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The New Training Initiative—an Evaluation

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The New Training Initiative—an Evaluation

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<meta-value>68 The New Training Initiative—an Evaluation SAGE Publications, Inc.1982DOI: 10.1177/002795018209900106 The background to the White Paper That Review concluded that 'current training arrangements have made little advance in securing fundamental reforms of training' (paragraph 4.34), and that 'in general, in the traditional crafts, it is still the passage of time rather than objectively assessed performance standards, which decides whether a trainee is accepted as skilled' (paragraph 4.16). The object of this note is first, to assess the economic arguments for government intervention in the provision of vocational training as advanced in the White Paper and in an accompanying MSC document (entitled The new training initiative: an agenda for action, hereafter referred to as AA). It then appraises the proposals contained in the White Paper and, finally, outlines how government policy might need to be developed if positive results are to be achieved. The economics of vocational training Only in the final paragraphs of the White Paper (in a brief section entitled 'Funding') is an attempt made to provide a reasoned basis for evaluating the optimum volume and direction of public resources to be devoted to training. However, the White Paper draws substantially on the discussion and recommendations of the earlier document (AA) which contains a somewhat more explicit analysis of the issues. From these documents the government view appears to be that one source of the deficiency in the volume of training for skilled occupations in the UK lies in a particular form of 'market failure'- the fact that most of the benefits of training (or the property rights acquired as a result of training) lodge with the individual trainee rather than the employer. To the extent that the true costs of training are borne by the employer, the potential mobility of the trainee may deprive the firm of some of the returns from its training investment; consequently, it is argued, this leads firms as a whole to under-invest in training. Both the White Paper (obliquely) and AA point to the 'defective telescopic faculty of I»dividuals'13) as a second source of market failure; AA refers to the fact that 'we cannot expect firms or individuals to invest in training to meet needs which they may not recognise or which offer no prospect of early returns'. Youngsters are in a hurry for immediate higher wages and tend to under-invest in 'basic vocational preparation' on moving from education into jobs. It is perhaps less clear that employers are subject to the same disability; or, if they are, whether the state apparatus is necessarily more far-seeing in the matter of long-term future skill requirements. Both these arguments are quite general, and ought also to be at work elsewhere. They do not account for what the White Paper (and a whole series of earlier MSC documents) have characterised as the particularly low rate at which general or transferable skills are acquired in the UK by comparison with other West European countrics-in particular those, such as Germany or Switzerland, which rely heavily on apprenticeship systems as an 'entry gate' to skilled manual or technical occupations. An understanding of what has been happening in the UK is much eased by distinguishing (following Becker, in his book on Human Capital(4)) two extreme types of training: specific training, ~Thich is useful only in a particular firan ; and general training which is useful in many firms. As a result of market pressures the distribution of the costs and benefits of training between the employer and employee will depend systematically on the nature of the training. The more firm-specific the skill (that is to say, the less useful is that training to the trainee once he leaves that firm), the greater is the proportion of the initial investment that has to be borne by the firm; and the greater is the share in subsequent productivity- gains which the firm (rather than the trainee) will expect to capture. The more general, or transferable, the nature of the skill acquired, the more likely it is that the trainee can market his acquired skills elsewhere and so reap the benefits of his training; and the less will the employer be prepared to meet the costs of that training. Consequently, in the case of general skills, it is the employee who usually has to make the initial investment in the form of lower wages as a trainee, etc., and for which he will, in due course, be compensated by higher earnings in later life. *This Note has been prepared by Ian Jones of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, as part of the research programme of the Designated Research Centre in Comparative Industrial Structure and Efficiency sponsored by the SSRC at the NIESR. He is grateful to colleagues at the National Institute, especially Sig Prais, Anne Daly, Heinz Hollenstein and Chris Trinder for advice and assistance. The note remains the full responsibility of the author. (1)A new training initiative: a programme for action, Cmnd 8455, December 1981. (2)Outlook on training; review of the employment and training act 1973, MSC, July 1980. (3)See Pigou, A. C., The economics of welfare, 4th edition, Macmillan, 1932. (4)G. S. Becker, Human capital, (first edition 1964, second edition 1975) NBER; see also K. Hartley, Training and retraining in industry, in Fiscal policy and labour supply (Report of a Conference), Institute of Fiscal Studies, 1977. 7169 Within this framework, the amount of training in specific skills depends on employers' assessments of costs and benefits; by definition, such skills are of no value to other employers. Training in transferable skills, (the insufficiency of which in the UK has been the great cause of concern of the MSC) will be undertaken with private employers or in public sector institutions depending on individuals' assessments of their relative costs and benefits. So long as the market mechanism works and the costs of acquiring transferable skills are borne by the employee the recruitment by one employer of persons trained by another employer (known as 'poaching') does not provide a reason for the emergence of a socially sub- optimal level of transferable skills. In practice, no market works perfectly and certainly not the various markets in labour. But it is important to understand the nature of the imperfection, and in particular to consider in general terms what might be expected to ensue if apprentices' wages were, for various possible reasons, set higher than under purely competitive conditions. General social ideals on minimum wages provide one set of reasons for such departures, and these may be amplified more or less strongly by trade union demands for higher apprenticeship pay; subsidies to other ways of spending the years of one's late teens, such as grants to those in full-time higher education, or unemployment benefits, all help to make it necessary to raise apprentices' initial pay-even to the extent that the 'going rate' may be above their initial value to the firm in terms of productivity. In these circumstances, an employer will tend to concentrate on that kind of training which it pays him to undertake, namely specific training, in which the benefits tend to remain with the employer rather than the employee; and he will tend to cut down on general training, because he would believe that he has to bear an unreasonable share of the costs. It is therefore necessary to examine carefully the facts on the pay of apprentices, though these are not easy to ascertain (the government has not so far carried out any statistical enquiry designed specifically to cast light on this issue). An article in the DE G~z~ette(g~ reported data for 1978 collected in an EC Labour Force Survey. This showed that the earnings of apprentices and other full-time trainees in manual occupations in the UK were 61 per cent of apprentices' etc. earnings to adult rates would be were not separately identified in the survey, the ratio of apprentices' etc. earnings to adult rate would be slightly less than this figure. Further limited evidence on apprenticeship pay in the UK is also available for some large firms and industry-wide agreements in two recent Incomes Data Services (IDS) reports. (2) Two industry-wide agreements quoted in the latter report indicate that the minimum rate over the period of a typical four-year apprenticeship was about 70 per cent of the adult minimum rate in engineering (in 1980) and nearly three quarters the adult minimum rate in the construction industry (in 1981). Average adult earnings for skilled manual ' workers (male) in these industries were considerably greater than nationally negotiated minimum rates (by as much as a factor of I-! 2 or more at the time of the IDS survey If apprentices in these industries were paid only the nationally negotiated minimum rates, then apprentice earnings would be somewhat less than a half average adult male earnings. However, both of the IDS surveys indicate that in nearly all of the manufacturing firms surveyed, apprentice earnings were also significantly greater (by about 25 per cent on average) than the nationally negotiated minimum rate. By comparison, a recent OECD reportc4> stated (p. 110) that in 1978, the average training allowance paid by employers to first year apprentices in Germany was about a fifth of the average wage of all male workers in the private sector, rising only to less than a third of the average wage even in the third year of apprenticeship. (5) Information for Switzcrland~6D suggests that apprentices' earnings were 17 per cent of the average earnings of skilled manual workers. Although cross-country comparisons of this kind are fraught with difficulties it is unlikely that further refinement would significantly alter the picture of much narrower differentials between apprentices' and adults' pay in the UK than in the two continental countries. Other things being equal, we would expect differences of this kind to be systematically related to variations in both the number of training places offered and the level of acquisition of general or transferable skills. Such indeed appears to be the case; table 1 shows the destination of young people after the compulsory school period in the UK, (1)Department of Employment, Employment Gazette, January 1981. The evidence formed the basis of a written Parliamentary answer by the Under Secretary at the Depart ment of Employment, Mr Peter Morrison, on 13 July 1981. (2)IDS, Apprentices' pay, Study 198, July 1979; Young workers' pay, Study 294, November 1981. (3)Information from Department of Employment, New earnings survey, 1980 Part D, Analyses by Occupation and Department of Employment, Time rates of wages and hours of work, April 1980, both London, HMSO, 1980. (4)OECD, Youth without work, a report by Shirley Williams and other experts, OECD, Paris, 1981. (5)It is also pointed out in Youth without work (op. cit., p.112) that in addition to the allowances paid by employers, young people in need can receive assistance under the Employ ment Protection Act. The rates set depend on the age of the trainee, whether he or she is living at home or elsewhere, and on the training institution. The aim is to encourage young people to prefer training to unskilled work. (6)Unpublished tabulations kindly provided by Dr H. Hollenstein of the Economic Research Centre, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology. 7270 Table 1. Summary of activities of young people after compulsory school period (a) Including ~~~~pils in the first year basic vocational training in schools. Source: West Germany and UK; MSC; 'A new training initiative: A consultative document' (Annex 1). Switzerland; unpublished material made available by Dr H. HoHenstein of the Economic Research Centre, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology. Germany and Switzerland. We see that in Germany and Switzerland, over 50 per cent of the age group entered apprenticeships, compared with on!y 14 per cent in the UK. Moreover, a further 18 per cent in Germany and 9 per cent in Switzerland entered full-time vocational education from whence a proportion would in time move into mainly technician training in industry. These differences in the current flows of trainees are fully reflected in the stock of skilled craftsmen in Britain and Germany(-) and indicate that these differences in recruitment rates have been longstanding and persistent. It has often been noticed that despite the apparently low level of skill differentials for adult workers in the UK, many who would like to find apprentice jobs fail to do so. (2) This suggests that the rates of trainee pay in the UK embodied in collective agreements have been persistently above the market-clearing level. ~3> It would go beyond the scope of this note to consider in detail how these cross-country differences in pay relativities might have arisen; but they are clearly central to any explanation of ZJI~ performance. By failing to draw adequate attention to them, both the White Paper and MSC publications might be said to be hindering informed debate on the factors affecting the provision of training in the UK. Some commentators (4) have drawn attention to the highly segmented nature of the capital market as a source of allocative inefficiency in respect of human capital formation. Because of differences in access to funding, individuals with equal abilities enjoy unequal i access to training opportunities. Hence returns at the margin are not equalised. One aspect of capital market segmentation in the UK is that young people receiving general training in the full-time education system receive income maintenance grants (e.g. university grants) whereas those acquiring transferable skills through apprenticeship or other industry-linked training schemes do not. Given the relatively high rate of pay enjoyed by apprentices relative to non-trainee juvenile workers,<5> and hence the very modest sacrifice of current consumption entailed in undertaking training it is not immediately obvious that imperfections of this kind currently contribute much to resource misallocation in the UK. Nevertheless, the other attractions of a university education are such that a fresh look at the disposition of public funds for income support between full and part-time 'trainees' would be justified. The new proposals The White Paper's proposals for the reform of vocational training attempt to improve both quantity and quality. The provisions fall under three main headings: (i) The injection of a higher 'vocational' content to the curriculum during the last two years of compulsory schooling. The background to this aspect is that educational interests had for long opposed vocational training in schools, and have attempted to keep schooling as basically academic. It is this view of the objects of education that led to the abolition of the commercial and technical schools (1)Prais, S. J., Vocational qualifications of the labour force in Britain and Germany, National Institute Economic Review, No. 98, November 1981. (2)See, for example, M. P. Fogarty and E. Reid, Differentials for managers and skilled manual workers in the UK, PSI, 1980. (3)For some evidence of a similar phenomenon in the USA, see P. Ryan, The costs of job training for a transferable skill, British Journal of Industrial Relations, November 1980, 18,3; 334-351. (4)See, in particular, Becker, G. S., op. cit. (second edition), pp 94-135. (5)An unpublished tabulation from the 1974 New Earnings Survey shows apprentice and other trainee earnings in manu facturing industry as 70 per cent of the earnings of non- apprentice etc. workers aged less than 21. This figure is almost certainly a downward-biased estimate of the true relationship between apprentice and non-apprentice earnings. Unpublished data provided by Dr H. Hollenstein indicate that apprentice wages in Switzerland were only about 30 per cent of the earnings of non-apprentice juvenile workers (i.e. workers aged 19 or less). 7371 . (which contrasts with the tremendous expansion of the German Realschulen in the past two decades). (ii) The introduction of a Youth Training Scheme (YTS) to provide a full year's 'foundation' training for all 16-year-olds, either on a full-time basis (if the young person is unemployed) or a part-time basis for young people in employment (in conjunction with the Unified Vocational Preparation scheme). The YTS will be introduced in September 1983 when it will replace the current Youth Opportunities Programme (YOP) (introduced in 1978, in the words of the White Paper, 'to help the minority of young people who were unemployed and quite unprepared or ill-equipped for working life by means of a short period of work experience or work preparation'). The stated objectives of YTS are more oriented towards systematic training provision than the YOP.(') This appears as a move towards the German system of obligatory part-time vocational training for all school-le~.vcrs; but it is only a very first step. (iii) Measures intended to raise training standards for skilled occupations. The government will seek to encourage the widespread adoption of training schemes which make the attainment of tested standards obligatory rather than an optional requirement for new entrants to skilled occupations. The background here is that British vocational training is still largely based on `servir~g time', and contrasts with the requirement to pass trade examinations that are usual in Germany. For adult trainees, it is also proposed that the existing TOPS scheme will be increasingly oriented towards the provision of trainees in occupations for which the demand is rapidly expanding. The MSC will also be asked to proceed with its earlier proposals for an 'Open Tech'programme outlined in a Consultative Document earlier in 1981 .(2) The 'Open Tech' is intended to promote an expansion of adult education at technician and supervisory levels 'by making existing facilities and new courses more accessible through the use of "open learning" and "distance learning methods" and exploiting the potential of new information technology'. (White Paper, para. 50). In addition to the estimated expenditure of El billion on YTS (compared to E400 million in 1981/82 on YOP); the White Paper envisages a further £2~0 million will be spent on TOPS (compared to about E250 million currently) and about £100 million on measures to increase the flow of skilled entrants to the labour force through apprenticeships and other trainee schemes (compared to about E85 million currently)(3). The net effect on public expenditure of the replacement of YOP by YTS will be somewhat less than £600 million. Young people in their first year after leaving school engaged in YTS programmes will be awarded a training allowance of £15 per week (compared to the £2S per week paid to YOP trainees) and there will be a further saving in supplementary benefit payments in respect of young people who would otherwise have been registered unemployed.(4) Will the new work? `~ The proposals to increase the vocational content during the last two years of compulsory schooling echo the intentions of the 'great debate' on education and industry launched by the previous government; some of the issues were discussed by CPRS two years ago in their report on Education, training and industrial ~et°,~®r~ac~~~^e.t~% The difficulty with doing anything in this important area is that the government does not control curricula, text books or examinations. ?) The new White Paper does not explain how it proposes to speed up movement in this area. Without further details its proposals may be described as toothless. In proposing a move towards the adoption of `certrficated' standards as the basis for entry into skilled occupations (rather than time-serving), the White Paper seems to suggest that the government is at last 'pushing on an open door'. But we may be entitled to considerable scepticism, in view, for example, of the remark in AA to the effect that 'few addressed these issues in responding to the Consultative (1)In the words of the White Paper, the YTS 'will aim to equip unemployed young people to adapt successfully to the demands of employment, to have a fuller appreciation of the world of industry, business and technology in which they will be working; and to develop basic and recognised skills which employers will require in future'. (2)MSC, An open tech programme, May 1981. (3)No information is provided in the White Paper on the price base for any of the expenditure figures quoted: it is therefore impossible to assess to what extent the 'increases' quoted above represent real increases. (4)The MSC estimate that the net cost of Exchequer of the current YOP scheme is about 60 per cent of its gross cost. We would expect the net cost of the YTS to represent a somewhat higher proportion of gross outlays because of its relatively higher 'training' input. (5)CPRS, Education, training and industrial performance, HMSO, 1980. (6)As the CPRS Report explains (op. cit.) 'up to the 1944 Education Act, the Government had powers to prescribe the curriculum by regulations. However the Secretary of State for Education and Science has said he does not intend to return to this position'. 7472 Document'. (1) Even more significant was the rejection by the trade unions concerned of a programme (known as 'IP49') based on these principles for the reform of craft engineering training put forward by the Engineering Industry Training Board (EI'T~).~v> Central to the EITB package was the proposal that craft status should be linked to the achievement of defined and tested standards of both theoretical and practical work. The only direct policy lever identified in the White Paper for actively influencing outcomes in this respect would involve the increased channelling of MSC support for apprenticeship and other training schemes towards programmes which were based on the adoption of appropriate standards. Currently MSC programmes provide support for about 30-40,000 apprenticeship places per annum out of a total stock of about 450,000 placcs.c3> There is no indication in the White Paper that this proportion will be significantly increased. In principle, the government has more direct levers than this for influencing the rate of adoption of proposed new standards-notably in its dealings with a wide range of public sector organisa- tions engaged in training programmes. The possibility of action along these lines, however, is not invoked in the White Paper. The nature of the 'skill training' which will be offered within the YTS does not emerge clearly from the White Paper. Some emphasis is put on the acquisition of what are called 'basic skills' like 'numeracy and literacy'; it is also envisaged that trainees will acquire some 'practical competence in the use of tools and machinery and in some basic office operations'. Activities of this kind are really making good basic deficiencies in the education system which, except for a small proportion of 'remedial cases', might be better remedied by appropriate adjustments to the school curriculum. It is therefore not clear whether the White Paper's proposals for curriculum reform might not be covering much the same ground as the training component of YTS. What is clear is that the level of vocational training proposed for YTS participants will fa.ll substantially below that offered to young people currently engaged in part-time vocational educational training in Germany or Switzerland. The more obvious impact of YTS will be on registered unemployment. Its introduction may be likened to a measure such as an increase in the minimum school leaving age in producing a once-for- all reduction in the proportion of the population of working age actively seeking employment and appearing on the unemployment register. However, the extent to which the scheme reduces unemployment of young persons in their subsequent first years in the labour force will depend on the extent to which the potential productivity in employment of YTS graduates is enhanced by their participation in the scheme, and brought closer to the current level of wages for 17-year-olds. It must be remembered that, in many industries, agreements between employers and trade unions lead to adult wages being paid at eighteen. And under the new arrangements an 18-year-old will have had less work experience than previously. Will his loss of work experience be more than compensated by the added training? That remains to be seen, but we cannot unfortunately rule out the possibility that employment difhcultics may be increased. As a device for reducing unemployment YTS should properly be compared in cost- effectiveness terms with measures such as the Young Workers Scheme, (4) which acts directly on the cost of employing young people and which, by providing beneficiaries with the opportunity of some on-the-job experience, may also improve their employment prospects beyond the age of eighteen. The wording of paragraph 58 of the White Paper(5) perhaps invites us to think that in its initial stages, the costs of YTS will not be met by increases in either general taxation or more specific levies on employers. However, the net impact of YTS on the level of employment is uncertain in the absence of a clear-cut statement on the funding of the scheme. Summary and conclusions The White Paper is the latest in a long line of official documents lamenting the persistent failure of the UK training system 'to produce the numbers of skilled people required by a modern competitive economy' (White Paper, para. 61). Notwithstanding its title, however, the White Paper's proposals for improving both the quantity and the quality of skilled (1)Paragraph 20 of AA states that, 'Few addressed these issues in responding to the Consultative Document. Perhaps this was because there is already a large number of experienced standard-setting bodies. But it is quite clear that while the range of educational standards has been developed for a broad spectrum of jobs, far less has been done to develop standards of practical competence and associated terminal tests. In too many occupations it is the form of the training and the level of terminal achievement which determines access to jobs. Also standards and syllabuses are in constant need of review because of technological and market changes' (our italics). (2)Review of Craft Apprenticeship in Engineering, known as the Information Paper 49 (IP 49) proposals, Engineering Industry Training Board, 3.78. (3)A figure of 463,000 apprenticeship places in 1974 is given in Outlook on Training, op. cit. (4)The Young Workers Scheme (YWS) started on 4 January 1982. The main provision is that employers can claim £15 a week for 12 months in respect of each employee under 18 whose gross earnings are below £40 a week. (5)Paragraph 58 of the White Paper states that, 'For the immediate future the Government sees an increase of public expenditure on this scale as the only way of plugging the gap in the training provision required...' 7573 manpower are both liznited in scope and of uncertain effectiveness. Indeed, a major element of the White Paper measures (the YTS) seems likely to have its impact primarily on the immediate level of registered unemployment rather than on the quality or quantity of training required by new entrants and existing members of the labour force. The White Paper admits in its final paragraph that `not all the questions (concerning the development of training) are resolved', and fortunately further investigation is promised. The appraisal of alternative approaches which follows is intended as an initial contribution to that discussion. (a) schooling The White Paper recognises that training has a 'schooling' as well as a post-schooling dimension, and its endorsement of the need for curriculum changes and for strengthening the links between education and the world of work is entirely welcome. As we have remarked earlier, curriculum changes which would ensure that the school system provides a training in 'basic skills' would allow a subsequent increase in the skill-content of the YTS (or any successor scheme). However, decision-making in matters of curriculum design still remains a jealously guarded vested prerogative. The White Paper does not indicate how the desirable objectives are to be achieved; the educational establishment in the past has shown itself reluctant to move in this direction. Perhaps the time has come to consider tying payment of a proportion of central government financial support to local authorities to the achievement of a specified vocational content in the curriculum of secondary schools. Two other proposals worth consideration would be the encouragement of distinct technical and commercial streams in the comprehensive system (providing the same services as the previous technical and commercial schools, but on a larger scale). Pursuit of this objective would also require an element of financial inducement to local authorities. Also worth considering would be a reduction in the full-time school leaving age to 15, provided that it was compensated by compulsory part-time schooling thereafter, either by way of day-release or block- release. (b) Wage levels of trainees We have argued that it is market imperfection, in the form of a level of training wages in excess of the market-clearing level, which should be regarded as the most important factor in the inadequate quantity and quality of post-school training in the UK. As we have seen, trainee wages (as a fraction of adult wages) in this country are 2-3 times those in Germany and Switzerland which, like the UK, rely upon apprenticeship schemes as the primary entrance gate to skilled occupations, and in which such training is more universal. The starting point for any assessment of policy options for improving matters here then depends on whether or not this 'imperfection' is taken as constituting an insurmountable barrier. The level of trainee (and other juvenile) wages is the outcome of agreements reached between employers and trade unions, and therefore may be taken to reflect the balance of perceptions of the parties concerned of their own advantages. Perceptions of this kind may be mistaken, and in any event are slow to change; in the short to medium term, it is thus probably realistic to base policy on a continuation of existing pay relativities. Nevertheless, it may be possible to devise measures which alter the pressures and incentives acting on the parties concerned so that the bargain struck may more closely reflect the 'competitive' outcome. The YWS device of making subsidy payments conditional on the employee receiving a rate somewhat below that set in collective agreements may be considered as a first step in this direction. But much further thought needs to be given to both long-term and short-term solutions. Whilst the source of the UK's current deficiency in general training may be mainly on the side of the demand (by firms) for trainees, a significant reduction in trainee remuneration could lead to the emergence of a deficiency in the supply of trainees given the relatively low differentials enjoyed by skilled workers in the UK. (c) Standards and incentives If the level of trainee wages is too high to permit an adequate investment in general or transferable skill training, then the employer could be subsidised. Initial payment of subsidy would be conditional on the trainee taking an approved set of off-the-job general training courses, and the continuation of payment could depend on the trainee passing external tests. An approach of this kind would have the advantage of supporting both quantity and quality objectives, since the nature of the approved courses could be specified by the subsidising agency, and should include provision for external examination of both theoretical and practical skills. (In the recent past there has been a tendency to eliminate practical tests, and to remove the external element from all examinations; these tendencies inhibit the transfer of skills and need to be reversed.) Apart from affecting the content of training for traditional apprenticeship occupations, this scheme could be used to extend greatly the range of occupations, initial training for which included a significant ofF the ~ob element. In this respect it would move the training system closer to 7674 that currently observed in Germany, for example, where training courses are offered for a much wider range of occupations than in the UK. This approach would leave decisions on the allocation of training resources between occupations in the hands of firms and individuals. However, much of the off-the-job training would be provided through the public further education system; and an increase in the demand for training places resulting from the subsidy programme would then have secondary public expenditure effects through the education budget. An alternative approach to the subsidisation of trainee places in industry (with day-release or its equivalent) would be the extension (or 'deepening') of YTS to provide full-time vocational education with opportunities for trainees to take relevant externally examined courses (again covering both theoretical and practical skills). An emphasis on the provision of training facilities for a wide range of skilled occupations within the full-time vocational education system characterises practice in certain continental European countries such as France. (1) Such a scheme would also operate on both the quantity and quality objectives and could extend the coverage of training particularly in transferable skills. By comparison with a subsidy-based scheme which is based on the employer, it might be somewhat less demand-responsive in the provision of training capacity, and might also involve greater mismatch between the skill mix demanded by employers and that supplied by the training system. Introduction of a scheme of this kind would also involve difficult issues of compulsion and universality. (1)See, for example, European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (CEDEFOP), Relationships between education and employment and their impact on education and labour market policies (1981).</meta-value>
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<notes>
<p>(1)
<italic>A new training initiative: a programme for action, Cmnd</italic>
8455, December 1981.</p>
<p>(2)
<italic>Outlook on training; review of the employment and training act 1973,</italic>
MSC, July 1980.</p>
<p>(3) See Pigou, A. C.,
<italic>The economics of welfare,</italic>
4th edition, Macmillan, 1932.</p>
<p>(4) G. S. Becker,
<italic> Human capital,</italic>
(first edition 1964, second edition 1975) NBER; see also K. Hartley, Training and retraining in industry, in
<italic>Fiscal policy and labour supply</italic>
(Report of a Conference), Institute of Fiscal Studies, 1977.</p>
<p>(1) Department of Employment,
<italic>Employment Gazette,</italic>
January 1981. The evidence formed the basis of a written Parliamentary answer by the Under Secretary at the Depart ment of Employment, Mr Peter Morrison, on 13 July 1981.</p>
<p>(2) IDS,
<italic> Apprentices' pay,</italic>
Study 198, July 1979;
<italic>Young workers' pay,</italic>
Study 294, November 1981.</p>
<p>(3) Information from Department of Employment,
<italic>New earnings survey,</italic>
1980 Part D, Analyses by Occupation and Department of Employment,
<italic>Time rates of wages and hours of work,</italic>
April 1980, both London, HMSO, 1980.</p>
<p>(4) OECD,
<italic> Youth without work,</italic>
a report by Shirley Williams and other experts, OECD, Paris, 1981.</p>
<p>(5) It is also pointed out in
<italic>Youth without work</italic>
(
<italic>op. cit.,</italic>
p.112) that in addition to the allowances paid by employers, young people in need can receive assistance under the Employ ment Protection Act. The rates set depend on the age of the trainee, whether he or she is living at home or elsewhere, and on the training institution. The aim is to encourage young people to prefer training to unskilled work.</p>
<p>(6) Unpublished tabulations kindly provided by Dr H. Hollenstein of the Economic Research Centre, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology.</p>
<p>(1) Prais, S. J., Vocational qualifications of the labour force in Britain and Germany,
<italic> National Institute Economic Review,</italic>
No. 98, November 1981.</p>
<p>(2) See, for example, M. P. Fogarty and E. Reid,
<italic>Differentials for managers and skilled manual workers in the UK,</italic>
PSI, 1980.</p>
<p>(3) For some evidence of a similar phenomenon in the USA, see P. Ryan, The costs of job training for a transferable skill,
<italic>British Journal of Industrial Relations,</italic>
November 1980, 18,3; 334-351.</p>
<p>(4) See, in particular, Becker, G. S.,
<italic>op. cit.</italic>
(second edition), pp 94-135.</p>
<p>(5) An unpublished tabulation from the 1974 New Earnings Survey shows apprentice and other trainee earnings in manu facturing industry as 70 per cent of the earnings of non- apprentice etc. workers aged less than 21. This figure is almost certainly a downward-biased estimate of the true relationship between apprentice and non-apprentice earnings. Unpublished data provided by Dr H. Hollenstein indicate that apprentice wages in Switzerland were only about 30 per cent of the earnings of non-apprentice juvenile workers (i.e. workers aged 19 or less).</p>
<p>(1) In the words of the White Paper, the YTS 'will aim to equip unemployed young people to adapt successfully to the demands of employment, to have a fuller appreciation of the world of industry, business and technology in which they will be working; and to develop basic and recognised skills which employers will require in future'.</p>
<p>(2) MSC,
<italic> An open tech programme,</italic>
May 1981.</p>
<p>(3) No information is provided in the White Paper on the price base for any of the expenditure figures quoted: it is therefore impossible to assess to what extent the 'increases' quoted above represent real increases.</p>
<p>(4) The MSC estimate that the net cost of Exchequer of the current YOP scheme is about 60 per cent of its gross cost. We would expect the net cost of the YTS to represent a somewhat higher proportion of gross outlays because of its relatively higher 'training' input.</p>
<p>(5) CPRS,
<italic> Education, training and industrial performance,</italic>
HMSO, 1980.</p>
<p>(6) As the CPRS Report explains (
<italic>op. cit.</italic>
) 'up to the 1944 Education Act, the Government had powers to prescribe the curriculum by regulations. However the Secretary of State for Education and Science has said he does not intend to return to this position'.</p>
<p>(1) Paragraph 20 of AA states that, 'Few addressed these issues in responding to the Consultative Document. Perhaps this was because there is already a large number of experienced standard-setting bodies. But it is quite clear that while the range of educational standards has been developed for a broad spectrum of jobs, far less has been done to develop standards of
<italic>practical competence</italic>
and
<italic>associated terminal tests.</italic>
In too many occupations it is the form of the training and the level of terminal achievement which determines access to jobs. Also standards and syllabuses are in constant need of review because of technological and market changes' (our italics).</p>
<p>(2)
<italic>Review of Craft Apprenticeship in Engineering,</italic>
known as the Information Paper 49 (IP 49) proposals, Engineering Industry Training Board, 3.78.</p>
<p>(3) A figure of 463,000 apprenticeship places in 1974 is given in
<italic>Outlook on Training, op. cit.</italic>
</p>
<p>(4) The Young Workers Scheme (YWS) started on 4 January 1982. The main provision is that employers can claim £15 a week for 12 months in respect of each employee under 18 whose gross earnings are below £40 a week.</p>
<p>(5) Paragraph 58 of the White Paper states that, 'For the immediate future the Government sees an increase of public expenditure on this scale as the only way of plugging the gap in the training provision required...'</p>
<p>(1) See, for example, European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (CEDEFOP),
<italic> Relationships between education and employment and their impact on education and labour market policies</italic>
(1981).</p>
</notes>
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