Austro-Thai Studies
Identifieur interne : 001402 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001401; suivant : 001403Austro-Thai Studies
Auteurs : Paul K. BenedictSource :
- Cross-cultural research [ 1069-3971 ] ; 1967-08.
English descriptors
- KwdEn :
- Academia sinica, Additional support, Ahom, Archaic chinese, Atayal, Bamboo, Bamboo container, Basic root, Behavior science notes, Benedict, Botel tobago, Capell, Chinese transcription, Cognate, Common roots, Derivative, Dial, Different roots, Dioi, Doublet, Doublet form, Doublet root, Dquo, Fiji, Fijian system, Flat things, Food preparation, Formosa, Formosan languages, Front vowel, Further point, General root, General term, Generic term, Haudricourt, Initial cluster, Initial clusters, Kadai, Kadai languages, Kinship, Kinship terms, Limited distribution, Mainland languages, Nung, Oceanic, Original cluster, Original meaning, Other hand, Paiwan, Partial specialization, Personal communication, Prefixed, Prefixed form, Present study, Puyuma, Rama khamheng inscription, Reconstructed, Reconstructed form, Regular shift, Root, Rukai, Saisiat, Same root, Semantic development, Semantic interchange, Separate root, Several roots, Shan, Similar root, Substantial number, Table viii, Thai, Thai root, Thai stratum, Thai system, White sand.
- Teeft :
- Academia sinica, Additional support, Ahom, Archaic chinese, Atayal, Bamboo, Bamboo container, Basic root, Behavior science notes, Benedict, Botel tobago, Capell, Chinese transcription, Cognate, Common roots, Derivative, Dial, Different roots, Dioi, Doublet, Doublet form, Doublet root, Dquo, Fiji, Fijian system, Flat things, Food preparation, Formosa, Formosan languages, Front vowel, Further point, General root, General term, Generic term, Haudricourt, Initial cluster, Initial clusters, Kadai, Kadai languages, Kinship, Kinship terms, Limited distribution, Mainland languages, Nung, Oceanic, Original cluster, Original meaning, Other hand, Paiwan, Partial specialization, Personal communication, Prefixed, Prefixed form, Present study, Puyuma, Rama khamheng inscription, Reconstructed, Reconstructed form, Regular shift, Root, Rukai, Saisiat, Same root, Semantic development, Semantic interchange, Separate root, Several roots, Shan, Similar root, Substantial number, Table viii, Thai, Thai root, Thai stratum, Thai system, White sand.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/106939716700200302
Links to Exploration step
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Austro-Thai
Studiesl.
Material Culture
SAGE Publications, Inc.1967DOI: 10.1177/106939716700200302
Paul K. Benedict
* Paul K. Benedict
is a linguist by nature (but studied with Sapir), an anthropologist and Orientalist
by education and training (A.B., University of New Mexico; M.A. and Ph.D.,
Harvard University; Arnold and Harvard- Yenching Fellow, Harvard, field work in Southeast Asia). For the
past fifteen years he has been a clinical and research psychiatrist (M.D.,
New York Medical College), with ethnopsychiatry as one of his main interests
(collaborating editor of Schizophrenia, New York: Logos Press, 1958,
and contributor of the section on "Social and Cultural Factors in Schizophrenia").
The first section of the current study, "Austro-Thai," appeared in Behuvior
Science Notes 1 (1966): 227-61.
The
Austro-Thai language family, as recently set up by the writer ( 1.966 ),I
includes Indonesian and the Austronesian languages in general, together with
Thai, Kadai, and certain "para- Thai" languages (Kam-Sui/Ong-Be). The data
presented in this study point to an origin on the Asiatic mainland, roughly
in the South China region. The evidence also suggests that Indonesian (IN)
stands somewhat apart from the main Austronesian (AN) line, and that the Formosan
languages are in part independent of both IN and AN. Some attention was also
paid to the AN material from Southeastern Papua (after Capell 1943), which
at times show striking agreements with Thai as opposed to IN or AN. Certain
Austro-Thai (AT) roots relating to cultural items were included in the 1966
study, but the bulk of this material was reserved for the present study. Some
of the roots relate to aspects of material culture, such as agriculture and
weaving, while others, to be considered separately, relate to kinship terminology.
A third group of roots show significant correspondences with forms from Archaic
Chinese as well as Thai, and these will be analyzed in a concluding section.t
t
Part 3, "Austro-Thai and Chinese," will appear in a forthcoming issue of Behavior
Science Notes, and will include a list of the Chinese characters referred
to in both sections.
33204
In addition
to the sources previously listed (1966), the present study has been able to
draw upon an important new source of basic comparative materials for the AT
languages, viz. Haudri. court's elaborate analysis of the Be (Ong-Be) manuscript
prepared by Savina around 1930 (Savina 1965). This Ong-Be material supplements
our hitherto skimpy knowledge of this important language, which was previously
known largely from the account by J eremaissen (1892), and reflects certain
changes in the language over a span of roughly forty years, e.g. the confusion
of initial b- and w- as v- (distinct in Jeer.). Haudricourt presents numerous
comparative tables in which he lists forms for Kam (Tong), from a Tong-Chinese
dictionary published in 1959. In addition, he presents comparative material
for Sek, a language of Northern Thai (Dioi) type, spoken in the Thakhek region
of Laos.2 Sek is remarkably archaic in certain respects, e.g. it retains the
form ?bdr.an "moon," almost identical to the Thai root ~7bliian as reconstructed
by the writer (1942), and it has initial pr- in the "eye" and "die" pair of
roots.3 Even more surprisingly, Sek has final -1 in a number of cases, and
this can be shown in some cases to correspond to IN Ct -y (see SOW and FIREPLACE,
below). Haudricourt now has in publication material on another remarkable
language, apparently also of Northern Thai type, viz. Lakia,4 which has pla
"eye," plei "kill," also mlok "bird," corresponding to Kam rn.ok, AT Ctmanluk
(AT, Table III). The writer has also made use of a Chinese source on the White
Sand dialect of Li (Wang 1952), included also in Haudricourt's material. We
can only hope that before long material will become available on the mainland
Kadai languages (Laqua, Lati, Kelao), still known only from older and incomplete
sources.5 AGRICULTURE This basic area is well represented, with several roots
for "field" and "garden," including the concept of irrigation or wet field.
There is also a root for "seed" as well as roots for such basic concepts as
"plough," "sow," "winnow," and "mortar" and "pestle." The Sui-Thai root *?dam
"to plant young rice plants," however, appears to have been a relatively late
development
34205
from
a basic root for "bury/dive" (AT, Table x); Ong-Be (Sav.) also has a cognate:
zom< °?dam/larrz "repiq,uer." FIELD - 1. Oceanic °gicala "taro field"; IN ~t'aba?<~sagu:aa- "irri- gated rice-field"; T *-yan<*g(w)alla "dice
of rice-field"; Sui and Mask yan, id. Cf. also KS °?ya "rice-field"; perhaps
also S. Kl. ( thii ) bo, id. 2. IN °bana ~1ow-lying land, flooded land"; T
°na; OB nea; S. Li na; N.Li ta; Lq. neC~na; Lt. itu<*na; all meaning "rice-
field" (wet-field type). Thai has a separate root *ray, Dioi ri, for the upland
field for dry cultivation, apparently distinct from the above root, although
T *r- sometimes corresponds to KS °y-. This root is part of the Thai stratum
in Vietnamese: ray "land covered with underbrush." The Kadai languages, which
for the most part show concord with Thai in the root for "wet field," have
divergent forms for "dry (upland) field": Li oi; Lt. ~u
~buhat with fore-stress, but °buhlat> °~c;tclaat> ~ula? with end-stress and
associated vocalic lengthening (the replacement of final -t after long vowel
with -? is regular; see AT, 239). The Thai and KS (Mak) doublets apparently
correspond directly to that of IN, so that this stress factor can be placed
in the precursor AT language (cf. also AT, 230 and 248). Tha.i ~'hret·-·#retr.."yet
show palatalization before the dental final (AT, 241) and the equation of
Thai r with IN 1, paralleling the root: IN °kulat "mushroom," T °hret, id.
(AT, 243, 244, and Table V). The second Thai form ('~thla~) illustrates replacement
of final -d with -i ( see AT, 239) and the replacement of labial by dental
stop in clusters with r/l ( AT, 246 and Table VIII; also the discussion in
Note 3 and the reconstructions of initial clusters in Li 1954); note (AT,
Table VIII) that the Thai initial stop is characteristically unvoiced in these
correspondences. A close parallel, but with unaspirated initial, is furnished
by: IN °buluo "foliage," T °tlootJ "large leaf, esp. of banana" (see BANANA,
below). SEED/GIIAIN ' IN °banz'~.-~~'birtu<°(r~)gwanii- "seed"; T *van,*ban
(Si., Lao); Dioi h:m ( s.t. ) < ~khwan; Li f en< ~klmr;an, all "seed:'
OB has zean<*y(e)an, probably from the same root via °gwyan (palatalized).
A prenasalized version of the same root shows a semantic development along
the lines of "grain," viz. T *7n)tMy< ~hz~(g)u;a(n)i (Ahom, Kh., Shan)~/!nM~/
(Si., Lao)-*hmuay (Tho, Nung) "seed, grain; num. adj. for small spherical
things"; Mask ijui "fruit, seed, kernel; num. adj. for grain." SOW, v. IN
~t'aba[LI<#sagtcar; T °htvaal, the final -1 reconstructed on the basis
of Sek va:l; OB bien (for °vien, see above ) < ~wiart; Li viet< °wiat,
apparently from °wian/wiat. W7NNOW IN °ta(rn)pi<°qra(r~)kwi; T °qrao/kliriio
"winnow, sift; winnowing basket, sieve" (Haudricourt 1960); Mak. ji : r~ (h.t.)
~'qw_> p/b_. DRUNK
IN ómabuk "psychic abnormality"; TB "stupefied"; Ml. "drunk"; NgD. inabok-
"violent," mauk "drunk"; T °maw "drunk; dizzy"; N. Thai mi; OB m.oi ( Jer.
), niei (Sav.); S. Li 7itui; N. Li pm. ' The development -b->-w is paralleled
by IN °cJabuk "ashes," T daw/braw (AT, 248 and 255 ) . ARECA (TRAIT) All the
main aspects of the areca trait-complex appear to be included in our group
of basic AT roots: "areca," "betel," "Iime," and "betel-chewing." ARECA Two
roots, ultimately related, with complex semantic interchange : "fruit"~'"jackfruit"'-~"areca"~-''l3etel."
These are di- agramed below, with the writer's reconstructed forms in brackets:
38209
For
b-C bl- in IN, cf. PLO UGH (above) and BEE (below). The Formosa languages
show three or four roots for "fruit," including Puyuma boa.--voa?, Atayal
bowai-boai, Saisiat botcai. Yami is distinctive in having this root in the
meaning "areca," and since Yami (on Botel Tobago) in general stands closer
to certain (Philippine) IN languages than to Formosan languages proper, it
seems likely that this semantic interchange is also to be found elsewhere
in IN, although not noted in Dempwolff. The most widespread Formosan root
for "areca," represented by Rukai sabiki~saaeke, Paiwan and Bunun saviki et
al., perhaps also belongs here via a form such as '~sa/~ru(a)k/i. The Chinese
transcription pin-lu "betel (quid) for chewing" apparently reflects this root:
°p-liu.t SEP: Capell assigns the meaning "fruit" to :Movement I, sine it occurs
in most SEP areas and shows regular sound shifts, e.g. initial b- regularly
drops before u in Kiriwina. The meaning
39210
"areca"
(Capell: "betel"), on the other hand, shows irregular phonetic features and
is restricted to the three SEP areas illustrated in the above table, hence
Capell assigns it to the later Movement II. Capell remarks, apropos this root,
"it bears every mark of being a foreign word, for neither in Papua nor in
SES [Southeast Solomons] does it obey the phonetic laws," yet he dismisses
it as simply a specialized use of the word for "fruit," without specifying
the loan source. T *hnwak "fruit"; OB mak ic., id; this meaning is also retained
in the thirteenth-century (Siamese) Rama Khamheng inscription, but Modem Siamese
has "areca" (Lao has both meanings). There is a possible connection with the
main root; cf. also IN °d'ambayC'~d'arnbaag (?) "areca." S. Li lau "chew areca,"
also "eat, drink" (no distinction). Vietnamese blau (bldu) "betel" in the
seventeenth-century dictionary of Rhodes (Modem Vietnamese trau ), part of
the Thai stratum in that language; Vietnamese kau (cau) "areca" appears to
be distinct. "
IN
0 pinafJ is apparently derived from '~ pi( n ) lar~, IN showing a tendency
to shift medial -1- to -n- in a "labial environment"; cf. IN °an-ak "child,"
from the root represented by IN °Iak "de- velop," ~btrlak "flo~·rer" (AT,
246 and Table VIII). The Chinese transcription pin-lag "betel-nut [areca]"
(general term) can be explained on the basis of the above reconstruction; Swatow (S. China dialect) has an irregular initial n- in the sec-
40211
ond
element of this transcription, but this might well represent a "back reading"
or "dictionary pronunciation." Formosa: Puyuma poran< ° polan< ~ polar~
(the latter shift is unexplained). The only other Formosa occurrences of this
root are: Atayal ipnao, Saisiat punig. Note that IN °buha? "fruit" and" pinaIJ
"areca" have precisely the same pattern of occurrence in Formosa, with a center
in Atayal-Saisiat (Atayalic group) and extension to Puyuma (Paiwanic group).
The thirteenth-century Siamese form laag is from the Rama Khamheng inscription; it is tentatively translated "jackfruit" by Coed6s, but might well stand for
"areca" (later to be replaced by ~h~naak}. Siamese also has '0 hmaak lilJ
( s.t. ) "wild areca" (Laj.), as well as the phrase *Iimiaij hnaak "betel
and areca" (Laj.). S. Li initial I- regularly corresponds to N.Li pl- (AT,
Tables VI and VIII) and in at least one root can be shown to correspond to
an IN consonant group of bl- type: IN ~baluy "round"; S.Li luon; N.Li pluon.
The word for "areca" is not cited in any of our N.Li sources (including Wang),
however, hence the reconstruction here remains in some doubt. To summarize
the material on this pair of complex roots, there is evidence of a doublet
of the type: 0 bluhaaklbluhaalJ or ~buhlaak/buhlaar~ "fruit" for AT, with
partial specialization in the meaning "areca." This development must have
been early, in view of the peripheral distribution: Formosa (Botel Tobago),
SEP, and the mainland. Thai has also shown a tendency to shift the meaning
to "betel" ( cf. the confusion in English "betel-nut" } as well as to associate
one root with the phonetically similar root for "jacltfruit" or to replace
it with a third root ('~l~m.aak) of uncertain affiliation. BETEL There is
evidence for a general root for "pepper (plant, spice }," with later development
in IN of the specialized meaning "betel pepper." On the mainland, the specialization
has been in the direction of "pimento, chili," the meaning "betel" having
already been developed from the root for "areca" (above). IN ~t'iLZ'~C #iiriit/pririit
"betel pepper": Tg. "pepper"; Ja., Ml. "betel pepper"; NgD. sirila "betel
pepper," nihi "piquant (of spices)"; T ~brit·-. ~brik (Si., Lao) "pepper,
pimento, chili"; Lao also has ~`hriiat[ # phruat (?) "pimento, all-spice"; Li drit <~"trit/prit "piquant (pimento)."
41212
Thai
also has ° plaet [ ° phret (?) "pungent, piquant" ( Nung ma:k plxet "pimento"),
apparently cognate with IN ~"pa?it 'bit- ter" ; both forms appear to belong
with the above root, but the reconstruction is uncertain. The Formosa languages
supply further evidence for an original consonant group of pl- type: Rukai
mapilil, Puyuma apilil "bitter." CHEW (BETEL) IN °mamah "chew" (Sa. ''betel-quid''); SEP generally in meaning "chew betel" (assigned to Movement II), but in Fiji
usually "chew kava:' T #hmam/lnnaamlmam and ôhnam/fzam "chew soft foods (esp.
as infants or edentulous persons)"; Lao °l171am "chew (as tiger), chew betel"; Si. kin hmvak yam yam "chew areca" - "eat betel yam yani' ( yarrt < ~ nam
) . This root, definitely part of the original trait-complex, refers to a
specific type of chewing associated with areca (and kava in Fiji). LIAIE IN
°kapuy.-~'~apuy: Ja. apu' "lime," nlapurlan "betel quid"; Formosa: most forms
cited are from roots for "ashes," but Ami lzapor.-,apor, Bunun apuL, Kanakanabu
apuru; SEP: only in groups I and II (assigned to Movement II); Si. and Lao
puun (not elsewhere in Thai). The basic AT root can be reconstructed as Ô
Ikv.;uy, represented also in Thai by the following doublet: °khun "dust; manure"; °fun ( s.t. ) "dust, powder; manure"; Mak van "ash dust; powder"; OB phonC~khtUOn,
"excrement, manure." D02ifESTICATED ANIIIIALS The evidence from root reconstructions
indicates that both cattle and water buffalo had been domesticated by the
early AT period, and it suggests that the goat was domesticated at a later
period, the mainland cognate referring only to the wild goat. There is also
a very complex root involving "bees (wasps, hor- nets)," but the degree of
domestication is questionable. A similar problem obtains in the case of "rabbit,"
the root here showing a specific tie-up with Formosa. The evidence for "dog"
and "pig," probably the two earliest domesticated animals, involving Chinese
data, is presented in Part 3.t
42213
BEEIiVASP/HORA'ET
IN °tabu?/an "animal that makes a drumming noise," but Ja. tawon<°tau;u/an
'I)umble-bee"; NgD. tabuan "wasp," derived by Dempwolff from ~ta(rra)bz~?
"drumstick." The generalized basic form can be reconstructed as ~tabluuk/tabl2iur~-an,
yielding three lines of development, as follows: 1. ° (ta)blu/bluuk: Formosa:
Rukai vulo.--~valo~halu.-~walo, Puyuma, Sedik, Saisiat tcalo; Saaroa ?aLO70
"honey bee"; T *to < ~" pro < ~' blo "hornet" (Si. "kind of wasp"); Mak ~dau < ~blu <1dnd of large bee"; Kam ?la:u<'~?bln:u "bee"; Li
dial.: Small Cloth Loi blou, yVS Li fok~yracv "rice" (F. K.
Li, 1957); Sek ga:w "rice"; OB r~ao < #Rao, id.; KS : ° qRaw "rice": Sui
?au, Mak hau, Then xau, Kam ?3H; Mak hau is fully defined as "rice, paddy
[used before names of the five cereals]." This root rather surprisingly has
not been traced in any of the Kadai languages. WT regularly has x- (literally
kx-, possibly an uvular affricate) for T °x-, but has kh- in this root, perhaps
because of the original cluster. OB r~ao<°Rao is paralleled by OB r~a:
r~ "chin," IN # bay~ar~ < ~ baR?ar~ ( AT, 244 and Table V ) . The unusual
uvular cluster in this KS root has been reconstructed with the aid of a strikingly
parallel series for the root meaning "inside," in which Sui shows the alternation
?au.-Rau. 4. IN ~3y~<~3ycA "husked rice"; Si. kabrau < ~bra/w "unhusked
rice" (apparently isolated in Thai); Mak hau p yea "corn, maize" (cw. hau,
No. 3); OB phia< ~ plzra ( Jer. ), tea (Sav.) "cooked rice"; Li tha<'~
phra "cooked rice," dial. ~M.— ta-ha, id., also ta used in various phrases
for "paddy" as well as "cooked rice"; Lt. yi ( \4P dial. ), ye (BP dial.)<*ya<*.ya
"paddy." The connection of the Li forms is shown here by the parallel development
in the neighboring OB, which in the course of some forty years, from Jeremaissen
(ca. 1890) to Savina (ca. 1930), assimilated the labial cluster to a dental; cf. niia "come" (jeer.), nea (Sav.). The final /s in IN is paralleled in Formosa
in the root for "sugarcane" (see below). The Mak and OB forms are in the same
tonal series, but high and low, respectively, suggesting OB °p)ira<'~bra.
The connection of the Si. form is uncertain, particularly in view of the semantic
distinction, and it is possible that this form belongs under root No. 3. 5.
IN ~ pag'a y < ~ pagla/i "rice plant, paddy" (Ml. padi), but Ho. fari "sugarcane,"
tsimparilfari "wild rice"; T °kla "rice seed- ling," but BT "rice plant"; Sek tIa<°kla, id.; OB la<~`kla "rice plant, rice seedling"; KS *kla
"rice plant"; N.Li dial.: Double Cloth Loi kEi < ° kai < ~` klai "rice
(row)" (growing), perhaps also WS Loi tsai "com." For the development of affricates
or
48219
spirants
in IN from original clusters of velar + r/l type, see AT, 242. The N.Li form
indicates that the added element li in this root is of considerable antiquity.
6. IN °ba[tlz~ "roasted rice"; Lt. (both dialects) ti "rice in grain." 7.
IN *ba[L]I "rice as food (a meal of rice)," but Ho. "rice"; S.Li bu "cooked
rice," perhaps related'to pui (d.t.) "cooked" (of vegetables, meat, rice).
This correspondence, like the preceding, is doubtful because of its highly
restricted occurrence. 8. IN °zayami "hay, rice-straw, stubble" (Dyen 1951); T *ram "rice bran," but Ahom ram "rice," ram mu `powdered chaff." SESAME IN
0. Id1Ja; T 1Ja~ but Dioi and Wu-ming ra; KS: Sui '1Ja,..., 1Ja, Mak 1Ja,
Then ~)ya; S.Li 1Jöii; reconstruction: AT ° Id[?]1Jra. SUGARCANE IN ~tabuC
°tagwu; Formosa: *tabuls, with added Is as in IN °baya/s "rice"; T ~~oo~[~'ltcu/~
(dissimilation); Dioi has zi (l.t.), suggesting a lost nasal initial, perhaps
°1JŒOOY; KS ?oi generally, but ?ui in Jungchiang dialect of Sui; Mak
has the phrase: t1101J ?oi, as if reflecting an original *tlwo?ui,- Li ot
"maize," a semantic extension comparable to the interchange between "rice"
and "sugarcane," the root for "rice" ( No. 1 ) filling the "gap" in Li created
by this shift. YAAIISIVEET POTATO The sources show general confusion with
"sweet potato," and there is much interchange also with "taro." The two most
likely correspondences are as follows: 1. IN °ubi "yam," the widespread root
in IN and in Oceania in general, but "curiously limited" in SEP (Capell assigns
to Movement IIA); S.Li va:i "sweet potato." These are regular phonetic correspondences,
but the AT root can be reconstructed either as °ub(a)y or '~ugw ( a ) y. The
latter root, in nasalized form: ~ur~gu;ay, is comparable with Oceanic: r~u;aci·-~gtva~i
(1Jwadi, r~tLasi ) "a kind of yam" (Goodenough); cf. also Formosa : Sedik
buz~a, Puyuma booa, Ami voz~a·~.~kor~a, Atayal ijahi (Egerod) "sweet potato"; Li dial. 1Jo""'1Jou "potato"; OB
49220
( rria-
) phau C °?r~au ( ? ) ( cf. OB phon "cold," AT, 240), perhaps also Mak za:u
"yam:' 2. Formosa: °buyasi "sweet potato": Rukai boraBs.-~boraBi·-~ urasi,
Puyuma dial. vurasi, Paiwan vorasi.......vorati; T 0 phrUak, variously defined
as "yam" (Si., Lao, also ivu-ming dial. of N. Thai), "sweet potato" (Tho),
"kind of potato" (Nung), "kind of edible root" ( Ahom ), "kind of tuber" (Shan),
and "taro ( tubercle )" (Dioi); KS: Sui ?yak,....yak, Then z~aak, Kam ~~a:
k, but Mak pa:k "taro";9 OB sak<'~phrak "taro"; Lq. ra "sweet potato."
The indicated Sui-Thai reconstruction is ~p[~]yaak, showing general agreement
with the Formosa form, but we should anticipate °p[?]yaat for ~b ( u ) yatC
~'buyas ( i ); the indicated shift of final -t to -k after the glottal stop
is paralleled in IN °bay?at "heavy," T °lmak (see AT, 240), but Kam preserves
the -t here (7~n3:t). The tendency to equate these cultivated plants with
"tuber" or "root" is also found in IN °aka[L]'-'" °waka[L] "root," but Sa.
"wild yam"; cf. also Yami u;akai "sweet potato," with possible relationships
to T °rook "root" (via °IJraak) and to forms cited above. ' FOOD PREPARATION
This category is well represented, with a general term for "firewood/fireplace,"
with. terms for utensils, such as "vessel," "dipper," and "ladle," and with
additional terms for a number of very highly specialized kinds of food preparation:
cooking in a bamboo container, cooking with steam, smoking/drying meat, pickling,
and ripening fruit artificially. COOK (IN BAMBOO CONTAINER) IN °lamar~; T
~hlaatn; a very specific root not found elsewhere. COOK (IVITH STEAM) IN 0
da ( n) daIJ "to heat": Tg. "heated," TB. "singed," Sm. "roast," but Ja. and
Ml. "steam pot"; T °tlzru~ "cook (boil, steam )": Ahom "boil;' Lao "distil,
cook by steam," Nung "cook (as rice)," Dioi "cook in water," Cao-lan thou
"cook rice" (Haudricourt 1960), Sek run, id.; OB hOIJ/rra through assimilation. The root as thus
reconstructed throws much light on the curious forms for "meat" in N.Thai
and elsewhere. Most N.Thai (Dioi type) languages have no, but Sek, which is
archaic in its initial clusters, has mlo, in close agreement with our reconstructed
form. KS *llon, OB nan reflect the added /n. S.Li mam, N.Li am, dial. xam-ham
show an assimilation of this element, as in WT, and alternative simplifications
of the initial cluster. This simplification is carried even further in Kadai:
Lq. yeu; N.Kl. a, but MFPL has ya ic. "eat," S.KI. ha; Lt. ho~o. Forms for
"bait" are not available for these languages, so that it is not possible to
determine whether the association with "meat" found in IN and Thai prevails
everywhere, yet it does appear again in early Chinese loans from AT (see Pt.
3). FISHHOOK Two closely similar roots can be distinguished, and must be reconstructed
for AT: 1. IN °katvit "hook" (general term); T ~?bet<~g(a)tLet "fish- hook,"
but Lao and WT "fishing line"; Mak se a < # k ( aw ) et, id. Thai has O?b-
for. gw- under conditions as yet undetermined; cf. T °?ba "shoulder"<°gwaya
(see analysis under AX, below). Mak regularly assibilates velar stops ( see
GINGER, above); cf. also Mak se<~g(tv)i "ride a horse" (see Pt. 3). 2.
IN *kawil "fishing gear (Angel)"; OB tin~tien<~ktvil
54225
"fishhook"; apparently isolated in OB, for which these are regular changes; cf. OB taf
< °kciai/gtcai "buffalo." HUNT - IN ~buyacv "put to flight, chase, hunt"
(Dyen); T #praw "hunt": not in S~'V Thai; N.Thai dialects have tau, but Tho
tlzau, Nung tik phiau "hunt" ( cf. tik pia "fish"-= `catch fish"); N.Li dial.:
Bupäli dop hafi "hunt" (cf. dop hlou "fish"--"catch fish"). The parallelism
with "fish" in both Nung and Li suggests that this root might refer basically
to "something" that is hunted or caught (AT, 235), and this missing element
is supplied by forms from Formosa: Paiwan biau-viau, Rukai biau, Puyuma biaowiao
"spotted deer" ( Chinese hua ltz). Both the Nung and Li phrases might have
been developed through analogy with "fish," however, from a basically verbal
root; cf. also Formosa: Atayal mhiau "run after, chase, pursue" (Egerod); Sui pyau, Mak ywaau "run"; Li dav [ ~rau, id.; perhaps also the Si.-Lao form
°bra:n "hunt; hunter." POISON FISH IN °tuba "name of plant used for stupefying
fish, fish poison"; T O?hiia "poison," but Nung and Dioi "to poison fish."
For the development iia before the q ) and compare it with
the similar root for shoulder: IN ~bayaC°gwaya; T ~?ba; Sek va; Mak ha<°gwa
(cf. Mak h'Ji "water buffalo," T
56227
°grwaay); OB !Via (Jer.), bea (Sav.); S.Li va~van, WS Li va:r~<'~va:n<°gwd:l; cf. also the further analysis of "ax/shoul- der" in Pt. 3. The SEP form, if
related, would point in this direction (Z'-'1 alternation). One would thus
hope to find an ultimate derivation for the root for this tool in the "shouldered
adze" so familiar to archaeologists in Southeast Asia. BOARDIPLANKITABLET
IN "~ pa pan "board, plank" (Fi. "canoe planks" ), but Ho. "writing slate"; T .peen "flat; board, plank"; .pheen «num. adj. for flat things: planks, cloth,
fishnets, mats": WT "side planks of canoe"; ~ phuiin "num. adj. for flat things:
books, mats, skins, nets, clothes," Dioi pen,ben "num. adj. for flat things"; Mak pa:n "flat"; OB bzen "plank," phan "num. adj. for nets, mats; spread (a
mat )"; Li pen "num. adj. (clothes, paper)." BOAT/CANOE IN ~`bar~ka[?~<°gwar~kaak:
Tg. "boat," Fi. m.baka/nava "ca- noe without hollow space, log (single tree-trunk)
canoe (Ein- baum)," Sa. "boat, stranger"; also the following, a kind of doublet
form: IN ~"war~kar~ C ~r~wat~kat~ (?) "boat," but Fi. and all PN: "canoe"; Formosa shows only the former root, in an unusual pattern of occurrence: Tsou
apanu, Kanakanabu and Saaroa abanu, Rukai (western dialects only) avanu. Li
yi.ior~ [ ~gtciar~ "num. adj. for boats." This root, which stands for the
simpler type of boat, has not been uncovered in any of the mainland languages
proper, yet it is found as an early loan in Chinese (see Pt. 3). Li, an island
language, has retained another "maritime" root not found elsewhere: IN °kima
"giant mussel"; Li (sei) ma "large shellfish, called benitier" (this root
has meaning "fishhook" in some SEP languages). BOAT/RAFT IN °pauz?u "boat,"
the general term ( Ml. prau), analyzed as ° para/?u, probably a derivative
of IN ° par,a "framework" (possible reference to structure of more elaborate
type of boat); Formosa: Paiwan baro/kor,-,varo/kor,-,varuJkur, Rukai (eastern)
varolkor, Saisiat palo/no, perhaps also Ami dial. tsilfar and lolnan; T °
rii.a < # ( p ) ra ( see AT, Table IV ); Dioi ruö, Sek rua,
57228
all
"boat"; Mak ?dwa,....,zwa "raft," Kam ?lo < ° pdo "boat"; OB zoa<*roa,
id.; S. Li da, WS Li fa[~blu/pla (cf. the initial correspondences in AT, Table
I-Group I). BOW, n. This root, like that for "arrow," reflects the effect
of contrasting types of stress. It is minimally represented on Hainan or the
mainland, the general Thai root Okoij "bow" being a derivative of the general
root ° kOIJ '%ent, curved," Arch. Ch. showing a similar series, with kiu#
"bow:' 1. (fore-stress) IN *buYuy "bow"; Formosa: Ami vutsir-futsir, Bunun
busul, Rukai busu, Tsou fusuyu, but Paiwan has heavily affixed forms of the
type: ti/vu/la/t/an, indicating an analysis °but'/uy for the IN root (cf.
also AT, 237 for final -t'=-t); Li vaa "bow, crossbow," WS Li vat, dial. wat~t~ad
"bow," but Lakia dial. vat "shoot a bow." The v ( w ) -=b- correspondence
is regular; cf. YA1LI, above. The single possible Thai cognate here is Lao
fot<#vot "bough, branch." 2. (end-stress) Si. son "bow" (general term),
written sor (Laj.) as if a loan-word, but an apparent doublet of kasun '%ow
to shoot earthen balls" (Laj.). Si. also has written final -r (pronounced
-n) in the general Thai root phrase ~xraw-saan "husked rice," which can now
be reconstructed ~-saal on the basis of the Sek cognate: gaw-sa:1 (no IN correspondence
has been uncovered, but the root was borrowed by Chinese; see Pt. 3). This
evidence suggests that Si. maintained a final liquid in the form -r until
the very beginning of the historic period (thirteenth century), when it was
replaced by -n. - In addition to the above, there is evidence for a root #
p ( h ) leer~ "shoot an arrow" at the proto-Sui-Thai level; cf. Ahom phrin
"throw off," Si. phk:1J "muster all one's strength, as in shooting an arrow"; Sui p~r~ < ~` pler~ "shoot (arrow)" (from text in F. K. Li 1949). This
root is a derivative of the general AT root: °balalJ/buli1J/bluIJ "throw,
fling" (AT, Table VIII). SPEAR/IRON IN °t'uligi °do in Thai, paralleling
the development #tuIak> ~?dwak >"°?duuk "bone" (AT, 232 and Table I). The
variant 'dro/dro/n yielded #zaan> ~"saan in Thai, which typically shows initial
dr- -z- alternation. RATTAN/WICKER (BASKET) IN ~uway "rattan"; T #htcaa~; Sek va:y; OB boi<*tvai. IN °ka[i]and'aIJ "wicker basket," a derivative
of °[Lland'ar~ "wicker-work"; T *20or) "basket (loosely woven)": Ahom "cage,"
Shan "basket loosely woven with large meshes, generally long and of small
diameter," Si. "sheathe, envelope," Dioi "cover (of lid), wicker jacket (of
jar), basket (for carrying pigs)"; Tho-
60231
Nung
shows a variant: °troIJ/soIJ: Tho tijg "trap (cage, basket, for birds)," SU1J
(s.t.) "cage, basket (for birds, fowl)," Nung sor~ "cage"; another variant
is represented by Kh. thur~<~thrar~ 'large wicker basket"; Shan iir~ < ° ( d~r ) ar~ "large wicker basket, four cornered at the bottom and round
at the top"; reconstruction: AT ° dro1J/trofJ and ° draIJ/traIJ. The root
is distinct from the following: IN °kaLUfJ "bag," but Ho. "basket"; T °khlooIJ/klooIJ
"basket (esp. the suspended type)": Wu-ming (N.Thai) klov "basket" (F. K.
Li 1954). SEW/EMBR07DER IN °d'a?it "sew": Formosa has the same root, both
prefixed: °m/ta?it, and infixed: °~t/im/a~it; IN also has #t'ur~kit "to pick":
Ho. "work with a sharp instrument," NgD. "embroidery," Sm. "thread a needle,
embroider." T ~`khwit...-~kwit (Lao var.) "pierce, thrust in," but BT tam
hu? khwit "sew (in making designs)" (tam hu? "weave"), Lao "thrust in, embroider."
The initial #klzto/kw-, unusual before front vowel in Thai, perhaps reflects
an original post-velar, as indicated by IN ?, yielding the reconstruction:
AT °/g ( w ) it. T *tam "prick" is another possible derivative of this root
via an infixed form such as that cited for Formosa: #tam=~tim/; cf. below
under WEAVE. SEW/PLAIT IN °anarra "plait"; T °nap,....O{¡ep.-.°7Hp "sew"; Li nap, id. The final -m is retained in the early Chinese loan (see Pt. 3).
The affiliation of KS: Sui, Mak tip, Then tK3~ "sew"; Lq. them, id.; S.KI.
(dii) tlz E, id. is uncertain, but an original cluster in this root is a possibility.
WEAVE IN °tanun; Formosa: Bunun tinun, but elsewhere the root generally appears
with the characteristic Formosan -in- infix, the vowel varying: Atayal taminun/t»mi.n.un,
Yami and Sedik tum- inun, Paiwan tfminun; T *tam (d.t. from °tam "prick,"
above under SEW); Mak tarn. This is the most likely instance of the incorporation
of this infix, and as such tends to tie the mainland
61232
language
closer to Formosa (although this infix is not restricted to this area in IN).
For a similar instance of infixed -I-, see AT, 254. 2. KINSHIP TERMS The 1942
paper included in its list of common Thai-Indonesian roots only one kinship
term (grandfather), but we are now able to present a substantial number of
such terms. In the .present study, special attention is given to the material
from Capell and Lester (CL) on Fiji (listed simply under this heading), since
this area offers striking parallels to the Thai kinship system (see discussion
below). Abbreviations follow the system previously employed by the writer.1°
CHILD IN ~anak<~alwak, from root ~lQk "to develop"; also *laki "man, adult
(married man)" (but in Formosa generally "child"); Fiji luue, Bulu (Celebes)
lowai (cited from CL). ' T #Iuuk<~lu:ak (AT, Table I); KS °laak; OB lok-; S.Li lek, N.Li dial. hlokf'-'hlök; Lq. zioC#t~ak; N.Kl. la ~e<°Zr~ak; S.Kl.
7t~; Lt. li if'-'le e, all for ° ( h )Iak. FATHER IN has three different roots
here, and all are represented on the mainland, although No. 1, the widespread
term in AN, is present only in one language. The common mainland root is related
to No. 2, which is mainly an IN root. 1. ~ama; Kl. ba<"~rrui; a ba<*a
nla; this development appears to be indicated by the earlier MFPL citation:
a rrm, directly comparable with the IN root. 2. #bapa; OB (no-)ba; S.Li fa<#pha,
N.Li ba: dial. pa~ba; Lq. pe C # pa; Lt. p~tt [ ~ pa. The Thai and KS terms
for "father" appear to have been developed from the root for "grandfather"
(below). 3. IN °ayah (Demp. cites IN forms only); T ?aay "eldest son or brother,"
but BT and WT "father"; also T '?iiay "eldest female (esp. sister)." The original
root meaning here was perhaps "eldest," with partial specialization in meaning
"father."
62233
GRANDCHILD
Oceanic °pagwun (Haudricourt); Formosa: Rukai (eastern) agani; (Western) aganu,
haganu, taganu (?); T °hloon "grCh, N"; KS: °qhlan (see Note 7): KS qhan.-~khan~l2an,
Then laan (h.t.) "grCh," Mak laan (h.t.) "grCh, N," but then further defined
as "SiCh, DCh" and as "FSiD" (the cross-cousin preferred in marriage-see discussion
below); Li han "N"; reconstruction: AT */~(~)~n, whence Oceanic °glrun. GREAT-GRANDCHILD
Oceanic °hakwelin "xC"; T ~lalen~°lzlin "ggrCh, gN." For the semantics, cf.
the above root (and the discussion below). GRANDPARENT Two different roots
are in evidence, one with very limited distribution both on the mainland and
in Oceania (Fiji), the other with broad extension and complex semantic differentiation.
1. Fiji °tai: Western term applied to all gPs; in southwest, applied reciprocally
to grCh. CL analyze it as a derivative of ta + i "father of" (either M or
F), hence consider its extension to female relatives ( gM ) as "entirely illegitimate."
The Nadrau term, tatai "FM," is the source of some anguish for these authors,
who in effect explain that they. cannot explain it. In Thai, however, Dioi
and Nung have tai "MM," suggesting that the original meaning of this root
might have been "grM" rather than "gF," thus affording some contrast with
the following root. Possibly related are the Thai terms #ta "MF" and ~naay
"MM"; the first of these is also represented by Lq. teC ~ta "grF"; Lati to
( le ), id. 2. IN *put "six" (app. the basic root, preserved here only as
a term of respect); °'J( m )pu "grandparent, grandchild ( reciprocal term
)," but NgD. "parents-in-law"; *makanipu "grandchild" (Fi. and PN); #[t]ttmpu
"ancestor; sir" (Sm. "king"). SEP: Capell cites only forms derived from *ampu
"ancestor," which he divides into two groups (i) without initial vowel: limited
in SEP to Motu bubu "term of address to elders." This is also said to be the
normal word for "gP" (vocative) in Male- kula and other parts of the New Hebrides,
but Fiji has nibu "grM" (ii) with initial a: Paiwa yavu, l~iukawa abu, Ubir
auu,
63234
Wedau
avu, Wagawaga au, all "MB." These are described as "Philippine forms" and
are assigned to Movement IIA, whereas those under (i) are said to belong to
a different stratum of the language, and one that in IN is more general. Fiji:
°tubu, analyzed as t/ubu (t- prefixed element found in other kinship terms
there, e.g. t/ama "F"), used generally in reciprocal sense: "grP, grCh," as
in IN *9(m)pu, but in some systems (Lau, Bau) applied only to females. CL
also note, as "a very important, although rare, variant of this use," the
application of this term to "MB" and/or "MBW," in two parts of Vanua Levu
( Macuata and Bua). They further point out that the same root is also found
in the meaning "MB" in Florida and in southern Ysabel (Bogotu and Nggao) of
the Solomon Islands. They further point out that all these areas are (or have
been) matrilineal, and remark, "it cannot be without significance that they
[these specialized meanings] occur just in these regions," but they make no
attempt at explanation (see discussion below for this). T °pa "FF"; 'fV.S.
Li phau "grF"; Kl: MFPL a u;u "FF." T #?aaw<'~awuC°abuC'~apu "FyB" (see
above for medial -w-<.b. in Thai); cf. the analysis in Benedict 1943. Thai
also has the root O?a (phonemically ?aa ) "FySi," although in Siamese the
W o forms have merged (?aa ).. T ~pTma "H"< ~ plm/a appears to be from
the same root; cf. T °rnia "wife"<~mi/a (see below). T #bo "F" appears
to be another derivative of the basic root, in view of the apparently cognate
KS form: °bu "F." IN-LAW There are two roots here, each applied at times to
affinal relatives (Ego's generation or younger, rarely older) of either sex:
1. #)lipay<~lnikway "related by marriage": Tg., ja., also Sa. "B-in-law,"
111. "related by marriage" ( Shellabear cites ipar "B-in-law, S-in-law'),
Fi. ra/iva "HSi." CL add, "The western Fijian dialects have iva in its original
sense [related by marriage]." T °kfii.ia~`-.'°khot~ ( Si. ) ~ ~giia~ (Dioi)
"male affinal kin," applied to PySiH, SiH, DH, NiH, grDH (Benedict 1943).
Lao defines the term itself as "marry, marriage," and WT as "serve as a son-in-law"
(matrilocal residence); the root appears to be a seman-
64235
tic
extension of T °goy ( s.t. ) "to be familiar with, acquainted with." The final
shows replacement of -y with -y, as in other roots (see above). Li toiiC~ktviya
"S-in-law" is definitely cognate, since Li has initial t- for ~kw- (cf. BUFFALO,
above). The KS root is perhaps distinct: Sui hau, hvak zaau, Then thaau "S.in-law."
. 2. IN °t'awa "spouse"; °bayaw "relationship by marriage" (Demp. cites only
Tg. bayao, TB. bao); apparently from a trisyllabic root ° sab ( w ) ayaw.
SEP 1'1 sawa (often with prefixed ka-), usually in meaning "wife." Fiji: *6awai
"WP, WM," but Vuda has "WF, DH, SW." CL comment, "It ought, phonetically,
to answer to IN satr;a, but original IN t'awa is 'spouse,' not spouse's parents
or any other affinal. So the equation must be rejected." In view of the Thai
data, this rejection now seems premature. Note also that the SEP root has
a final -i that cannot be explained on the basis of 0 sawa itself, but which
is readily explained in terms of the longer root ~"sa ( b ) wa yatv. - T ~bau~
°sabaii ( Si. ) "female affinal kin," applied to PyBW, BW, SW, NeW, grSW (Benedict
1943). It is the precise feminine equivalent of the Thai term under No. 1
above. Thai final -aii at times appears to be a reflex of O-aya, so that the
reconstructed form for this Thai root is 0 sabaya. This is an apparently unique
example of the retention of a trisyllabic form (reconstruction) in Thai. T
°7baaw: generally defined as "young unmarried man," also "sweetheart," but
also "fiance" in Lao, while Si. has the additional meaning "bridegroom:' This
appears to be another derivative of the same basic root, with medial -y- simply
dropping: °-ba(y)atv. The nature of the original distinction between these
two affinal terms is not clear; possibly No. 1 was originally "affinal kin
(general)," while No. 2 was "spouse." AFOTHER IN °ina "11," *binay ""V"; KS
*ni; Kl: 1'1FPL a nai Note that Kl. ( MFPL ) has preserved the most common
roots for "F" and "M." In general, the mainland languages have forms with
initial
65236
m- and
front vowel i or e; cf. T °me "1f," ° ania < ° mi/a "W '; OB mat "female"
( M, W); Li mei "female (all living things )," also "W'; Lq. mai "woman, mother"
(also used as feminine suffix); S.Kl. i mie "woman"; Lt. mia "M" (also used
as feminine suffix)," ni mia-li me "wife, girl." SIBLING The roots involved
here are difficult to analyze, but the following pair can be postulated: .
1. Fiji: not clearly represented in Fiji itself, but CL discuss the terminology
of central-marginal Polynesia, which has huvavai for "affinals of the senior
generation," as contrasted with hunova "affinals of the younger generation."
This suggests that huvarai must be analyzed as l2un/gavai, with °gavai having
a general meaning, such as "elder:' T ~' bi < ~ gw ( a ) y < ~'gau:ay
"older sibling"; KS ° kh waay or ~xu;aat~, id.: Sui fai, Mak va: i, Then xtea:i.
On the basis of the Thai development, we can also identify as probable cognates:
OB boi "oSi"; Li dial. bfi, id.; Lq. pai, id. This root is perhaps related
to the Oceanic root for "old" ( above ) . 2. IN °a ( z~ ) g'i: generally "ySb"
in IN, hSN, PN, but Tg. "aunt"; ~`ITa(r~ )g~l: NgD. and Sa. "Sb of other sex"; To. fa/?alti "kin," tal?ahilne "D in relation to the M"; reconstruction possibly
O(h)a(IJ)gli. T ?ee1J: represented only by Lao ?(IJ "F," Tho ~nda >pda>pra,
but he follows the latter in giving full value to early recordings, e.g. in
Laj. (1906), showing initial p ( 11 ) y- in these roots; both Li and Haudricourt
appear to have over-
70241
looked
the form re~n pia "eye" cited by V. K. Ting (1929) for a Chuang group in N.
Kwangsi. It is now clear from recent work by Japanese linguists (see Haudricourt
1965) that Paiwan and Puyuma (Formosa) distinguish a class of retroflex stops:
t and (1, which have fallen together with t and d elsewhere in IN and Oceania,
and that these retroflex stops appear to correspond to clusters previously
reconstructed by the writer (1966), e.g. Formosa rr~ta "eye," *rnatla (AT,
247); Formosa kutu ~10use/' °kut ( a ) lu (AT, 230). The validity of this
general line of reconstruction appears to be amply supported, although the
details of the clusters remairi to be worked out. The writer and Haudricourt
are in complete agreement as to the need to grant to at least some of the
Formosan languages a separate classification from IN and from the Oceanic
languages in general, and this more recent material would appear to settle
this point beyond any doubt. 4 Haudricourt (personal communication) has completed
an article on Lakia, based on a Chinese publication of 1959, to appear in
BSLP, 1967. The few forms provided by Haudricourt show that this language
, ( also written Lakkia) is entirely distinct from the Lakia dialect of Li,
recorded almost a century ago by R. Swinhoe (1871) (this dialect cited below,
under BOW). g Abbreviations are as in Benedict 1966. The following are in
addition: Anc. Ancient; AD Anal ytic Dictionary ( KarIgen 1923 ); Arch. Archaic,
AT Austro-Thai (also, italicized, stands for "Austro Thai" article, Benedict
1966); Ch. Chinese; CL Capell and Lester ( 1945-4fi ); GSR Grarr~mata Serica
Recensa (Karlgren 1957); Jer. Jeremaissen; Sav. Savina; SW Southwest group
of Thai languages (Ahom, Khamti, Shan, Si., Lao, BT, WT), ST Sino- Tibetan
; TB Tibeto-Burman; WS White Sand. s Haudricourt sets up a special "Eastern
Tai" group for these languages, but the writer follows F. K. Li in placing
them in the Northern Thai group, along with Dioi. 7 The Li-Ngam dialect of
Sui (abbreviated SLN,) has a few pairs in which Li has initial gh- for Ngam
kh-, and these appear to be derivatives of ~q ( h ) l-, as in qhau,....,khau
"wine," qlian- khan "nephew" (Pt. 2); cf. also Lakia khyau "alcohol," khyan
"grandson" (see Note 4). 8 This Si. form_ is related to Lao ° l11nÏJ1J "tea,
evening repast (of monks)," Shan and Kh. ner~ < # lzmliar~ "tea" ( generic
term, also used alone in sense "fermented tea"). This "fermented tea" trait-complex
has apparently replaced an earlier areca-betel
71242
complex; cf. Frank M. LeBar, "Miang: Fermented Tea in North Thailand," Behavior Science
Notes, 2 (1967), 105-21. 9 See F. K. Li 1954, for this root, the reconstruction
being supported by Wu-ming pliiak "yam" (Wu-ming lacks r). Sui has a parallel
form in °?yum "lean," T °phroom, id., contrasting with pyam "hair," T °phrom,
id. 10 Kinship abbreviations are as follows: B brother, C cousin, xC cross-cousin,
Ch child, D daughter, F father, g great, gr grand, H husband, M mother, N
nephew/niece, Ne nephew, Ni niece, o older, P parent, Sb sibling, Si sister,
S son, Sp spouse, W wife, y younger. These are directly combined, e.g. MM
mother's mother, SpB spouse's brother, etc. 11 The first reasonably complete
list of kinship terms for any Kadai language has now been made available,
for White Sand Li ( Wang Li), and this shows reciprocity of precisely the
same kind as that encountered in Indonesian: phau "grF" but pau "grS" (grF
speaking), from the AT root *put. There is also a parallel set of terms: t~a:t
"grM" but ;6a:l "grS" (grM speaking), with equivalent phonological alternation
of initials. These terms are used in combination with hl6k "Ch," and are distinct
from hl5k a "grCh" (someone else's ) . We can now with confidence reconstruct
reciprocity of this type for the AT kinship system, with indicated general
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