financial support for qualifying training and new publicity about the rewards of social work (<xref rid="MANTHORPE-ET-AL-2005">Manthorpe <italic>et al</italic>
., 2005</xref>
). The profession itself is largely female, with some studies revealing relatively high levels of disability when compared with other professions, such as teaching and nursing (Moriarty and Murray, in press). Explorations of social workers’ motivations for entering the profession have found that they often include responses to prior experiences of illness, disability or loss (<xref rid="CREE-1996">Cree, 1996</xref>
). At the same time, UK social work research and international comparators consistently profile the profession as one in which there are high levels of stress (<xref rid="COYLE-ET-AL-2005">Coyle <italic>et al</italic>
., 2005</xref>
, p. 207; <xref rid="STOREY-AND-BILLINGHAM-2001">Storey and Billingham, 2001</xref>
). The presumed outcomes of this have been presented in debates on sickness rates and withdrawals from professional activity, although the NISW workforce study found that while some social workers experienced high levels of stress, their rates of sickness absence were generally similar to other sectors (<xref rid="MCLEAN-1999">McLean, 1999</xref>
). <xref rid="COFFEY-ET-AL-2004">Coffey <italic>et al</italic>
.’s (2004)</xref>
 study of 1,200 social services staff recruited from two UK social services departments found that 36 per cent of respondents were identified as ‘cases’ using the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12). Although this survey achieved a response rate of below 33 per cent, the finding that highest levels of mental distress were found among salaried rather than weekly paid staff is reinforced by the NISW workforce study. In common with Bennet <italic>et al</italic>
.’s research (1993), this research found the highest levels of mental health problems amongst those working in children’s services. However, a recent study of social workers working in mental health services in the UK found that 60 per cent could be classified as being ‘probable “cases” of common mental health disorder according to their GHQ-12 scores’ (<xref rid="EVANS-ET-AL-2005">Evans <italic>et al</italic>
., 2005</xref>
). A postal survey of 1,000 social workers in the USA (<xref rid="SIEBERT-2004">Siebert, 2004</xref>
) found that 19 per cent scored above the threshold on the Center for Epidemiologic Studies–Depression Scale measuring depressive symptoms at the time of the survey and 60 per cent considered that they were or had been depressed. A figure of 16 per cent had seriously considered suicide at some point, while 20 per cent were currently taking medication for depression. This US survey of social workers (<xref rid="SIEBERT-AND-SIEBERT-2005">Siebert and Siebert, 2005</xref>
) related multiple work and family pressures to burnout, depression, work difficulties and not seeking help for personal problems.</p>

      <p>Individual accounts of depression provide testimonies as to the experiences of mental ill health and its interconnections with professional practice or experiences of training (see <xref rid="HART-1995">Hart, 1995</xref>
; <xref rid="BRANDON-AND-PAYNE-2002">Brandon and Payne, 2002</xref>
) and link the experiences of using mental health services with insiders’ professional knowledge of social care and mental health systems. More recently, the employment of mental health service users as mental health practitioners such as Support, Time and Recovery Workers (<xref rid="HUXLEY-ET-AL-2005">Huxley <italic>et al</italic>
., 2005</xref>
 and <xref rid="JENKINS-ET-AL-2002">Jenkins <italic>et al</italic>
., 2002</xref>
) has been encouraged. In mainstream social work, we know less about how those who have a mental health problem, such as depression, manage this in the workplace and how, just as importantly, work supports them or contributes to their problems.</p>

      <p>This paper adopts a social model of disability in its exploration of the mental health of social work professionals. Whilst we acknowledge that other perspectives such as the medical model or psychological model can be applied, our concern is about the experience of and responses to mental health problems in the workplace. In this context, we draw on the key discourses of disability, social inclusion and human rights. In the UK, these themes are enshrined in disability legislation which includes mental health.</p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC2">

      <title>

        <bold>Methods</bold>

      </title>

      <p>The research comprised telephone interviews with fifty social workers across the UK. The interviews were undertaken as the second stage of a study, the first stage of which consisted of a survey circulated in the UK professional social work press (<italic>Community Care</italic>
 and <italic>Professional Social Work</italic>
) in 2001. Five hundred social workers completed and returned the questionnaire reporting their own experiences of depression (<xref rid="MANTHORPE-ET-AL-2002">Manthorpe <italic>et al</italic>
., 2002</xref>
; <xref rid="STANLEY-ET-AL-2002">Stanley <italic>et al</italic>
., 2002</xref>
). This research built on earlier work by <xref rid="CAAN-ET-AL-2000">Caan <italic>et al</italic>
. (2000)</xref>
 that sought nurses’ experiences by similar means. At the end of the questionnaire, social workers completing it were asked whether they would be willing to be interviewed by a member of the research team about their particular experiences. A total of fifty randomly selected volunteers were contacted and interviewed by telephone at a pre-arranged time.</p>

      <p>An interview schedule was developed and piloted with a professional who had long-standing mental health problems. In light of the survey data, the interview was able to concentrate on specific personal reflections, since the survey data provided the researchers with basic data on experiences of depression and support, and perceived contributory factors. The interviews were carried out by a professional social worker with experience of mental health social work and counselling (MW). Those interviewed were given the opportunity to discuss the study and were assured of its confidential nature. All interviewees gave informed consent and agreed to the recording of the interviews which were then transcribed. Interviewing was undertaken in a sensitive manner (see <xref rid="RENZETTI-AND-RAYMOND-1993">Renzetti and Raymond, 1993</xref>
) and care was taken to ensure that interviews ended on a positive note. Although many of the experiences reported were distressing, interviewees appeared to find it useful to ‘tell their story’ and were keen for their experiences to be used to inform improved practice and policy in this field.</p>

      <p>Data from the interviews were analysed initially by the themes of the questionnaire and linked to the survey form completed by each interviewee. The second stage of analysis was undertaken by the two members of the team not involved in interviewing, so avoiding the possibility of interviewer bias intervening at this stage. Sub-themes were identified using standard approaches to the analysis of qualitative data (<xref rid="RITCHIE-AND-SPENCER-1994">Ritchie and Spencer, 1994</xref>
; <xref rid="STRAUSS-AND-CORBIN-1990">Strauss and Corbin, 1990</xref>
) in order to identify the major themes, search for consistencies and contradictions and to generate conclusions. The researchers analysed data independently and subsequently compared themes, using a process of adjustment and re-categorization to achieve consensus. In the third stage of analysis, the themes and sub-themes that emerged were checked back with the interviewer to confirm their relevance. All analysis was undertaken manually, as the use of computer software was considered inappropriate for a sample of this size.</p>

      <p>The social workers who responded to the survey and were subsequently interviewed were self-selected and cannot therefore be described as representative of the profession as a whole. The study draws on their perceptions of the causes and consequences of their depression which they reflected on from the vantage point of hindsight. Their interpretations of past and current events may be partial. Nonetheless, this study provides an authentic picture of their experiences and perceptions and an account of their attempts to manage their mental health needs in the workplace. Their dual identity as social workers and as individuals with mental health needs may be a perspective that reveals important elements of the potential for the workplace to contribute to problems or to offer support during a time of mental ill-health.</p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC3">

      <title>

        <bold>Findings</bold>

      </title>

      <sec id="SEC3.1">

        <title>The study group</title>

        <p>Seventy per cent of the interviewees were female, which conforms to the gender distribution within the profession (<xref rid="EBORALL-2003">Eborall, 2003</xref>
). As Table <xref rid="T1">1</xref>
 shows, the interviewees were mostly in their forties and fifties, with the age range stretching from twenty-eight to fifty-eight. When compared with the figures for field social workers from the TOPSS Workforce Survey (<xref rid="EBORALL-2003">Eborall, 2003</xref>
), the study sample looks more representative of the upper age range within the profession, although those at the uppermost end of the age range (over-sixties) did not feature at all amongst those interviewed. Information on ethnicity was not systematically recorded by this study. Managers represented just over a third of those interviewed.</p>

        <p>

          <table-wrap id="T1" position="float">

            <label>

              <bold>Table 1</bold>

            </label>

            <caption>

              <p>Ages of depressed social workers compared with ages of workforce</p>

            </caption>

            <table>

              <thead>

                <tr>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Age</th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Study group</th>

                  <th colspan="2" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">SCWG Social Service Workforce Survey 2002</th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></th>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></th>

                  <th colspan="2" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Field social workers</th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></th>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">(Children)</th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">(Other)</th>

                </tr>

              </thead>

              <tbody>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">16–24</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">−</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">2%</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">1%</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">25–39</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">13 (26%)</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">37%</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">33%</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">40–49</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">20 (40%)</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">36%</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">33%</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">50–59</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">17 (34%)</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">23%</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">30%</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">60+</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">−</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">2%</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">3%</td>

                </tr>

              </tbody>

            </table>

            <table-wrap-foot>

              <fn>

                <p>Source: SCWG figures cited in <xref rid="EBORALL-2003">Eborall (2003)</xref>
.</p>

              </fn>

            </table-wrap-foot>

          </table-wrap>

        </p>

        <p>The majority of social workers were working in local authority settings when interviewed, with only a small number (five) employed in the voluntary sector and just two working in the private sector. Table <xref rid="T2">2</xref>
 shows the respondents’ current areas of work: most worked in children and families social work or in adult services. These patterns may reflect the readership of the two journals used to recruit respondents rather than any distribution of depression across social work specialisms.</p>

        <p>

          <table-wrap id="T2" position="float">

            <label>

              <bold>Table 2</bold>

            </label>

            <caption>

              <p>Depressed social workers’ current areas of work (<italic>n</italic>
 = 50)</p>

            </caption>

            <table>

              <thead>

                <tr>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Children and families</th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">18 (36%)</th>

                </tr>

              </thead>

              <tbody>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mental health</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">12 (24%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Adult services</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">9 (18%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Hospital/hospice</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">4 (8%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Residential care for adults</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">2 (4%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Youth offending team</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">2 (4%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Adoption and fostering</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">2 (4%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Training</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">1 (2%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">TOTAL</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">50 (100%)</td>

                </tr>

              </tbody>

            </table>

          </table-wrap>

        </p>

      </sec>

      <sec id="SEC3.2">

        <title>The experience of depression</title>

        <p>The fifty social workers interviewed had defined themselves as depressed for the purposes of the study. However, 70 per cent of the group reported being prescribed anti-depressants, which indicates that their general practitioners (GPs) had confirmed or provided this diagnosis. Three-quarters of those interviewed also reported physical illnesses concurrently with their depression. The majority of the physiological problems described seemed to be associated by the respondents with their depression and included lethargy and sleep problems, back problems, viral disorders and eating problems. As Table <xref rid="T3">3</xref>
 shows, all but six of those interviewed reported taking time off work for depression, with three-quarters of those interviewed taking more than a month off in sick leave and a quarter of the group taking more than six months off in total. While this represents a considerable loss of working days, a number of those reporting were describing histories of depression which stretched across many years. At the time of the interviews, 62 per cent of the interviewees described themselves as recovered from depression.</p>

        <p>

          <table-wrap id="T3" position="float">

            <label>

              <bold>Table 3</bold>

            </label>

            <caption>

              <p>Time taken off work for depression (<italic>n</italic>
 = 50)</p>

            </caption>

            <table>

              <thead>

                <tr>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Cumulative period of time</th>

                  <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">No. of social workers</th>

                </tr>

              </thead>

              <tbody>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">No sick leave</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">6 (12%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Less than one month</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">7 (14%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">1–3 months</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">13 (26%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">4–6 months</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">12 (24%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">7–9 months</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">5 (10%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">10–12 months</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">2 (4%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">More than one year</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">5 (10%)</td>

                </tr>

                <tr>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">TOTAL</td>

                  <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">50 (100%)</td>

                </tr>

              </tbody>

            </table>

          </table-wrap>

        </p>

      </sec>

      <sec id="SEC3.3">

        <title>Identified causes of depression</title>

        <p>Respondents to the wider survey had identified work as the most frequently cited cause of depression (<xref rid="STANLEY-ET-AL-2002">Stanley <italic>et al</italic>
., 2002</xref>
 ) and the telephone interviews offered an opportunity to explore the ways in which work was considered to contribute to the development of depression. Nearly 60 per cent described a heavy workload as a key factor: <disp-quote><p>The sheer volume of demand. Trying to be all things to all people.</p>
<p>There was a huge pressure of turnaround and lack of resources, no control over workload. It was relentless.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>A lack of control or an absence of boundaries in the work was also described, often in relation to the size of the workload: <disp-quote><p>I spent too many hours doing too many things. I had a habit of overworking. I felt that I had no control at work.</p>
<p>Not knowing what my role was. No boundaries.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Eight interviewees had found the nature of their work distressing or emotionally demanding: <disp-quote><p>I was working in a childcare team where I was surrounded by clients’ unhappiness and everybody’s failures—very little positive change . . . . I can’t be part of this abusive system working very hard to keep children with their birth families, knowing they would be damaged but less than in care—it’s too upsetting.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>In addition to highlighting the volume and nature of the work, aspects of the work environment, particularly the pattern of constant change, were experienced as stressful by nearly a quarter of the group: <disp-quote><p>Work pressure and changes in how we were operating. Directives from above. We were trying out a new computer system which was poor. Social work was going into paper management. The job changed under our feet . . . .</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Other aspects of the work environment which were judged to have contributed to the development of depression included an absence of supervision and support, as well as a shortfall in other managerial skills. Four mentioned managers being stressed or off with sickness themselves: <disp-quote><p>I didn’t get much supervision. The manager was also stressed. Weak management structure.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Some interviewees also described aspects of relationships at work which were experienced as threatening. These included violence or threats from service users (three), bullying (four), conflict with other professionals (five) and six of the group described feeling a need to ‘cover your back’: <disp-quote><p>I was working in risky situations where I felt vulnerable with very little support.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>While the interviewees focused on the negative effects of work on their mental health, they also attributed their depression to other factors such as personal experiences of abuse, bereavements and other losses and life events.</p>

      </sec>

      <sec id="SEC3.4">

        <title>Seeking help for depression</title>

        <p>Over half those interviewed felt that they had, on occasion, delayed seeking help because they were concerned about the consequences of disclosure at work. A number of respondents described doing so because of a sense of letting their colleagues down and a fear of being seen as not coping: <disp-quote><p>I was worried about being seen as weak—a non-coper.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Others identified the stigma attached to mental health problems as a factor implicated in postponing seeking help: <disp-quote><p>For seven to eight months I didn’t go to the GP because I was frightened. It means you have a problem. What if people found out about my medication? It feels stigmatising.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Concerns about confidentiality were linked to this sense of stigma: <disp-quote><p>I was cautious about getting help through the GP or private counselling. I left it quite late on. I’m known by a lot of people: I was afraid of being recognised and people talking.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>However, the attitudes of others were not the only barrier to seeking help; some respondents acknowledged that they themselves had difficulty in acknowledging their need for professional support: <disp-quote><p>I was battling on stoically. I didn’t recognise it myself.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

      </sec>

      <sec id="SEC3.5">

        <title>Disclosure in the workplace</title>

        <p>Disclosure is an essential prerequisite of support or adjustment being offered. The process of and barriers to disclosure were explored, revealing considerable variation concerning whom the social workers disclosed to, when they had disclosed and in the reactions they encountered. While eleven social workers did not disclose their problems to immediate colleagues and managers, two-thirds of the group (thirty-four) reported that their colleagues had known of their depression. Colleagues were more likely to be told than managers: twenty-one (42 per cent) reported disclosing to colleagues and managers, twelve had disclosed their depression to colleagues only and six had disclosed solely to managers.</p>

        <p>The eleven social workers who described hiding their mental health needs from both colleagues and managers adopted a number of strategies for concealing depression in the workplace. These included: ‘just getting on with it’ and working ‘harder and harder to look okay’. The latter approach may have had the effect of increasing their stress.</p>

        <p>Some interviewees emphasized how the process of disclosure and the response varied over time: <disp-quote><p>The first time I didn’t know what was going on. I felt useless at work with the change of job etcetera. I didn’t tell anyone at first. It was more a gradual process of telling. My manager was flabbergasted at first but very supportive. They gave me space. We had lunch together and talked about how it would be possible to come back.</p>
<p>I had great support in the early years. I was hospitalised so everyone knew. Both peers and managers visited me in hospital. That support has declined over the years. One area manager, who was not nice, frogmarched me out if I was upset in the office.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Responses could be highly variable within the workplace: <disp-quote><p>I told them: there were mixed reactions—some people were very surprised. I was thought of as active, committed, competent. Some people were very supportive. As for the managers it was a difficult time as the Unit Manager resigned . . . . My managers were not sympathetic at all.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>While some managers were described as ‘supportive’, others were described as ‘bullying’, ‘intolerant’ or too preoccupied by the demands of the job: <disp-quote><p>I talked to the Manager but he was also stressed out and it didn’t make any difference.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>The social workers were asked whether some ways of describing depression were more acceptable than others. While eight practitioners had used the term depression—‘I wanted depression on my sick note’—twenty-four described themselves using other more acceptable terms such as ‘stress’ or ‘exhaustion’. Sometimes this reflected their own lack of awareness or a reluctance to acknowledge how bad it had become: <disp-quote><p>I never used the word depression. I didn’t recognise it myself even when I was showing symptoms. I used terms like pressure of work, overloaded, relentless, exhausted.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Eight respondents reflected that a reluctance to name depression was characteristic of the wider workplace: <disp-quote><p>People in social care find it hard to admit if they are down. They think you should be able to cope with anything. But the staff group can be more open now. You can say you’re stressed but you would not tell the senior management if you got depressed.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>The outcomes of disclosure were varied. About a third of those who identified consequences following disclosure described positive effects; sometimes these took the form of adjustments to hours of work or to the size of the workload but, more often, respondents identified a shift in others’ attitudes following disclosure: <disp-quote><p>I went back on therapeutic hours. I was keen to go back. I got cards from colleagues and from senior management. People saying, ‘Don’t push yourself so hard.’ Lots of cuddles.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>However, disclosure could result in others’ attitudes taking a negative turn: <disp-quote><p>My colleagues initially tried to persuade me not to go off work. The manager is now overly cautious with me. There are jokes about being mad. I wanted to increase my hours; I was discouraged from seeking promotion.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>About a third of those interviewed who identified consequences to disclosure reported failures to make adaptations in workload or conditions of employment: <disp-quote><p>I was not asked ‘how can we help?’ but met with hostility. I got paid off.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Nine of those interviewed described difficulties in keeping their mental health status confidential once they had disclosed: <disp-quote><p>My former manager has not kept confidentiality. She has wanted people to know I am unwell and that it is not her problem.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

      </sec>

      <sec id="SEC3.6">

        <title>Receiving support</title>

        <p>Most of these interviewed had received some form of help for their depression—only three of the fifty social workers reported never receiving any help. Seventy-two per cent (thirty-five) had had some form of help at the time but over a fifth of the group (eleven) had only accessed help later. In common with wider community surveys and clinical trials (<xref rid="NICE-2005">NICE, 2005</xref>
), a combination of anti-depressants and counselling/psychotherapy was identified as an effective form of intervention by about a quarter of those interviewed: <disp-quote><p>Combination of medication and counselling. It picks you up and puts you back on your feet.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>However, similar proportions of those interviewed had found psychotherapy or counselling on its own effective: <disp-quote><p>Psychotherapy—I believed in it, therefore I invested a lot in it emotionally. I’ve trained as a psychiatric social worker. It has allowed me to make changes in my life.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>The GP had been an important source of support for nine respondents and three had found that an in-patient admission had been helpful.</p>

        <p>In addition to citing support from family and friends as relevant to recovery, social workers described receiving informal support from work colleagues. Seven of the group had received input from occupational health or from a staff support service which had been valuable: <disp-quote><p>Knowing that someone was there for me, i.e. the telephone counsellor in staff support, plus a monthly independent staff counselling service.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>The most frequently described least helpful type of support identified by a quarter of respondents was pressure from managers or from personnel/human resources departments; this could be experienced as uncaring or threatening: <disp-quote><p>Management support. The first time there was bullying big-style. They threatened my career.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Other difficulties included the side-effects of medication—a problem identified by over a third of the respondents—and inappropriate counselling or therapy: in four cases, this referred to therapy provided by the employer: <disp-quote><p>The principal social worker knew about it and got me in the office and advised occupational health. I was seen by them a couple of time. They weren’t terribly helpful. I was in a gestalt group for people who had some kind of trauma. It was paid for by the department. It was really destructive, no-one completed it. I felt so raw I couldn’t control myself. It took a while to get over that.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Where different sources of help were described as co-ordinated, the co-ordination was likely to have taken the form of referrals from the GP to counsellors or mental health professionals. In only two cases was the GP described as communicating with occupational health services. The majority of respondents did not experience their support as co-ordinated: this was often because they had organized their own help, perhaps because of a lack of confidence in formal referral systems or in order to protect their own confidentiality: <disp-quote><p>It could have been better co-ordinated if the employer’s welfare system ran differently. They felt like the enemy. I didn’t feel I could turn to personnel for support . . . .</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

      </sec>

      <sec id="SEC3.7">

        <title>Negotiating with the workplace</title>

        <p>The majority of those interviewed (forty-four of the fifty) had taken formal sick leave when depressed. As Table <xref rid="T3">3</xref>
 shows, total amounts of sick leave taken over time amounted to between one and six months for half the group, with a quarter taking more than six months. Other ways of easing the burden included moving to flexible hours, reducing the number of hours worked and shifting to part-time work. However, the numbers who were able to adopt these solutions were small, with only one or two reporting such experiences. This is in line with the other studies reported above that observe the relative lack of responsiveness to people with mental health problems in terms of employment adjustments or accommodations.</p>

        <p>Twenty-two participants had received support or advice in negotiating with their employer from their trade union or professional organization. Eight had found their union helpful: <disp-quote><p>Unison (trade union) were incredibly helpful. They suggested I take out a grievance. They were supportive through my period off sick and attended meetings about returning to work. We had pre-meetings and they stipulated conditions for my return to work.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>However, seven had found their unions unsupportive or ‘toothless’.</p>

        <p>Nearly three-fifths (twenty-eight) of the social workers interviewed had changed their job as a result of their depression. Eleven described moving into another social work setting which was less demanding for them; in some cases, the choice to move to hospital-based social work seemed to represent a more contained or protected way of working: <disp-quote><p>I’ve gone into forensic psychiatry which is more hospital based. There are more safety networks.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Others described moving into different environments where they also felt protected: <disp-quote><p>I went into management. I was too exposed as a social worker to the pain and distress of others.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Six described taking up a post which carried less responsibility: <disp-quote><p>I work for a county rather than a London borough. I am doing the same job at the same level but lower down the system so that I am not responsible for everything.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Only two described themselves as having left social work: both had moved into a related field in education or youth work. However, since the interviewees were all contacted through social work professional journals, it is unlikely that this study would have captured those who had left the social work profession.</p>

        <p>As noted above, nearly two-thirds of those participating in the interviews described themselves as recovered. Nine social workers described themselves as having learned to manage the demands of the job better: <disp-quote><p>There was a discrepancy between how I presented and how I felt. Now I am more assertive and able to turn a shift down. I’ve changed a lot.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>Others described feeling a loss of confidence or a sense of being ‘burnt-out’: <disp-quote><p>I’ve recovered to a degree. I’m not bad compared to where I was before in terms of confidence. The culture we work in. We’re used until we’re burnt out—then discarded and new ones are brought in.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

        <p>In commenting on their accounts, eight of those interviewed emphasized the general reluctance to openly acknowledge depression as an issue in the workplace: <disp-quote><p>I’ve recovered, but I’m still cautious about the possibility. There is a reluctance in the workplace to use the word ‘depression’ or mention being on medication. As a profession we need to get more comfortable with it—and as a society.</p>
</disp-quote>
</p>

      </sec>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC4">

      <title>

        <bold>Discussion</bold>

      </title>

      <p>Although they showed a readiness to identify other factors which had contributed to the aetiology of their depression, the social workers interviewed were clear that work had played a substantial part in its development. High demands, a felt lack of control and an absence of boundaries, whether in relation to the size of the workload or the distressing nature of the work, were highlighted as relevant. Such feelings were remarkably similar to those expressed by respondents to the NISW study, which found that stress was associated with aspects of working life over which social workers had least control (<xref rid="MCLEAN-1999">McLean, 1999</xref>
) and a later study of mental health social workers (<xref rid="HUXLEY-ET-AL-2005A">Huxley <italic>et al</italic>
., 2005</xref>
). Similarly, excessive workloads and a lack of control over work were identified as among the main sources of stress at work by the mainstream employees recruited from a range of settings who participated in the <xref rid="HEALTH-2003">Health Education Board for Scotland’s (2003)</xref>
 study of mental health in the workplace. Large-scale workforce studies have identified a strong association between a felt lack of control in the workplace and the experience of depression or anxiety. <xref rid="GRIFFIN-ET-AL-2002">Griffin <italic>et al</italic>
.’s (2002)</xref>
 study of depression and anxiety in a large longitudinal study of civil servants found that lack of control or decision latitude in the workplace and at home exerted independent effects but that depression and anxiety were most strongly associated with depression and/or anxiety for men and women at low and middle grades.</p>

      <p>When a job move was adopted as the solution to the pressures of work by social workers in our study, it often involved a move to a new job where boundaries were provided by a clear remit or specific setting, such as a hospital. The experience of work as excessively demanding was not just a matter of volume; high levels of responsibility were also relevant for some and certain of those interviewed had downgraded to a post without management responsibilities. However, interestingly, there were some cases of social workers choosing to move into management roles to escape the demands of face-to-face work with service users.</p>

      <p>Social workers are, like nurses and teachers, front line workers who have few intermediaries between themselves and their client group and such professionals undertake high levels of emotional labour (<xref rid="JOHNSON-ET-AL-2005">Johnson <italic>et al</italic>
., 2005</xref>
). Unlike nurses and teachers, their service users do not represent a cross-section of the population but come almost exclusively from those groups in which levels of need and social exclusion are highest (<xref rid="JONES-2001">Jones, 2001</xref>
). They frequently work in service users’ homes where they forgo the insulation from poverty and distress largely offered by the clinic, hospital or classroom. Many of the mechanisms of protection which they might look for in these circumstances—limited caseloads, joint work with colleagues (especially in situations in which service users are threatening or violent), and regular professional supervision—are not readily available in a climate in which staff are in short supply and posts are unfilled. Contact with colleagues may be one of the most rewarding and protective elements of the job (<xref rid="REID-ET-AL-1999">Reid <italic>et al</italic>
., 1999</xref>
).</p>

      <p>The <italic>Climbié Inquiry</italic>
 (<xref rid="LAMING-2003">Laming, 2003</xref>
) offered some disturbing evidence concerning the quality of the professional supervision available to social workers in busy understaffed offices and one of the findings of this study is that middle managers are no more immune to the experience of depression than their colleagues (<xref rid="MANTHORPE-AND-STANLEY-2002">Manthorpe and Stanley, 2002</xref>
). The practitioners interviewed drew attention to this and, while some of their comments which described managers as ‘stressed out’ might be a means of emphasizing the universal experience of depression, they also indicate that a workplace environment characterized by high demands and little sense of control impacts on the front line workers indirectly by undermining the availability and quality of supervision. Again, the NISW study found that only one in ten social workers felt that they could rely on their supervisor or manager for support—the ‘person specifically paid to provide support’ (<xref rid="MCLEAN-1999">McLean, 1999</xref>
, p. 84)—and identified higher levels of stress among managers themselves.</p>

      <p>The social workers in this study reported that they were sometimes unable to recognize their own depression, and that they delayed seeking help because of concerns as to how that would be interpreted. While depression is the least stigmatized of all mental health problems (<xref rid="GLOZIER-1998">Glozier, 1998</xref>
), disclosure was experienced as problematic at a number of levels. Mental illness was seen as potentially stigmatizing, and the workplace was characterized as intolerant of expressions of depression, while stress was acknowledged as a more ‘acceptable’ phenomenon. Attitudes in the workplace following disclosure were variable, with confidentiality not always being respected. <xref rid="WRAY-ET-AL-2005">Wray <italic>et al</italic>
. (2005)</xref>
 found that social work students with disabilities encountered similar problems with regard to confidentiality following disclosure on placement. Without disclosure, there can be no support or adjustments offered and a first stage in seeking to develop a positive workplace response to social workers experiencing depression is to create a climate which promotes disclosure.</p>

      <p>The social workers participating in this study also cited colleagues’ attitudes and support as relevant to recovery. The attitudes of managers and human relations staff play a significant part in determining the nature and extent of the adaptations offered to staff experiencing mental health problems (as US studies confirm, e.g. <xref rid="GILBRIDE-ET-AL-2003">Gilbride <italic>et al</italic>
., 2003</xref>
). The experiences reported suggest that workplaces were more able and willing to deliver discrete support services, such as staff counselling, than to offer the flexibility that individuals were often seeking.</p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC5">

      <title>

        <bold>Conclusion</bold>

      </title>

      <p>Shortages in the social care workforce have resulted in new recruitment and training initiatives. However, unless retention also forms part of this strategy, the effect may be to simply create a younger workforce which burns out early. This study suggests a number of strategies which could contribute to retention. These include strengthening the quality and availability of workplace supervision, attention to the limits and boundaries of the social work role, flexibility in employment hours and patterns for those with mental health needs and a drive to increase awareness of the rights and needs of employees with mental health problems in the workplace which might, in turn, encourage early disclosure. The study provides examples of social workers struggling to reconcile their mental health needs with their professional roles. Those interviewed described themselves making decisions about when and to whom they would disclose and developed various strategies for managing their depression in the workplace. However, depression, by its very nature, tends to undermine individuals’ capacity to assert their needs and ensure that they are met and there were numerous examples of social workers feeling overwhelmed and disempowered by the responses of both the organization and individuals in the workplace.</p>

      <p>While trade unions or professional association representatives were sometimes found to offer effective support and advocacy, this was not consistently the case. Within large social care organizations, human relations departments need to consider how employees with mental health needs can be effectively supported to remain in work; the traditional assessment of fitness undertaken by occupational health staff seems inadequate for the task. It may be appropriate to consider developing specialist disabilities officer posts with a remit to both support individuals in obtaining suitable adjustments in the workplace and promote workplace practices and attitudes that facilitate the recruitment and retention of disabled staff. Most universities in the UK now employ disabilities officers, some of whom are specialist mental health co-ordinators, and this may be a relevant model for large social care organizations. Currently, expectations of support for mental health needs in the workplace are generally low (<xref rid="SOCIAL-2004">Social Exclusion Unit, 2004</xref>
) and social care is no exception to this pattern. The development of specialist posts with a remit to support individuals and promote positive mental health in the workplace might serve to shift both expectations and workplace cultures. In the field of employment studies, social work offers a distinctive lens through which to view how mental health need is addressed in the workplace in future: it is a profession in which vacancy rates are high and thus employers might be inclined to be supportive, and it also involves work that is generally agreed to be both stressful and rewarding.</p>

      <p>The dual identity of the social workers participating in this study as both professionals and mental health service users focuses attention on the barriers which the profession constructs between those who use and those who deliver services. While acknowledgement of this dual identity may serve to erode those barriers and render services more user-friendly, this study also suggested that clearly defined professional roles and boundaries may represent a form of protection for the mental health of social workers. If the profession cannot offer its members the support and structures that they require to manage the demands of the work within the workplace, the outcomes may be further insulation from the communities that they serve and a workforce with a reputation for poor mental health.</p>

    </sec>

  </body>

  <back>

    <ack>

      <title>Acknowledgements</title>

      <p>This study was planned in collaboration with Professor David Brandon and Professor Woody Caan. We are grateful to the editors of <italic>Professional Social Work</italic>
 and of <italic>Community Care</italic>
 for their assistance in publishing the survey and the request for volunteers to be interviewed. We especially thank all those who responded and those who agreed to be interviewed.</p>

    </ack>

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<abstract lang="en">This study reports the findings of interviews with fifty social workers who volunteered to describe their personal experiences of depression in the workplace. The findings confirm the literature on the stresses of social work and provide an account of the ways in which the social workers sought to reconcile their mental health needs with their role as professionals. The study suggests the potential for those working at all levels in social work agencies to support social workers who are experiencing depression. At a time of shortages in the profession in the UK, and of efforts to enable those with mental health problems to remain in or return to work, the experiences of those social workers interviewed illustrate the managerial, training and human resource imperatives to provide more supportive workplaces.</abstract>
<note type="author-notes">Correspondence to Prof. Nicky Stanley, Social Work Department, University of Central Lancashire, Preston PR1 2HE, UK. E-mail: nstanley@uclan.ac.uk</note>
<subject lang="en"><genre>KWD</genre>
<topic>depression</topic>
<topic>social workers</topic>
<topic>disability</topic>
<topic>workplace</topic>
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<serie></serie>
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{{Explor lien
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   |area=    EdenteV2
   |flux=    Istex
   |étape=   Corpus
   |type=    RBID
   |clé=     ISTEX:CBD29EA3172D30B8426C2E4B37136351F8D74FA4
   |texte=   Depression in the Profession: Social Workers’ Experiences and Perceptions
}}

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Depression in the Profession: Social Workers’ Experiences and Perceptions

Depression in the Profession: Social Workers’ Experiences and Perceptions

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English descriptors

Abstract

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Le document en format XML

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