The Niger Famine
Identifieur interne : 003266 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 003265; suivant : 003267The Niger Famine
Auteurs : Oliver RubinSource :
- Journal of Asian and African studies (Leiden) [ 0021-9096 ] ; 2009-06.
English descriptors
- KwdEn :
- African studies, Alternative commodity bundles, Amartya, Ample evidence, August, Background mortality rate, Background mortality rates, Burkina faso, Cereal prices, Child mortality rate, Chronic malnutrition, Coalition leaders, Crude mortality rate, Democracy hypothesis, Democracy thesis, Development studies, Devereux, Effective famine protection, Entitlement, Entitlement approach, Entitlement framework, Excess deaths, Excess mortality, Exchange entitlement, Famine, Famine analysis, Famine intensity, Famine proportions, Famine protection, Famine scales, First contribution, Food availability, Food availability decline, Food crisis, Food prices, Free food, Free press, Inadequate response, Instrumental definition, Intensity scale, Intensity scales, International community, Irinnews, January, July, Legislative branch, Liberal constitution, Livestock prices, Localized food security crisis, Magnitude scales, Major famines, Malnutrition, Mamadou party, Mamadou tandja, Maradi, Maradi region, Market mechanisms, Mittal, Mortality, Mortality rate, Mortality rates, Mousseau, Municipal elections, National assembly, Niger, Niger famine, Niger food crisis, Nigerien, Nigerien government, November, Opposition parties, Organisation internationale, Oxford university press, Political processes, Political science, Price increases, Prime minister, Public action, Rubin, Second contribution, Second period, Southern districts, Subsidized prices, Synthesis report, Time period, Total crude mortality rate, Unfavorable terms, Vulnerable people, Vulnerable segment, World bank, World vision, World vision canada, Zinder.
- Teeft :
- African studies, Alternative commodity bundles, Amartya, Ample evidence, August, Background mortality rate, Background mortality rates, Burkina faso, Cereal prices, Child mortality rate, Chronic malnutrition, Coalition leaders, Crude mortality rate, Democracy hypothesis, Democracy thesis, Development studies, Devereux, Effective famine protection, Entitlement, Entitlement approach, Entitlement framework, Excess deaths, Excess mortality, Exchange entitlement, Famine, Famine analysis, Famine intensity, Famine proportions, Famine protection, Famine scales, First contribution, Food availability, Food availability decline, Food crisis, Food prices, Free food, Free press, Inadequate response, Instrumental definition, Intensity scale, Intensity scales, International community, Irinnews, January, July, Legislative branch, Liberal constitution, Livestock prices, Localized food security crisis, Magnitude scales, Major famines, Malnutrition, Mamadou party, Mamadou tandja, Maradi, Maradi region, Market mechanisms, Mittal, Mortality, Mortality rate, Mortality rates, Mousseau, Municipal elections, National assembly, Niger, Niger famine, Niger food crisis, Nigerien, Nigerien government, November, Opposition parties, Organisation internationale, Oxford university press, Political processes, Political science, Price increases, Prime minister, Public action, Rubin, Second contribution, Second period, Southern districts, Subsidized prices, Synthesis report, Time period, Total crude mortality rate, Unfavorable terms, Vulnerable people, Vulnerable segment, World bank, World vision, World vision canada, Zinder.
Abstract
By applying a widely accepted method for famine operationalization, the 2005 food crisis in Niger is categorized as a famine. This presents a unique opportunity to assess Amartya Sen's two most important famine contributions: (1) the entitlement framework for famine analysis; and (2) the hypothesis of a positive effect of democracy on famine protection. The fact that the Niger famine was caused by unfavorable terms of trade rather than a collapse in food production supports the focus of the entitlement framework on access to food; nevertheless, the belated and inadequate response to the crisis from the democratically elected Nigerien government appears to undermine the link between a pluralistic political system and effective famine protection.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/0021909609102899
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:66D15525F98040358E9DC97544F40009ACB9834ELe document en format XML
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This presents a unique opportunity to assess Amartya Sen's two most important famine contributions: (1) the entitlement framework for famine analysis; and (2) the hypothesis of a positive effect of democracy on famine protection. The fact that the Niger famine was caused by unfavorable terms of trade rather than a collapse in food production supports the focus of the entitlement framework on access to food; nevertheless, the belated and inadequate response to the crisis from the democratically elected Nigerien government appears to undermine the link between a pluralistic political system and effective famine protection.</div></front></TEI><istex><corpusName>sage</corpusName><keywords><teeft><json:string>entitlement</json:string><json:string>niger</json:string><json:string>famine</json:string><json:string>food crisis</json:string><json:string>niger famine</json:string><json:string>nigerien</json:string><json:string>august</json:string><json:string>maradi</json:string><json:string>mousseau</json:string><json:string>rubin</json:string><json:string>famine scales</json:string><json:string>mittal</json:string><json:string>january</json:string><json:string>excess mortality</json:string><json:string>niger food 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This presents a unique opportunity to assess Amartya Sen's two most important famine contributions: (1) the entitlement framework for famine analysis; and (2) the hypothesis of a positive effect of democracy on famine protection. The fact that the Niger famine was caused by unfavorable terms of trade rather than a collapse in food production supports the focus of the entitlement framework on access to food; nevertheless, the belated and inadequate response to the crisis from the democratically elected Nigerien government appears to undermine the link between a pluralistic political system and effective famine protection.</abstract><qualityIndicators><score>8.368</score><pdfWordCount>7526</pdfWordCount><pdfCharCount>46090</pdfCharCount><pdfVersion>1.4</pdfVersion><pdfPageCount>20</pdfPageCount><pdfPageSize>481.89 x 685.984 pts</pdfPageSize><refBibsNative>true</refBibsNative><abstractWordCount>114</abstractWordCount><abstractCharCount>754</abstractCharCount><keywordCount>5</keywordCount></qualityIndicators><title>The Niger Famine</title><genre><json:string>research-article</json:string></genre><host><title>Journal of Asian and African studies (Leiden)</title><language><json:string>unknown</json:string></language><issn><json:string>0021-9096</json:string></issn><eissn><json:string>1745-2538</json:string></eissn><publisherId><json:string>JAS</json:string></publisherId><volume>44</volume><issue>3</issue><pages><first>279</first><last>298</last></pages><genre><json:string>journal</json:string></genre></host><namedEntities><unitex><date><json:string>2009</json:string><json:string>1974</json:string><json:string>2005</json:string><json:string>1990s</json:string><json:string>5768</json:string><json:string>1971</json:string><json:string>June– July 2005</json:string><json:string>1947</json:string><json:string>2002</json:string><json:string>1943</json:string><json:string>from 21 January to 19 August</json:string><json:string>1972</json:string><json:string>1999</json:string><json:string>1970s</json:string><json:string>1990</json:string><json:string>2004</json:string></date><geogName><json:string>Zinder region</json:string><json:string>Maradi region</json:string></geogName><orgName><json:string>Niger Introduction Amartya Sen</json:string><json:string>Niger Constitution</json:string><json:string>World Bank</json:string><json:string>Mali, Burkina Faso</json:string><json:string>National Movement</json:string><json:string>National Assembly</json:string><json:string>Niger Food Crisis Intensity Some</json:string><json:string>Amnesty International</json:string><json:string>Niger In</json:string><json:string>Oliver Rubin University</json:string><json:string>International Francophone Organization</json:string><json:string>Radio France Internationale</json:string><json:string>Niger Freedom</json:string><json:string>Niger Famine An</json:string><json:string>Singapore and Washington DC</json:string><json:string>Niger Famine</json:string><json:string>Standing Committee on Nutrition</json:string><json:string>Nigerien President, Mamadou Tandja</json:string></orgName><orgName_funder></orgName_funder><orgName_provider></orgName_provider><persName><json:string>A. 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This presents a unique opportunity to assess Amartya Sen's two most important famine contributions: (1) the entitlement framework for famine analysis; and (2) the hypothesis of a positive effect of democracy on famine protection. The fact that the Niger famine was caused by unfavorable terms of trade rather than a collapse in food production supports the focus of the entitlement framework on access to food; nevertheless, the belated and inadequate response to the crisis from the democratically elected Nigerien government appears to undermine the link between a pluralistic political system and effective famine protection.</p></abstract><textClass><keywords scheme="keyword"><list><head>keywords</head><item><term>democracy</term></item><item><term>entitlement approach</term></item><item><term>famine</term></item><item><term>famine operationalization</term></item><item><term>Niger</term></item></list></keywords></textClass></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="2009-06">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/66D15525F98040358E9DC97544F40009ACB9834E/fulltext/txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus sage not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="2.3" xml:lang="EN"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">spjas</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">JAS</journal-id><journal-title>Journal of Asian and African Studies</journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">0021-9096</issn><publisher>
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<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Rubin</surname><given-names>Oliver</given-names></name><aff>University of Copenhagen, Denmark, <email xlink:type="simple">or@ifs.ku.dk</email></aff></contrib></contrib-group>
<pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>06</month><year>2009</year></pub-date><volume>44</volume><issue>3</issue><fpage>279</fpage><lpage>298</lpage><abstract><p>By applying a widely accepted method for famine operationalization, the 2005 food crisis in Niger is categorized as a famine. This presents a unique opportunity to assess Amartya Sen's two most important famine contributions: (1) the entitlement framework for famine analysis; and (2) the hypothesis of a positive effect of democracy on famine protection. The fact that the Niger famine was caused by unfavorable terms of trade rather than a collapse in food production supports the focus of the entitlement framework on access to food; nevertheless, the belated and inadequate response to the crisis from the democratically elected Nigerien government appears to undermine the link between a pluralistic political system and effective famine protection.</p></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>democracy</kwd>
<kwd>entitlement approach</kwd>
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<kwd>Niger</kwd></kwd-group><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>279 The Niger FamineA Collapse of Entitlements and Democratic Responsiveness SAGE Publications, Inc.200910.1177/0021909609102899 OliverRubin University of Copenhagen, Denmark, or@ifs.ku.dk By applying a widely accepted method for famine operationalization, the 2005 food crisis in Niger is categorized as a famine. This presents a unique opportunity to assess Amartya Sen's two most important famine contributions: (1) the entitlement framework for famine analysis; and (2) the hypothesis of a positive effect of democracy on famine protection. The fact that the Niger famine was caused by unfavorable terms of trade rather than a collapse in food production supports the focus of the entitlement framework on access to food; nevertheless, the belated and inadequate response to the crisis from the democratically elected Nigerien government appears to undermine the link between a pluralistic political system and effective famine protection. democracy entitlement approach famine famine operationalization Niger Abstract Introduction Amartya Sen has made two important contributions in the field of famine research that have received widespread recognition: (1) an analytical framework for famine analysis, the entitlement approach, which focuses on access to food; and (2) a democracy hypothesis emphasizing the importance of a pluralistic political system for famine protection. The recent Niger food crisis in 2005 presents an outstanding opportunity to reassess both of Sen's contributions. The results indicate that the Niger food crisis is a mixed blessing for Amartya Sen's work on famine. While the Niger food crisis provides yet another powerful case in point for the importance of focusing on access to food rather than food availability, the food crisis also 280 appears to question the strength of the link between democracy and effective famine protection. This article will first provide evidence that the Niger food crisis was indeed a famine by applying Howe and Devereux's widely accepted famine scales. Sen's famine contributions will subsequently be assessed in the light of the Niger famine: Can the entitlement framework capture the dynamics of the famine? And is the democracy hypothesis supported by the political processes that took place during the famine? Initially, however, Sen's two contributions will be briefly sketched out. Sen's First Contribution: The Entitlement Framework At the end of the 1970s, Amartya Sen (1977) forwarded a groundbreaking approach to famine analysis, the entitlement framework, which built on the simple idea of conceiving of famine in terms of a lack of access to food instead of in terms of a lack of food availability. Sen exposed the inadequacy of focusing on food availability decline (FAD) by pointing to four major famines (the 1943 Bengal famine, the 1974 Bangladeshi famine, the 1972–4 Ethiopian famine and the Sahel famines of 1971–4), which occurred without any substantial decrease in the average food availability in these countries. Instead, he introduced the entitlement approach as a superior analytical framework. Sen defined the entitlement of a person as `the set of alternative commodity bundles that can be acquired through the use of the various legal channels of acquirement open to that person' (Drèze and Sen, 1989: 23; Sen, 1990a: 38). A person's entitlement depends on two factors: his initial endowment and the E-mapping, which specifies the set of alternative commodity bundles that can be obtained given the initial endowments. The E-mapping will often depend on the exchange entitlement that describes the alternative commodities obtain- able in exchange for the endowments, but it can also be influenced by changes in production or direct transfers. An adverse change in the E-mapping variable can therefore be caused by an endowment loss, production failure, exchange failure and transfer failure. Hence, a famine does not occur because of a lack of food availability but from a wide variety of unfavorable socio-economic changes, including rising food prices, falling wages, falling livestock prices and intra-family distribution patterns. Access to food is not merely reduced to an economic question; instead, it `depends on the legal, political, economic and social characteristics of the society in question and the person's position in it' (Sen, 1981: 46). As such, famine becomes a socio-economic problem rather than a problem of food availability. Famine prevention must therefore be concerned with the protection of entitlements rather than food availability per se. 281 Sen's Second Contribution: The Democracy Hypothesis Later in his impressive academic career, Amartya Sen developed a proposition since adopted by many famine theorists (Drèze and Sen, 1989; D'Souza, 1994; Banik, 1998; Varshney, 2000) and which can be referred to as the democracy thesis. This thesis simply states that democracy and a free press provide effective protection from famine (Sen, 1982, 1990a, 1993, 1999, 2005; Drèze and Sen, 1989). The thesis was inspired by India's success in combating major famines after the formation of a pluralistic political system following independence in 1947. In a democracy, Sen's argument goes, the Government is faced with oppos- ition parties and regular elections. An elected Government is therefore forced to respond to the demands of the people, because voters have the power to replace the Government after the next election. As Sen formulated more vividly (1990b: 12), `democracy and an uncensored press can spread the penalties of famine from the destitute to those in authority. There is no surer way of making the government responsible to the suffering of famine victims'. The quotation emphasizes the need for a free press capable of functioning as a mediator of information and which can ensure famines cannot be concealed from the gen- eral public. Knowledge is obviously a prerequisite for making a government accountable. Sen argues that `newspaper reports and public protests carry not only information that authorities can use, but also elements of pressure that may make it politically compelling to respond to these danger signals' (Drèze and Sen, 1991: 263). In a democracy, the free press thus plays two roles: a mediator of information and an instrument for making the Government accountable. The Niger Famine An interesting question is how Sen's two contributions fare faced with the disastrous events that unfolded in Niger in 2005. Niger remains an extremely impoverished country. Roughly 63 percent of the population survives on less than US$1 a day and 85 percent are illiterate. Life expectancy at birth is a meager 44.7 years, and the risk of dying before one's first birthday is 1 in 6, and 1 in 4 die before the age of five. It comes as no surprise that Niger is at rock bottom in the UN Human Development Index 2006. Even in the best of years, 40 percent of children remain malnourished. With half of the government budget stemming from foreign donor resources, the Government of Niger is also highly dependent on foreign donors (Mousseau and Mittal, 2006). It was against this backdrop of extreme poverty and very high levels of chronic malnutrition that an international aid agency in July 2005 was preparing to distribute supplementary food rations at a feeding center in Niger's Southern Maradi region. Fearing that only few people would show up, Médecins Sans 282 Frontières (MSF) describes how the aid workers spread word about the scheme in nearby villages in the hope that news about the center would eventually reach the neediest (Tectonidis, 2006). The consequences of this modicum of pro- motion shocked the aid workers. Hundreds of women soon swarmed the feeding center with such desperation for food that chaos and anarchy broke out. The chronic malnutrition in Niger appeared to have transformed into something worse. Whether it was a food crisis of famine proportions will be examined in the following by relying on Howe and Devereux's (2004) famine scales. Howe and Devereux's Famine Scales One of the most successful attempts at operationalizing the concept of famine has been made by Howe and Devereux in their 2004 article, `Famine Inten- sity and Magnitude Scales: A Proposal for an Instrumental Definition of Famine', published in the international journal Disasters. Their famine scales have been adopted and recommended by a number of different international organizations. A synthesis report published by USAID introduced Howe and Devereux's famine scales and recommended that the `use of the famine scales by USAID should be considered to assist in linking early warning to response and recognizing a process of famine prior to actual famine event' (Sheckler et al., 2004: 5). Furthermore, an application of the famine scales has been developed by the Food Security Assessment Unit in Somalia, which is respon- sible for providing an evidence-based analysis of the Somali food situation (FSAU website; Devereux, 2006). The famine scales have also been taken on- board by the United Nations World Food Program (WFP), which intends to test the operationalization further in the field (WFP, 2005). The gist of Howe's and Devereux's operationalization is to work with a two- dimensional approach capturing both famine intensity and magnitude in separ- ate tables. The tables are designed to be used in combination, and Howe and Devereux (2004: 368) argue that, `used together, the scales should provide more precision in using (or not using) the term famine'. The intensity scale is based both on anthropometric/mortality indicators and livelihood descriptors. The intensity scale is divided in six categories based on the crude mortality rate (CMR) and wasting. A CMR above 1/10,000/day quali- fies as a famine condition, while a CMR in excess of 5/10,000/day qualifies as a severe famine condition. Extreme famine conditions take place when the CMR exceeds 15/10,000/day. The intensity scale is supplemented with food security descriptors based on the livelihoods of vulnerable people by exploiting the fact that famines have a profound impact on both lives and livelihoods. Some descrip- tors are subjective and examine whether vulnerable people themselves identify food as the dominant problem. Others relate to their coping strategies. The qualitative dimension also includes more institutional descriptors, including 283 the social system (from cohesion to breakdown) and the market (from price stability to market collapse). The magnitude scale specifies five categories based on the overall excess mortality. This dimension is necessary, because the intensity scales will often be measured in the epicenter of famine in a matter of days, which provides little indication of the overall impact of the famine in terms of excess mortality. The range goes from minor famines (below 1000 excess deaths) over moderate famines (between 1000 and 9999 excess deaths) to catastrophic famines (with more than 1 million excess deaths). In the following, the two famine scales will be applied to the Nigerien context during the summer of 2005. Applying the Famine Scales to the Niger Food Crisis Intensity Some NGOs were operational in the beginning of the 2005 food crisis in Niger, and a few of those managed to undertake nutritional surveys providing data on mortality rates in the worst affected regions. Moonen and Steffen (2005), employed by MSF, conducted a nutritional sur- vey in August 2005, Status nutrionnel et mortalité rétrospective, in the epicenter of the food crisis in Niger – the central, southern Zinder region. Based on a cluster sample of 896 vulnerable people from a total population of 5768, the retrospective survey went 209 days back. It reported mortality rates in the area to the order of 1.5 deaths/10,000 people/day in the 209-day period from 21 January to 19 August 2005. By dividing the time period up in half, the survey also found that the situation deteriorated. The mortality rate was higher during the second 119-day period (from April to August), averaging 1.7/10,000/day compared to 1.1/10,000/day during the first period. The mortality rate for children under age five was estimated to be 4.1/10,000 /day in the full 209-day period peaking at 5.3/10,000/day in the second period (Moonen and Steffen, 2005). A crude mortality rate of more than 1/10,000 together with widespread malnutrition is enough to classify the food crisis in Niger as facing famine conditions according to the Howe's and Devereux's intensity scales. Sarah Carr (2005) from World Vision Canada (WVC) also conducted a survey around the same time in the Maradi and Zinder districts, where the organization had ongoing programs. The survey was retrospective, as well with recall periods of 125 days and 145 days going back to 1 January 2005. Carr used a two-stage cluster sampling to achieve the greatest degree of representativeness and more than 1000 people in each region were reached. Based on the survey, Carr reports a total crude mortality rate of 0.98 and a child morality rate of 3.09 for Maradi; for Zinder, she reports a total crude mortality rate of 0.94 284 and a child mortality rate of 2.49. Hence, the MSF and World Vision surveys seem to arrive at much the same results, although the World Vision survey found slightly lower mortality rates. This can be explained by the fact that the World Vision recall periods only partially overlap with the MSF time period; World Vision only covered the early period in 2005, which excluded the peak of the famine during the 2005 summer. The numbers in Carr's survey are therefore quite similar to the first period numbers in the MSF survey. We have already seen how the MSF two-period investigation indicated a deteri- oration over time in both malnutrition and mortality rates. MSF also described more concretely how they had to treat more than six times as many severely malnourished children between January and November 2005 as they did in 2004 (Tectonidis, 2006). MSF tracked the admission to their feeding programs in the Maradi region, and their figures underline the anecdotal evidence presented in the beginning of this section of a sudden explosive interest in feeding schemes. From 2004 to 2005, participants in the feeding programs quadrupled from 9700 to 39,000. MSF even argued that the increase in feeding program admissions ought to be regarded as evidence of the severity of the situation in the absence of reliable anthropometrical indicators (MSF, 2006b). Magnitude As regards famine magnitude, Mousseau and Mittal (2006) describe how, despite a large-scale effort from NGOs in the later phase of the famine, thous- ands of children died of hunger-related causes. This figure is not substantiated further in the report, and it should be noted that it does not refer to excess mortality due to the famine. The excess mortality can be approximated, how- ever, on the basis of the two aforementioned surveys and relating the mortality rates to Niger's background mortality rate. As seen previously, Niger suffers from high degrees of chronic malnutrition; some donors therefore perceived the situation in the beginning of 2005 as busi- ness as usual. Endemic hunger was believed to be somewhat normal and inevit- able in the short term. Nevertheless, the evidence presented earlier indicates a critically deteriorating situation. Based on World Bank and UNICEF data, one can tabulate a background mortality rate for Niger of 0.54/10,000/day (WDI, 2006) and a child mortality rate of 1.4/10,000/day (UNICEF, 2005). As these values cover the whole of Niger, they do not specifically relate to the famine- prone regions. Two post-famine surveys conducted in the regions do appear to support the aforementioned values, however. By the end of 2005, UNICEF conducted a survey revealing that malnutrition remained high, but child mortal- ity rates had dropped to around 2 in the affected Maradi and Zinder regions and to about 1.5 in the whole of Niger (UN Standing Committee on Nutrition, 2006: Figure 6). Crude mortality rates hovered slightly above 0.5 in the affected 285 regions and a little lower in the whole of Niger. These numbers are supported by yet another survey by Action Against Hunger, which disaggregated mal- nutrition and mortality rates along different occupational zones in Maradi and Tahoua (UN Standing Committee on Nutrition, 2006: Table 6). Again, the child mortality rate lay between 1.63 and 1.97, depending on the zone, and the crude mortality rate was approximately 0.5 across all zones. The two regions in the epicenter of famine, the regions of Maradi and Zinder, have a combined population of roughly 4.3 million according to the latest census; of those, 2.4 million have explicitly been categorized as highly food insecure by a joint food security assessment (HPG, 2005). Applying the excess mortality rates on the highly food insecure populations generates total excess mortalities in the thousands for the surveyed periods (Table 1). Using MSF's CMR, the total excess mortality is estimated to be approximately 47,755 in the surveyed period; applying the WVC's CMR generates an excess mortality of 13,297 in the shorter survey period. While it could be argued that extrapolating data from surveys in the worst affected areas might overestimate the total excess mortality, one could also rightfully argue that measures of famine mortality should not be restricted to these two regions and that the time periods should not be limited to the survey periods but also cover the situation prior to January 2005 and after August 2005. Still, various sensitivity calculations have been included in Table 1 that relax assumptions regarding the size of the vulnerable population and the magnitude of the background mortality rate. Reducing the famine vulnerable population to 1 million and increasing the background CMR by 50 percent still generates an excess mortality in the thousands – even using the WVC survey data that exclude the peak of the famine. Table 1 Estimations of excess mortality during the 2005 Niger famine Notes: a Tabulated based on mortality rates from Moonen and Steffen (2005) and background mortality rates from WDI (2006) and the UN Standing Committee on Nutrition (2006). b Tabulated based on mortality rates from Carr (2005) and background mortality rates from WDI (2006) and the UN Standing Committee on Nutrition (2006). 286 The sensitivity calculations reveal that there is little doubt that Niger experienced a famine-induced excess mortality in the thousands. In my view, therefore, it seems prudent to categorize the famine as a moderate famine according to the Howe and Devereux magnitude scales. Although the scale does not take into account the population of the country, it is worth mentioning that the mortality took place within a relatively limited population size of 13 million, which only adds to the seriousness of the famine. Livelihood indicators The accumulated livelihood evidence also points in the direction of a food crisis of famine proportions. The vulnerable segment of the population perceived food to be a major prob- lem during the crisis. An MSF survey revealed that nearly 90 percent of the families in the vulnerable regions reported that they had no more remaining food reserves (MSF, 2005), and although the market did not collapse outright, there is ample evidence that prices spun out of control to the point where even subsidized essential foods were beyond the reach of the most vulnerable segment of the population. The famine has even been dubbed the Nigerien `free market famine' (Mousseau and Mittal, 2006). In short, cereal prices skyrocketed in 2005, and livestock prices plummeted. The price for millet, sorghum and maize more than doubled to the point where even gasoline was cheaper than all three staples of the local diet (MSF, 2006a). Even with 63 percent of the population living on less than US$1 a day, the average Nigerien farmer must pay more for 1kg of millet at the local market than a European or American consumer pays for 1kg of rice in the local supermarket (Mousseau and Mittal, 2006). Coping strategies transcended to survival strategies. Referring to a WFP food security assessment conducted in October 2005, Grobler-Tanner (2006: 1) de- scribes how the crisis `affected households across the board, and led to extensive animals sales, heavy indebtedness and increased migration in search of income'. As often in famine situations, men were reportedly (IRINnews, 2005b) fleeing to the urban areas in search for work, leaving their families behind at home with a female head of household often too weakened to both cater to the family and work the fields. Children were often left to survive on wild leaves. An exacerbating factor in this 2005 Niger famine was the collapse of remittances from Cote D'Ivoire; what was once a safe haven of employment opportunities for poor Nigeriens had collapsed into civil conflict and effectively cut off an essential lifeline of remittances. The consequences were noticeable: a Nigerien woman from the Maradi region lost four children to the famine and told a reporter from the Independent that she received no help from the officials or people in any of the area towns. Another woman from the Zinger region, too weak and undernourished for her 287 breasts to produce milk, walked 25km to a local government health center to receive help but was turned away because she did not have the 1.4 dollars (700 CFA) for the consultation (IRINnews, 2005c). The qualitative evidence thus points first and foremost to a collapse in the ability to purchase staple food. The price of staple foods exploded while the value of household assets imploded, most notably the price of livestock. The evidence also bears witness to an inadequate government response to the crisis. It also suggests: (1) a breakdown of social reciprocity (nobody aided the Maradi woman in grave need); (2) increased migration and dissolved family networks; and (3) a depletion of core household values. All are typical indications of a livelihood strategy in survival mode during a severe crisis. Assessing Sen's First Contribution: The Efficacy of the Entitlement Approach The Inadequacy of FAD Using the Howe and Devereux famine scales, the 2005 food crisis in Niger could indeed be categorized as a famine. Yet both USAID and the Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS NET) abstained from using the F-word by describing the situation in Niger as a `very severe, but localized food security crisis'. Greg Barrow from the WFP felt it necessary to emphasize that they have never spoken about `famine', but rather, pockets of severe malnutrition. Grobler-Tanner (2006: 1) writing for the FEWS NET articulates the network's stance on the matter: `On the one hand, documented excess deaths and high malnutrition rates indicated a serious crisis in Niger; on the other hand, FEWS NET and others have argued that the situation constituted a severe but localized food security crisis'. While acknowledging that malnutrition and excess deaths have occurred, FEWS NET thus rejects the term `famine' on the grounds that it is a localized food security crisis. Yet famines are by their very nature localized events that take place in certain regions among specific socio-economic and ethnic groups. And in the Niger case, we are not talking about a small village or a refugee camp; instead, we are dealing with an excess mortality in the thousands in a population of 13 million people. Second-guessing motives is always a dangerous exercise; however, it seems plausible to tie together the reluctance exhibited by many key international actors to acknowledge the Niger food crisis as a famine together with their own failure to predict and provide a timely response to the crisis. As late as December 2004, FEWS NET described the overall regional food situation in Sahel as being fair in terms of availability and access with only localized problems (HPG, 2005). The FEWS NET system, with an emphasis on drought and weather-related factors – rather than socio-economic factors – failed to anticipate the severity of 288 the famine. For instance, the exponential increase in feeding center admission documented by MSF did not enter a warning system that was based on indicators such as the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index, the Water Requirement Satisfaction Index and Meteosat Rainfall Estimation. The problem is that FEWS NET relied on food availability indicators in a famine that appears to have been modeled perfectly on Sen's argument about the importance of focusing on food access. Thus, the 2005 Niger famine is an excellent contemporary example of a famine that was caused less by a food availability decline and more by a deteri- orating exchange entitlement caused by price increases for vital staple foods and inadequate state transfers. The southern areas of Niger suffered a drought and subsequent locust infestation at the end of 2004. Yet according to FEWS (IRINnews, 2005c), the national cereal production was only 11 percent down from the five-year average, and could have been covered by a mere 3 percent increase in Niger's normal cereal imports. The production was even above the relatively poor 2000/1 season, which did not lead to a major food crisis (Grobler- Tanner, 2006); and the same crop failure was experienced throughout the Sahel region, but no other country faced a food crisis of famine proportions (HPG, 2005). In addition, it was the well-watered southern districts (Zinger and Maradi), which were usually renowned for their fertility and often referred to as the breadbasket of the country that suffered the most during the famine. The entitlement approach is a well-equipped framework for explaining this apparent paradox. The collapse of the exchange entitlement is caused by two factors: a loss in purchasing power in terms of vital foods and a lack of sufficient state transfers. The Entitlement Exchange Collapse The loss of purchasing power is caused by economic structures that pressure people to sell grain to traders when prices are at their lowest and to borrow grain from them when prices are highest. Price increases occur in the months fol- lowing the harvest; yet small-scale farmers with little access to credit are often forced to sell immediately after the harvest, when prices are only a third of their peak level. The surge in cereal foods combined with declining livestock prices left livestock-dependent households with just a quarter of their purchasing power in 2005 compared to 2004. Economic liberalization has not only led to a rise in cereal prices, but the prices have also become more volatile. Thus, the problem in Niger was not the absence of food – there was food in the market – but the fact that people could not afford to buy it (Mousseau and Mittal, 2006). The exchange entitlement for many destitute households had collapsed. Through August 2005, the Government had envisioned that a combination of subsidized cereal sales, cereal banks, food for work and cash for work would 289 help ensure access to cereals at a reasonable price for impoverished households, mainly through market mechanisms (FEWS NET, 2005). Instead of under- taking targeted distributions of free food, as had been done in neighboring countries, the Government thus made cereals available at subsidized prices but in insufficient quantities. The Government believed that free aid would cause market instability, increase dependency on aid and undermine development efforts in the long run. Yet the policy led to entitlement failures for thousands of vulnerable households, as the food was sold at a price that vulnerable persons remained unable to afford. Assessing Sen's Second Contribution: The Ineptness of the Democracy Hypothesis Democracy in Niger In order to assess Sen's second contribution, one must briefly take stock of the political system in Niger. The wave of democratization that swept through the African continent in the beginning of the 1990s also brushed Niger. After more than 30 years under various autocratic regimes, a transition government was installed in November 1991, which not only succeeded in holding free and fair non-violent nationwide elections but also prepared key legislation in the form of a new constitution. The democratic developments were brought to an abrupt halt by a military coup in January 1996, which signaled the beginning of more than three years of systematic human rights violations, including the imprisonment of opposition leaders (some of whom suffered from torture, according to Amnesty International (1997)), and journalists were harassed and arrested. With the assassination of the military dictator in April 1999, Niger could once again move toward democracy. A new constitution (Niger's current constitution) was approved, and President Mamadou Tandja came to power in 1999 in elections that were described by international observers as generally free and fair. The constitution dictates that the President shall be elected for a five-year term by suffrage that is `universal, free, equal, and secret' (Niger Constitution article 7). The government system is semi-presidential in that the President shares the executive power with a Prime Minister whom he names on the basis of a shortlist of three provided by the legislative branch. The legislative branch, the National Assembly, has 113 members that are also elected on a five-year basis. Nine different parties are currently represented in the National Assembly, with designated seats for representatives of ethnic minorities and nomadic populations. Two elections had been held immediately prior to the 2005 famine. First, Niger held municipal elections with 265 newly established communes as part of a decentralization process. Mamadou Tandja's party, the National Movement 290 for the Development of Society, received 37.1 percent of the votes, which was almost triple that of the largest opposition party. By the end of 2004, Niger held presidential and legislative elections. Mamadou Tandja's party was again victorious, receiving 40 percent of the votes. With the support of other party leaders, Mamadou Tandja received 65 percent of the second-round votes for president. This first presidential election with a democratically-elected in- cumbent was deemed credible by international and domestic observers. Both the municipal elections and the presidential elections preceding the 2005 food crisis were thus described as generally free and fair. The observers from the International Francophone Organization visited more than 300 polling stations across the country and had only minor remarks to make about the election process, primarily dealing with delays and difficulties with the identification of voters (Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie, 2004). They concluded that `freedom and privacy were guaranteed. The organisation and counting of ballots were carried out according to the rules' (BBC NEWS, 2004). The Media in Niger Freedom of speech is formally ensured in the constitution, but the 2005 food crisis placed a strain on press freedom in Niger. The general media landscape in Niger can be sketched as a mix of private and state-owned newspapers, radio stations and television networks. With an illiteracy rate of 85 percent, the spread of the written word is severely hampered, and radio is by far the most important source for news and information in Niger. Information from the TV and the Internet – although unhindered – is generally restricted to a small minority due to the widespread poverty. The State still controls a large proportion of the broadcasting – in particular the large national radio station La Voix du Sahel. Many private stations also operate in Niger, however, and some have distinct social agendas; the Anfani and Tambara stations, for instance, aim to promote health, education and gender issues (BBC NEWS, 2006). Others have a more narrow commercial interest, such as a music channel (R&M), Tenere and Horizon. Most often, the private stations are transmitting in and around the capital. Foreign radio broadcasts are also received in Niger. Radio France Internationale can be heard in Niamey, Maradi and the Zinder provinces, while the BBC World Service is available in Niamey and Zinder. Free international information was thus available in the provinces that were hit particularly hard by the 2005 food crisis. Despite privately owned newspapers, radio and television stations, the Government attempted to restrain the press during the 2005 food crisis. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ, 2005) and Freedomhouse (2006) report on government actions restricting the possibility for free reporting. The editor of the weekly Nigerien journal, Alternative, was detained after leading protests 291 against price increases in Niamey on behalf of the Coalition Against Costly Living – a civil society organization protesting the introduction of a temporary VAT rate of 19 percent on basic foodstuffs such as sugar, milk and wheat flour. The journal's radio partner, Alternance FM, was also suspended. Several of the coalition leaders were interviewed by local radio stations, resulting in five of the coalition leaders ending up in prison within a week due to accusations of threatening state security. Shortly thereafter, the Minister of the Interior appeared on state television to warn journalists against covering the coalition's activities. The same day, police in the western city of Zinder searched the offices of the privately-owned broadcaster, Tenere, and confiscated footage of the local protests against the tax. In January 2005, as news of widespread star- vation emerged, a BBC NEWS (2005a) report uncovered an unhealthy media climate in which `local journalists who report on the growing problem are accused of being unpatriotic and face sanctions'. Despite these irregularities, the free press ultimately succeeded in getting the message across after all, and the Government ended up reacting to the civil society protests by revoking the VAT on most of the basic foods. In summary, the 2005 Niger food crisis took place under pluralistic political rule with a liberal constitution guaranteeing free expression and an independent judiciary. On the media side, the Government did seem to undertake actions restricting the opportunity for a free and fair reporting of the 2005 civil pro- test against taxes on food. Yet during the food crisis, MSF (Tectonidis, 2006) described Niger as `a peaceful country with a stable government and a func- tional ministry of health'. The UN agency OCHA (2005: 3) characterized Niger as a `model democratic state' that had conducted three peaceful elections in a region prone to political conflicts and complex emergencies. DFID (2007) seems to second that description by profiling Niger as a stable country with a well-established multiparty system. Larry Diamond (2003), an experienced expert in African democracy expert, categorizes Niger in the group of electoral democracies together with Sen's own exponent for the validity of the democracy thesis, India. Considering the harsh socio-economic conditions under which democracy in Niger is forced to endure, the three peaceful pluralist elections with free reporting and opposition parties, the liberal constitution with the protection of basic rights and the vocal civil society that engages in the political process do indeed resemble a maj or accomplishment. It therefore seems justified that most international organizations and scholars, despite the irregularities presented earlier, consider Niger to be a democracy, a poor one in monetary terms, but a democracy nonetheless. The question then remains of why the famine was not halted in time by the responsiveness of a democratic regime backed with the resources and expertise of the international community. Two major shortfalls on the side of the Nigerien 292 government spring to mind: (1) the belated Government response; and (2) an inadequate response. Lack of Government Responsiveness In a widely quoted and criticized statement, Nigerien President, Mamadou Tandja, denied that Niger was experiencing famine because, as he told some BBC reporters, `the people of Niger look well-fed' (BBC NEWS, 2005b). That remark was not a one-time slip of the tongue. In the initial phases of the food crisis, MSF (2006b) reports how the political climate was characterized by speeches downplaying the crisis and blaming it on culture (abrupt weaning), the weather (drought) and demography (birth rate). The President even spoke of `foreign propaganda' and `deception' by aid agencies to attempt to raise funds. The President maintained that the `situation has been exaggerated for political and economic gain by opposition parties and the UN agencies' (quoted in Independent, 2005b). Mamadou Tandja also fiercely denied any sign of famine in his country: There are three signs of a famine: when people are leaving the countryside and going to live in shantytowns; people are leaving the country; and there are beggars all over the place. Those three things do not exist in Niger at the present time. (BBC NEWS, 2005c) All this took place while other ministers, together with the President himself, criticized the international community for not responding to the crisis quickly enough with sufficient funds. Even in the later of phases of the food crisis, the severity does not appear to have dawned on the Government. In September 2005, the Prime Minister justified the interruption of food aid out of concern for Nigerien dignity, stating, `our dignity suffered. And we've seen how people exploit images to pledge aid that never arrives to those who really need it' (quoted in Mousseau and Mittal, 2006: 14). It should thus come as no surprise that many reports about the Niger food crisis argue that the Government is at least partly to blame. A BBC NEWS article (2005d) argues that the Government ought to take its share of the blame for the food crisis, because the Nigerien response was less in terms of food aid than in neighboring Mali; a fact that is reflected in the malnutrition numbers, where Mali had acute malnutrition rates of 10.6 percent, while Niger suffered rates of 15.3 percent (Grobler-Tanner, 2006). Mousseau and Mittal (2006: 14) also argue that `the responsibility lies first with the government, which failed to request and adequate level of assistance'. Leading up to the famine, the national reserve stock of food was supposed to be 110,000 tons of food. Though this would only cover 14 days of national food consumption, the actual stock had been much lower for the eight years leading 293 up to the crisis, never exceeding 20,000 tons (Mousseau and Mittal, 2006). Although these low emergency food stocks might indirectly be related to the IMF's structural policy, the Fund never explicitly asked the Government to reduce its stocks (probably having learned from mistakes made in the 2002 Malawi famine). The low emergency stocks were ultimately the Government's responsibility. As the food crisis materialized, the Government already requested support from donor countries and the international aid agencies to finance the procure- ment of 78,000 tons of food in November 2004. However, it was not until June– July 2005 that contributions began to pour into Niger aided by BBC reports and footage that largely came about due to continuous MSF advocacy and campaigning efforts to expose the nutritional crisis in Niger. The fact that the Government had actually already appealed for assistance in November 2004 has repeatedly been emphasized by the Nigerien government, which came under increasing international pressure as the true scale of the crisis surfaced. When the President visited the famine-plagued regions in July 2005, he once again reiterated that the Government did appeal for international assistance in November 2004, but that it went unheeded (Independent, 2005a). While it is true that the international response appears unacceptably rigid, two points should be kept in mind: first, the Government of Niger was far from alone in appealing to the international community for assistance; appeals were also filed by the governments of Mali, Burkina Faso and Mauritania (IFRC, 2005). In other words, Niger's initial, routine response was not a unique display of government responsibility. Second, even if Niger had received funding for the full procurement of the 78,000 tons of food straightaway, the Government appeared to have grossly underestimated the need for food, as it would only cover 15 percent of the estimated food deficit gap. Inadequate Emergency Response After underestimating the severity of the food crisis for months, when the Gov- ernment finally acted, it opted to provide loans to those most at risk of famine rather than to give away food for free. As a co-signer of the Sahel Food Aid Charter in 1990 – a voluntary code of good conduct for food aid – the Nigerien government was committed `to only distribute free food in case of an emergency or to assist specific vulnerable groups, and to commercialize food aid in order to not undermine national market prices' (Mousseau and Mittal, 2006: 28). I have previously described how the Government accordingly abstained from the public distribution of free food, instead relying on subsidized prices and allocation based on market mechanisms. The Government was not alone in underestimating the situation. As late as the beginning of June, a WFP representative expressed the view that the 294 situation in Niger was serious but not out of control, and it was argued that `we have not yet reached the stage of a generalised famine calling for massive distributions of free food to keep people alive' (IRINnews, 2005a). In June 2005, donors and UN agencies continued to back the Government's policy of charging for food aid. To sum up, the Government's response was too little too late. There is no evidence that the Government intentionally exploited famine as a political tool, and there are many mitigating circumstances surrounding the Government's lack of response and flawed interventions. Some of the policies forwarded by the IMF might have perpetuated the situation; the Government did issue an urgent appeal for emergency food aid in November 2004; most of the international community reacted belatedly as well; and not only is Niger extremely poor, but the Government is highly dependent on external funding in order to inter- vene. These factors surely led to deficiencies in the famine response, and Sen's hypothesis could be defended by an ad hoc proposition stating that if a demo- cracy is so poor that it is left with no space to maneuver without external consent, then the response mechanisms of a pluralist political system become toothless; decisions are in effect merely dictated to the elected government. The conclusion of the study nevertheless must be that not only did the expected causal effects fail to materialize on the macro level, but the political processes also failed to work according to the democracy hypothesis forwarded by Sen. This is due to the following factors: 1. There is ample evidence that the Government did not want to acknowledge the severity of the situation. Some of the Government comments presented here express a strong sense of arrogance in relation to Niger's starving citizens, while others simply indicate apathy and distrust toward the inter- national community. However, they do not bear witness to a responsive government that is concerned with the welfare of its citizens (if nothing else than to be re-elected) but that is forced to passivity, straight-jacketed by the international community. 2. In the face of Government inaction, the role of watchdog and strong advocate for extensive interventions to mitigate the famine was neither assumed by the opposition nor the domestic media; instead, it was left to MSF to break the silence about the famine. One can only share the concern of Mousseau and Mittal (2006) that it was left to a non-governmental organization to raise the issue of famine and, to a large extent, to deal with it. 3. The formal request to intervene more directly to mitigate the impact of the famine came from the UN, not the Government. IRINnews (2005b) de- scribes how the UN had to ask the Government in July 2005 `to immediately begin the free distribution of food to vulnerable groups to ensure their survival'. According to the democracy hypothesis, the appeal to initiate 295 the distribution of food aid ought to flow from the democratically elected government to the more autonomous humanitarian organization – not the other way around. Conclusion The article assessed the validity of Amartya Sen's famine contributions in light of the 2005 Niger food crisis. By applying Howe's and Devereux's (2004) famine scales, the 2005 Niger food crisis, with an excess mortality in the thousands, was categorized as a famine. The 2005 Niger famine made it possible to test the strength of the entitlement approach and to test the hypothesis of the beneficial effects of a pluralistic political system in Niger on famine protection. The Niger famine underlined the need to incorporate access to food in early warning systems. The widespread excess mortality during the food crisis could not be anticipated by a focus on food availability alone. Instead, unfavorable terms of trade led to exchange entitlement collapses for many households in the southern districts. The dynamics of the Niger famine were such that Amartya Sen's entitlement approach clearly demonstrated its analytical superiority in a food crisis caused more by fluctuations in food prices and less by a decline in food availability. The 2005 Niger famine also exemplified the danger of relying on an exces- sively rigid interpretation of Amartya Sen's democracy thesis. Not only did a famine occur under pluralistic rule in Niger, but closer scrutiny also revealed political processes running counter to what was predicted by the democracy hypothesis: the Government was unresponsive and did not admit to the severity of the situation; the watchdog function was performed by an international NGO, not by the national opposition or media; and the call to intervene directly to prevent the famine came from the international society – not the elected government. References Amnesty International (1997) Harassment of Government Opponents Has Become Systematic, May. http://news.amnesty.org/library/pdf/AFR430031997ENGLISH/ $File/AFR4300397.pdf Banik, D. (1998) `India's Freedom from Famine: The Case of Kalahandi' , Contemporary South Asia 7(3): 265-81. 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Rome: WFP. Oliver Rubin (PhD Political Science 2008; MA Economics 2003; MA Political Science 2001; MSc Development Studies 2000; BA Political Science 1998; BA Economics 1995) is currently a lecturer in Development Studies at the Depart- ment of Political Science, University of Copenhagen. Address: Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Øster Farimagsgade 5, DK-1353 Copenhagen K. (or@ifs.ku.dk)</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><ref-list>
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</ref-list></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>The Niger Famine</title><subTitle>A Collapse of Entitlements and Democratic Responsiveness</subTitle></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>The Niger Famine</title><subTitle>A Collapse of Entitlements and Democratic Responsiveness</subTitle></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Oliver</namePart><namePart type="family">Rubin</namePart><affiliation>University of Copenhagen, Denmark,</affiliation><affiliation>E-mail: or@ifs.ku.dk</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre><originInfo><publisher>SAGE Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage UK: London, England</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2009-06</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2009</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><abstract lang="en">By applying a widely accepted method for famine operationalization, the 2005 food crisis in Niger is categorized as a famine. This presents a unique opportunity to assess Amartya Sen's two most important famine contributions: (1) the entitlement framework for famine analysis; and (2) the hypothesis of a positive effect of democracy on famine protection. The fact that the Niger famine was caused by unfavorable terms of trade rather than a collapse in food production supports the focus of the entitlement framework on access to food; nevertheless, the belated and inadequate response to the crisis from the democratically elected Nigerien government appears to undermine the link between a pluralistic political system and effective famine protection.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>democracy</topic><topic>entitlement approach</topic><topic>famine</topic><topic>famine operationalization</topic><topic>Niger</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Journal of Asian and African studies (Leiden)</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0021-9096</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1745-2538</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">JAS</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spjas</identifier><part><date>2009</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>44</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>3</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>279</start><end>298</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">66D15525F98040358E9DC97544F40009ACB9834E</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-H1S19JXQ-9</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/0021909609102899</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_0021909609102899</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/66D15525F98040358E9DC97544F40009ACB9834E/metadata/json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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