An English View of Persian Trade in 1618
Identifieur interne : 000359 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000358; suivant : 000360An English View of Persian Trade in 1618
Auteurs : R. W. FerrierSource :
- Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient [ 0022-4995 ] ; 1976.
English descriptors
- Teeft :
- Accordinge, Agra, Aleppo, Annum, Besydes, Broad cloth, China ware, Cold season, Companies pryce, Company requireth, Connock, Corroson, Cotton paintings, Cotton wooll, Coullour, Coullours, Countrye, Dayes, Dayes journey, Della valle, East india company, Edward connock, Edward terry, English merchants, English tynn, First factors, First letter book, Fyrst yeare, Ginger, Gombroon, Good profhtt, Goodnesse, Goodnesse sould, Gould, Great quantetyes, Greate, Greate proffitt, Greate value, Heere, Hormuz, Ibid, India company, Indian textiles, Indie, Indya, Indyan coast, Isfahan, Jask, John irwin, Kinge, Lahore, Levant, Levant company, Maen, Maens, Mane, Mann shah, Medicinal properties, Mughal empire, Onely, Other partes, Other sortes, Partes, Peece, Persia, Persian, Persian court, Persian factors, Persian trade, Pettus, Pleasinge colors, Porte, Portuguese, Pound haberdepoize, Principal port, Proffitt, Pryce, Quantetye, Quantetyes, Ready money, Robert sherley, Shah, Shah cabbds, Shah safi, Shahees, Shahis, Short time, Silke, Silke stuffes, Smale, Smale quantetye, Sorte, Sortes, Sould, Spahan, Stuffes, Such sortes, Surat, Surat factors, Surrat, Surratt, Sworde blades, Sylke, Sylke stuffes, Theire, Theire goodnesse, Theire retournes, Theire vessells, Thomas barker, Uncertain derivation, Vend, Vend heere, Vend yearely, Western india, Wilbe, William bell, Worth heere, Yearely, Yearely vend.
Url:
DOI: 10.1163/156852076X00127
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:6CCA4CE0735790028819A169EB0AEF50B30204F2Le document en format XML
<record><TEI wicri:istexFullTextTei="biblStruct"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title>An English View of Persian Trade in 1618</title><author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Ferrier, R W" sort="Ferrier, R W" uniqKey="Ferrier R" first="R. W." last="Ferrier">R. W. Ferrier</name></author></titleStmt><publicationStmt><idno type="wicri:source">ISTEX</idno><idno type="RBID">ISTEX:6CCA4CE0735790028819A169EB0AEF50B30204F2</idno><date when="1976" year="1976">1976</date><idno type="doi">10.1163/156852076X00127</idno><idno type="url">https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q/fulltext.pdf</idno><idno type="wicri:Area/Istex/Corpus">000359</idno><idno type="wicri:explorRef" wicri:stream="Istex" wicri:step="Corpus" wicri:corpus="ISTEX">000359</idno></publicationStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct><analytic><title level="a">An English View of Persian Trade in 1618</title><author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Ferrier, R W" sort="Ferrier, R W" uniqKey="Ferrier R" first="R. W." last="Ferrier">R. W. Ferrier</name></author></analytic><monogr></monogr><series><title level="j">Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient</title><title level="j" type="sub">Journal d'Histoire Economique et Sociale de l'Orient</title><title level="j" type="abbrev">JESH</title><idno type="ISSN">0022-4995</idno><idno type="eISSN">1568-5209</idno><imprint><publisher>BRILL</publisher><pubPlace>The Netherlands</pubPlace><date type="published" when="1976">1976</date><biblScope unit="volume">19</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">1</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="182">182</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="214">214</biblScope></imprint><idno type="ISSN">0022-4995</idno></series></biblStruct></sourceDesc><seriesStmt><idno type="ISSN">0022-4995</idno></seriesStmt></fileDesc><profileDesc><textClass><keywords scheme="Teeft" xml:lang="en"><term>Accordinge</term><term>Agra</term><term>Aleppo</term><term>Annum</term><term>Besydes</term><term>Broad cloth</term><term>China ware</term><term>Cold season</term><term>Companies pryce</term><term>Company requireth</term><term>Connock</term><term>Corroson</term><term>Cotton paintings</term><term>Cotton wooll</term><term>Coullour</term><term>Coullours</term><term>Countrye</term><term>Dayes</term><term>Dayes journey</term><term>Della valle</term><term>East india company</term><term>Edward connock</term><term>Edward terry</term><term>English merchants</term><term>English tynn</term><term>First factors</term><term>First letter book</term><term>Fyrst yeare</term><term>Ginger</term><term>Gombroon</term><term>Good profhtt</term><term>Goodnesse</term><term>Goodnesse sould</term><term>Gould</term><term>Great quantetyes</term><term>Greate</term><term>Greate proffitt</term><term>Greate value</term><term>Heere</term><term>Hormuz</term><term>Ibid</term><term>India company</term><term>Indian textiles</term><term>Indie</term><term>Indya</term><term>Indyan coast</term><term>Isfahan</term><term>Jask</term><term>John irwin</term><term>Kinge</term><term>Lahore</term><term>Levant</term><term>Levant company</term><term>Maen</term><term>Maens</term><term>Mane</term><term>Mann shah</term><term>Medicinal properties</term><term>Mughal empire</term><term>Onely</term><term>Other partes</term><term>Other sortes</term><term>Partes</term><term>Peece</term><term>Persia</term><term>Persian</term><term>Persian court</term><term>Persian factors</term><term>Persian trade</term><term>Pettus</term><term>Pleasinge colors</term><term>Porte</term><term>Portuguese</term><term>Pound haberdepoize</term><term>Principal port</term><term>Proffitt</term><term>Pryce</term><term>Quantetye</term><term>Quantetyes</term><term>Ready money</term><term>Robert sherley</term><term>Shah</term><term>Shah cabbds</term><term>Shah safi</term><term>Shahees</term><term>Shahis</term><term>Short time</term><term>Silke</term><term>Silke stuffes</term><term>Smale</term><term>Smale quantetye</term><term>Sorte</term><term>Sortes</term><term>Sould</term><term>Spahan</term><term>Stuffes</term><term>Such sortes</term><term>Surat</term><term>Surat factors</term><term>Surrat</term><term>Surratt</term><term>Sworde blades</term><term>Sylke</term><term>Sylke stuffes</term><term>Theire</term><term>Theire goodnesse</term><term>Theire retournes</term><term>Theire vessells</term><term>Thomas barker</term><term>Uncertain derivation</term><term>Vend</term><term>Vend heere</term><term>Vend yearely</term><term>Western india</term><term>Wilbe</term><term>William bell</term><term>Worth heere</term><term>Yearely</term><term>Yearely vend</term></keywords></textClass><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage></profileDesc></teiHeader></TEI><istex><corpusName>brill-journals</corpusName><keywords><teeft><json:string>shahees</json:string><json:string>heere</json:string><json:string>pettus</json:string><json:string>maen</json:string><json:string>connock</json:string><json:string>theire</json:string><json:string>kinge</json:string><json:string>surat</json:string><json:string>partes</json:string><json:string>vend</json:string><json:string>spahan</json:string><json:string>yearely</json:string><json:string>maens</json:string><json:string>ibid</json:string><json:string>quantetye</json:string><json:string>sortes</json:string><json:string>goodnesse</json:string><json:string>peece</json:string><json:string>dayes</json:string><json:string>sylke</json:string><json:string>hormuz</json:string><json:string>surratt</json:string><json:string>dayes journey</json:string><json:string>mane</json:string><json:string>accordinge</json:string><json:string>jask</json:string><json:string>indya</json:string><json:string>shahis</json:string><json:string>proffitt</json:string><json:string>coullours</json:string><json:string>agra</json:string><json:string>coullour</json:string><json:string>greate</json:string><json:string>sould</json:string><json:string>stuffes</json:string><json:string>pryce</json:string><json:string>levant</json:string><json:string>persian factors</json:string><json:string>corroson</json:string><json:string>sorte</json:string><json:string>countrye</json:string><json:string>lahore</json:string><json:string>aleppo</json:string><json:string>quantetyes</json:string><json:string>shah</json:string><json:string>persia</json:string><json:string>onely</json:string><json:string>indie</json:string><json:string>porte</json:string><json:string>wilbe</json:string><json:string>surrat</json:string><json:string>besydes</json:string><json:string>smale</json:string><json:string>east india company</json:string><json:string>gombroon</json:string><json:string>surat factors</json:string><json:string>worth heere</json:string><json:string>silke</json:string><json:string>mann shah</json:string><json:string>vend yearely</json:string><json:string>great quantetyes</json:string><json:string>isfahan</json:string><json:string>first factors</json:string><json:string>levant company</json:string><json:string>sylke stuffes</json:string><json:string>china ware</json:string><json:string>indian textiles</json:string><json:string>persian trade</json:string><json:string>shah safi</json:string><json:string>edward connock</json:string><json:string>pound haberdepoize</json:string><json:string>good profhtt</json:string><json:string>john irwin</json:string><json:string>robert sherley</json:string><json:string>english merchants</json:string><json:string>other sortes</json:string><json:string>persian court</json:string><json:string>portuguese</json:string><json:string>persian</json:string><json:string>annum</json:string><json:string>gould</json:string><json:string>uncertain derivation</json:string><json:string>sworde blades</json:string><json:string>broad cloth</json:string><json:string>pleasinge colors</json:string><json:string>other partes</json:string><json:string>cold season</json:string><json:string>shah cabbds</json:string><json:string>ready money</json:string><json:string>theire retournes</json:string><json:string>smale quantetye</json:string><json:string>greate value</json:string><json:string>greate proffitt</json:string><json:string>theire goodnesse</json:string><json:string>india company</json:string><json:string>short time</json:string><json:string>fyrst yeare</json:string><json:string>such sortes</json:string><json:string>medicinal properties</json:string><json:string>cotton paintings</json:string><json:string>william bell</json:string><json:string>first letter book</json:string><json:string>mughal empire</json:string><json:string>western india</json:string><json:string>della valle</json:string><json:string>edward terry</json:string><json:string>indyan coast</json:string><json:string>theire vessells</json:string><json:string>yearely vend</json:string><json:string>silke stuffes</json:string><json:string>cotton wooll</json:string><json:string>goodnesse sould</json:string><json:string>vend heere</json:string><json:string>thomas barker</json:string><json:string>companies pryce</json:string><json:string>company requireth</json:string><json:string>english tynn</json:string><json:string>principal port</json:string><json:string>ginger</json:string></teeft></keywords><author><json:item><name>R.W. Ferrier</name></json:item></author><arkIstex>ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q</arkIstex><language><json:string>eng</json:string></language><originalGenre><json:string>research-article</json:string></originalGenre><qualityIndicators><score>7.012</score><pdfWordCount>13191</pdfWordCount><pdfCharCount>75116</pdfCharCount><pdfVersion>1.4</pdfVersion><pdfPageCount>33</pdfPageCount><pdfPageSize>438.72 x 670.32 pts</pdfPageSize><refBibsNative>false</refBibsNative><abstractWordCount>1</abstractWordCount><abstractCharCount>0</abstractCharCount><keywordCount>0</keywordCount></qualityIndicators><title>An English View of Persian Trade in 1618</title><genre><json:string>research-article</json:string></genre><host><title>Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient</title><language><json:string>unknown</json:string></language><issn><json:string>0022-4995</json:string></issn><eissn><json:string>1568-5209</json:string></eissn><volume>19</volume><issue>1</issue><pages><first>182</first><last>214</last></pages><genre><json:string>journal</json:string></genre></host><namedEntities><unitex><date></date><geogName></geogName><orgName></orgName><orgName_funder></orgName_funder><orgName_provider></orgName_provider><persName></persName><placeName></placeName><ref_url></ref_url><ref_bibl></ref_bibl><bibl></bibl></unitex></namedEntities><ark><json:string>ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q</json:string></ark><categories><wos><json:string>1 - arts and humanities</json:string><json:string>2 - history</json:string></wos><scienceMetrix></scienceMetrix><scopus><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Economics, Econometrics and Finance</json:string><json:string>3 - Economics and Econometrics</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - Sociology and Political Science</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Arts and Humanities</json:string><json:string>3 - History</json:string></scopus></categories><publicationDate>1976</publicationDate><copyrightDate>1976</copyrightDate><doi><json:string>10.1163/156852076X00127</json:string></doi><id>6CCA4CE0735790028819A169EB0AEF50B30204F2</id><score>1</score><fulltext><json:item><extension>pdf</extension><original>true</original><mimetype>application/pdf</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q/fulltext.pdf</uri></json:item><json:item><extension>zip</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/zip</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q/bundle.zip</uri></json:item><istex:fulltextTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q/fulltext.tei"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title level="a">An English View of Persian Trade in 1618</title></titleStmt><publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority><publisher scheme="https://scientific-publisher.data.istex.fr">BRILL</publisher><pubPlace>The Netherlands</pubPlace><availability><licence><p>© 1976 Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</p></licence><p scheme="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-56W3KPD5-3">brill-journals</p></availability><date>1976</date></publicationStmt><notesStmt><note type="research-article" scheme="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</note><note type="journal" scheme="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</note></notesStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct type="inbook"><analytic><title level="a">An English View of Persian Trade in 1618</title><author xml:id="author-0000"><persName><forename type="first">R.W.</forename><surname>Ferrier</surname></persName></author><idno type="istex">6CCA4CE0735790028819A169EB0AEF50B30204F2</idno><idno type="ark">ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1163/156852076X00127</idno><idno type="href">15685209_019_01_s012_text.pdf</idno></analytic><monogr><title level="j">Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient</title><title level="j" type="sub">Journal d'Histoire Economique et Sociale de l'Orient</title><title level="j" type="abbrev">JESH</title><idno type="pISSN">0022-4995</idno><idno type="eISSN">1568-5209</idno><imprint><publisher>BRILL</publisher><pubPlace>The Netherlands</pubPlace><date type="published" when="1976"></date><biblScope unit="volume">19</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">1</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="182">182</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="214">214</biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>1976</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="1976">Created</change><change when="1976">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q/fulltext.txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus brill-journals not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="http://dtd.nlm.nih.gov/publishing/2.3/journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="2.3">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id journal-id-type="e-issn">15685209</journal-id>
<journal-title>Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient</journal-title>
<journal-subtitle>Journal d'Histoire Economique et Sociale de l'Orient</journal-subtitle>
<abbrev-journal-title>JESH</abbrev-journal-title>
<issn pub-type="ppub">0022-4995</issn>
<issn pub-type="epub">1568-5209</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name>BRILL</publisher-name>
<publisher-loc>The Netherlands</publisher-loc>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1163/156852076X00127</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title>An English View of Persian Trade in 1618</article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname>Ferrier</surname>
<given-names>R.W.</given-names>
</name>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<year>1976</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>19</volume>
<issue>1</issue>
<fpage>182</fpage>
<lpage>214</lpage>
<permissions>
<copyright-statement>© 1976 Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</copyright-statement>
<copyright-year>1976</copyright-year>
<copyright-holder>Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</copyright-holder>
</permissions>
<self-uri content-type="pdf" xlink:href="15685209_019_01_s012_text.pdf"></self-uri>
<custom-meta-wrap>
<custom-meta>
<meta-name>version</meta-name>
<meta-value>header</meta-value>
</custom-meta>
</custom-meta-wrap>
</article-meta>
</front>
<body>
<p>AN ENGLISH VIEW OF PERSIAN TRADE IN 1618 Reports from the Merchants Edward Pettus and Thomas Barker BY R. W. FERRIER The circumstances in which an agency of the East India Company was established in Persia in the early 1 7th century were briefly the following. It had become obvious shortly after the establishment of the Company's factory at Surat in 1612 that there was little likelihood of extensive sales of cloth in India, not the 2-3,000 cloths annually they had anti- cipated, the main English item of export then and for the next two centuries. In 1614, Thomas Aldworth, the chief factor there was considering alternative markets for substantial quantities of cloth, for they were only selling some "in regard of the novelty to cover some of their elephants and to make some saddles for their horses; but for garments they use none in these parts" 1). He informed the Company in August that, "we have now made full inquiry concerning the state of Persia, where we are certainly informed of the vent of much cloth in regard their country is cold ... and what they have is brought overland from Aleppo with great charge ... So that, here- after, if we find ourselves to be overlaid with cloth, then have we no remedy but to go thither, the King of Persia being one that much favoureth our nation and is of late fallen out with the Portingals in so much we shall never have a better occasion than now" 2). The Surat Council dispatched Richard Steel 3), recently arrived in 1) F. C. Danvers and W. M. Foster, L[etters] the East India Company from its Servants in the East] (1896-1920)) vol. II p. 97, Thos. Aldworth and Wm. Biddulph, Surat to E[ast] I[ndia] Co[mpany], 19 Aug., 1614 (I[ndia] O[ ffice Library] Ef3 JzJ1 6 3). Factor meant a merchant. 2) Ibid. 3) Steel was an enterprising person with an eye for the quick chance in Persia and India in the second decade of the 17th Century. He was the father of the first English boy born in India, proposed extensive water-works to Shah Jahangir and was associ- ated with Sir Robert Sherley on his second visit to London in 1624-26.</p>
<p>183 India after travelling through Turkey and Persia, and John Crowther who had been a factor in Baroda, to investigate more clearly the possibilities for trade and to obtain the necessary permission 4). They left Ajmir in March i6i ? travelling to Isfahan which they reached in September by way of Agra, Lahore, Multan, Qandahar, Fara, Tabas and Ardakdn. In Isfahan they approached Sir Robert Sherley for assistance 5). He was on the point of leaving on an embassy to Spain for Shah "Abbas I but reluctantly agreed to help them procure the requisite farman. This instructed the Persian officials "to kindly receive and entertaine the English Frankes or Nation, at what time any of their ships or shipping shall arrive at Jasques, or any other of the Ports in our Kingdome: to conduct them and their Merchandise to what place or places they themselves desire: and that you shall see them safely defended about our Coasts, from any other Frank or Franks whatsoever" 6). This provided the basis on which trading might commence. Steel reported optimistically on their successful mission with further details of trading conditions and opportunities and jour- neyed on to London 7), but Crowther was less convinced on his return to India. Nevertheless Thomas Aldworth continued his preparations for opening up trade with Persia in spite of the Portuguese hostility and their possession of Hormuz 8). 4) L.R, vol. II (1613-15) pp. z66-68, Commission to Steel and Crowther, z Jan. 1 6 1 4/ 1 S (L O. it was hoped that "Persia would vend six or seven hundred cloths and one thousand kerseys per annum to very good profit", besides tin, lead, iron and furs "whereby in future times less moneys may be transported out of our land", Ibid., pp. zo8-9, Consultations, Surat, z8 Nov. 1614, (LO. EJ 3 JzJ19z). j) Sir Robert Sherlye had originally travelled to Persia in z 5 ?? with his brother Sir Anthony, but left behind as a hostage he had served Shah 'Abbas I as a district governor, military adviser and court official before being sent on diplomatic missions to Europe z 6o8-z 6 z and 161?-28. For further details of Sir Robert Sherley's Persian services see, E. Denison Ross, Sir Anthony Sherley and his Persian Adventure (19 3 3), Boies Penrose, The Sherleian Odyssey (Taunton 1 9 3 8) ; and D. W. Davies, Elizabethans Errant (New York 1967). 6) Samuel Purchas, His Pilgrimes (Glasgow 1905-7) vol. 3, p. 279. 7) Sir G. Birdwood and Wm. Foster, eds., The First Letter Book of the East India Company, (1 89 3) pp. 4> 7-6 3 and L.R, vol. III (16l5) pp. 1 76-8, Steel to E.I. Co., z 6 i 5 (I.O. E/3/3/296). 8) The Portuguese occupation of Hormuz dated from 15 15 when Afonso Albu- querque took possession of it after an earlier skirmish in On this period see,</p>
<p>184 In the meantime, however, Sir Thomas Roe had arrived as Ambassa- dor in the Mughal Kingdom and was not in favour of the projected trade, tending rather to favour trade towards the Red Sea 9), while others advocated Bantam or Japan 1°). He did not believe that the Turks would permit it to become settled as "the trade will not be turned from his ancient course. Great waters will keep their own chan- nel ; nor will it ever recompense travail to fetch silk from the fountain; and it is now in dispute who shall be lord of it, the Turk or Persian" 11). He doubted whether the Persians would remain favourably disposed towards it when they had made peace with the Turks, for he realised "The silk is the Kings" and that if Shah "Abbds was interested in the trade and "if it avail him, he will do it; if not, a peace with the Turk will restore him to his old ways" 12). He was very doubtful whether the volume of trade would be sufficiently profitable or the terms of trade satisfactory. In his opinion, "we ayme not at gnatts and small flyes, but at a commerce honorable and equall to two so mighty na- tions" 13). Roe recognised from discussions with the Persian ambassador to the Mughal Court, Muhammed Ridd Beg 14), that "neither in Persia nor here in any city where merchants reside, nor where goods are R. B. Smith, The First Age of the Portuguese Embassies, Navigations and Peregrinations in Persia, IJ07-24, (Bethesda 1970). 9) Sir Thomas Roe, The Enbassy to the Moghul, ed. Sir William Foster, (1926). The Surat factors too, in 1619-20, were commending the Red Sea trade where "quantityes of spices will sell better then in India or Persia", Surat to East India Company, i st Feb. 1619-20, I.O. G/40/I p. z6. io) On the early history of the East India Company's trade see Sir William Foster, Eiglaids Qxest for Eastern Trade, ( 1 9 3 3 ) and K. N. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company : the Study of an Early , joint Stock Company 1600-1640, (1 96 j ). n) L. R. vol. V (1 61 7) p. 3 1 8, Roe to Capt. Henry Pepwell, 4 Jan, 1 6 1 6J 1 7 (B[ rit- ish] M[useum] Addl. M.S. 6II5, f. 1 7 3). I z) L.R, vol. V (1617) p. 330, Roe to Sir Thomas Smythe, 16 Jan. 1616/17 (B.M. Addl. M. S. 6II5, f 1 64). 13) Roe, The Embassy, p. 3 3 j , Roe to William Robbins at Isfahan, 7 or 1 7 Jan., 1 6 1 6f 1 7. Robbins, a jeweller at the Persian Court had befriended Sir Robert Sherley, and "he spares no pains to do the Company the best service he can, which hath been no little furtherance to our business", L.R. vol. V (1617) p. 30j , Pley, Isfahan to Kerridge, Surat, 9 June, 1617, (1.O. E/3/5/503). 14) He had arrived in Ajmir on 19 October 1616 and died at Agra a year later.</p>
<p>185 staple by wholesale, but those they call merchants pass up and down like badgers, with packs, and buy only by little quantities, such as they retail in following the King's Court or other great men" 15). Aware of the expense that such a form of retail trading would involve the Company, Roe suggested that Shah "Abbas be told that "it will be impossible for us to bear the charge of transport up of ours and down of his commodities, but that if he desire to entertain us, that he will be pleased to send his merchants to our port, at least to some fit place adjoining, where we may constantly reside for trade, and not seek it like pedlars" 16). His apprehension over the Portuguese reaction at Hormuz to the new trade was well-founded and borne out by subsequent events such as the arrival in the Gulf of Ruy Freire de Andrada with a fleet for the defence of Hormuz sent by Philip Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa's embassy to Shah 'Abbds the Persian assault on the island with the Company's assistance in 1622 and the expensive neces- sity of joint convoys with the Dutch until 1631. The Surat Council was not inclined to take Roe's commercial views seriously considering that as he is "far transported (in error of opinion) concerning merchandising and merchants's affairs in these parts, [it] makes us assured that he is no less transported from and concerning this Persian employment" 19), and they ignored his advice which often had more merit than they acknowledged. They authorised a voyage, chose the merchants and decided on the merchandise on 6th October 161620) . The factors for Persia were requested to send "particular advice of all occurrences and light of that trade, as well of 1 j) I,.R, vol. IV (1616) p. 3 30. Badger meant a petty travelling trader. 16) L.R, vol. IV (1616) p. 3z6. Roe to Thomas Kerridge and Thomas Rastell at Surat, 5 Jan. 1616/17 (B.M. Addl. M.S. G .. S , f. 160). 17) Ruy Freire de Andrada, The Commentaries, trs. and ed. C. R. Boxer, (1930). 18) Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa, L'ambassade en Perse, trs. A de Wicqfort (Paris 1667). 19) L.R. vol. IV (1 6 1 6) p. 190, Consultations aboard Charles, Swalley, 2 Oct. 1 6 1 6, (LO. E/3/4/40z). 20) Ibid. p. z?3-5 Consultations, Surat, 6 Oct. 1616, (LO. E/3/4/402) and Ibid. pp. 22 f -G, Commission for Capt. Child, Commander of the Jawes, 6 Nov. 1616 (LO. E/3/4/408).</p>
<p>186 the commodities it will vend as of these it afford, with the weights, measures, coins and what else you hold needfull" 21). The james set sail for Persia from Swalley, the port of Surat, on 8th November 1616, and anchored off Jask on 2nd December, before moving closer to the shore on 4th December, piloted by a local fisher- man. The next day William Bell went ashore, followed two days later by the rest of the factors. On loth December some musters of the goods were taken off and brought to Mogustan, eight days journey from the port, by some of the merchants, who paid their respects to the Governor, Zulfikar Sultan, by whom they were well received and deceived. The remainder of the goods were landed between the i 3 th and i 6th January, a total of £ and the James sailed again for Surat on 20th January. The landing itself was uneventful, their reception courteous, but their prospects were uncertain and the conditions disappointing. Jask was uninviting "a very poor fisher town" with a castle "without ordnance, the walls of clay, the gates and doors so weak," that a man could kick them in, and where "there is nothing but dates to be had and fish sometimes" 22). Edward Connock, the Agent, admitted that the province where they had landed "affordeth no sales for our English commodities. It is poor, very poor" 23). Yet he claimed "The poverty of these parts did nothing, discourage us in our proceedings, being well assured that the inland mart-towns are exceeding rich, being famous for their general traffic with many nations for all sorts of commodities" 24). The cost of transport inland obliged them to return some of the heavier goods to Surat. Equally revealing was the realisation that "Ormuz, famous for her trade, and storehouse to all these neighbouring z i) L. R. vol. IV (1 6 1 6) p. loc. cit. 22) L.R, vol. V (1 6 1 7) p. 101, Thomas Doughty (officer of the James) to E.I. Co., 26 Feb. 1616/17 (1.O. Doughty stated the following provisions were available; a small lean beef, 14, 1 j or 17 larins, a lean sheep or goat, 3 or 3 i larins, and 40 lbs. dates, larins; a larin then being worth i shilling. 23) Ibid. p. Edward Connock and Thomas Barker, Jask, to E.I. Co., 19 Jan. I6IG/I7 (1.O. E/3/4/436). 24) Ibid. p. 61, Connock and Barker, Jask to Surat factors 19 Jan. 1616/17, (LO. E/3/4/437).</p>
<p>187 parts, we find so much declined in trade that we are credibly informed these three or four years not the sixth part,of spices as in former years hath been thither brought. The like is her estate in the commodities of India, caused through the declining and general weakness of the Portingall, in their men, shipping and frigates: who (though wanted) are now unable to defend the stranger merchant trading to and from Indies, India and Ormuz: they are now catched up by thieves and sea- robbers living and inhabiting the coasts of these their passages" 25). There was no doubt that the extra demands placed upon Spanish- Portuguese resources 26) as a result of the entry of the Dutch and English East India Companies into eastern parts, Persian hostilities with the Portuguese from 1612, and conflicting viewpoints between Madrid and Goa, had weakened their position in the Gulf. Steel and Crowther had already noticed at Lahore which was "the Treasure of the Portugals Trade when they had peace, as being the Centre of all Indian Traffi- que" 27), that the merchandise which used to be transported down the river from Tatta for onward shipment to Hormuz and Persia, was being sent overland. So that by this way "is generally reported to pass twelve or fourteene thousand Camels lading, whereas heretofore scarsly passed three thousand, the rest going by the way of Ormus. These Merchants are put to great charges twixt Lahore and Spahan, (besides great cold in Winter and heate in Summer, and the badnesse of the way, spending six or seven moneths betwixt those two places" Further confirmation of this state of affairs was apparent at Qandahar where "within this two yeare, that the way of Ormus is stopped up by the wars betwixt the Persians and Portugals, all Caravans which passe betwixt India and Persie, must of necessitie goe by this place" 29 ). It was for this reason that the Persian factors advised all the factories 25) Ibid. p. Connock and Barker, Jask to E.I. Co., 19 Jan. 1616/17, (LO. E/3/4/436). 26) The Spanish and Portuguese crowns were united under Philip II in z g 8o and remained so till 1640. z7) Purchas, His Pilgrimes, vol. 3, p. z68. 28) Ibid. p. z69. Ibid. p. 272.</p>
<p>188 in India "to treat and persuade with such Bannian and Moor merchants as usually do trade from theme overland hither into Persia, that they with their goods and carriages do yearly on our shipping embark at Surrat for this place, showing them their little charge in freight, their danger less and the brevity of time in their passage least of all" This would increase the returns to the Company but "chiefly, as most considerable, is, the town of Ormoz and their Portingall trade will hereby much perish, if not altogether decay, being chiefly upheld by this Sinde and India trade" 31). Whatever its decline, Hormuz represented, therefore, for the East India Company not only an ob- stacle and a challenge in the short term, but in the long run was the key to trade with Persia. To the Persians the Portuguese occupa- tion of Hormuz was not only a threat to their own security and an affront to their pride, but a deprivation of their revenue. Thus the English Company and the Persians had a vital mutual interest in the island. This Agent Connock realised when he reported to London that "I could with reasons unanswerable possess this prince what security, honour, benefit he may attain in freeing his gulf of its present slavery by taking Ormus into his possession" 32). Thus hopeful of supplanting the Portuguese trade in spices and of selling cloth and purchasing silk at better rates than the Levant trade routes offered, the first factors of the East India Company in Persia believed "our new Persian trade ... in future and short time will produce as great benefit and satisfaction to our commonwealth of England as any other whatsoever commerce which she now in these parts enjoyeth" 33). Connock was right about the importance of "Southern and India commodities, that's it which will yield profit indeed" 34). 30) 7..A vol. V (1 61 7) p. 23 z, Connock, Pley, Pettus, and Tracy, Isfahan to Surat factors, z May 1617, (1.0. 31) Ibid. 32) Ibid. p. Connock, Isfahan to E.I. Co., 2 April 1617, (1.O. 33) Ibid. p. 66, Connock and Barker, Jask, to Wm. Keeling at Bantam, 19 Jan. 1616/17, (1.O. E/3/4/438). 34) Ibid. p. 30z, Persian factors, Isfahan to Factors, Surat, 8 June 1617, (LO. George Pley wrote to Committeeman, Humphrey Browne, of the wider expectations of the factors for the Persian trade that "in short time both in vent of</p>
<p>189 The factors who landed in Persia included Edward Connock, Agent, Thomas Barker, Second, George Pley, William Bell, Edward Pettus, William Tracy, Matthew Pepwell, with John Amy as an attendant, and their servants Adam Tanner and William Nelson, Thomas Steven- son, Nicholas Russell and William Blundstone were taken off the James to act as an escort. It was unfortunate for this first group that Connock and Barker quarrelled incessantly. Connock was ambitious, proud and self-confident with experience in Turkey; Barker was conceited and resentful, attending to his own concerns before that of the Company. Connock died a year after having made the preliminary arrangements with Shdh,Abbds I at his camp in July and his all-power- ful Treasurer, Lala Beg 35). Connock seemed to have impressed Shah 'Abbds and held his own against Portuguese intrigue. He claimed that the Shah "hath promised me 1,000, 2,000 or 3,000 bales of silk at as reasonable prices as daily is sold in Spahan, which is about 20 rials of eight at most the maund of shawe of i,8oo drames, is about 121 pound English ... so that I can put you silk aboard your ships at Jasques free of all charge at 6s or 6s 6d the pound English of 16 ounces" 36). Initially credit was to be extended and payment made partly in money and partly in goods. A satisfactory farman was negotiated regulating the grants and privileges under which the English company might trade in Persia. Connock's enthusiasm was not practical for he envisaged obtaining whole quantity of silk made in these kingdoms, which may amount to one million sterling". The Persians noticed the difference between aspiration and reality, though the major part of their attention was absorbed in fighting the Turks once more and encouraging the our country, India and Southern commodities, it will give as much, if not more, content than any other your trades wheresoever", .... but these high hopes suffered from later Dutch competition: Ibid. p. 316, Pley to Browne, z7 June 1617, (LO. 3 j) Of whom the Persian factors wrote "wee must please, if wee wish to do any good in this Countrey", LO. Ef 3 f7f8 3 j , Isfahan, to Surat Council, 3 March i6ic)/20. 36) L. R. vol. VI (1617) pp. 31-42, Connock, Persian Court, to E.I. Co., 4 Aug. 1 6 1 7, (1.O.</p>
<p>190 English company as a possible counter-balance to the Portuguese 3'). Barker succeeded him and was better trusted by Sir Thomas Roe, who was charged by the Court of the East India Company to direct the newly opened Persian trade As a result of Roe's prevarication, perpetual Portuguese intrigue, extravagant expenditure, insufficient supplies, Persian indifference through their preoccupation with the Turks, the first factors faced an extremely difficult situation, making no sales at all in the first six months, and it was two years before the first shipment of silk, 71 bales, was dispatched on The Expedition on 12 December 1618 39). It was sold in England on 24 September 1619. After the arrival of the factors in Persia Roe in further instructions reminded them of the need to produce more detailed information on the trade of Persia. He instructed them that "you shall inform your- selves of the prices and requests of all sorts of goods, jewels, drugs, and other merchandise, where to be had, at what rates, and which way they pass most readily" 40). These were received by Thomas Barker on 2nd February 1617/18 and acted upon by him in his capacity as the new agent, following the death of Edward Connock six weeks previous- ly. It is in response to this request that Barker replied probably in April 1618 and Edward Pettus later in September 41). Pettus who had 3 7) Thus of Shah 'Abbas "sometymes he would secretely whisper unto us that he had a resolution to take Ormuz from the Kinge of Spayne and deliver it unto the English nation", LO. E/3/7/8 15, Factors, Isfahan, to E.I. Co., 16 Oct. 1 6 19. 3 8) See Instructions to Sir Thomas Roe Concerning the Settling of Trade in Persia, 1616, The First Letter Book, pp. 4j j -4j ?, "Persia is also wholly referred to me, the Company no way thinking any man meddled in it without me", L. R. vol. VI (1617), p. io6, Roe, Mandoa to Agra factors, 6 Oct. 1 6 1 7, (1.O. E/3/5/543) and "It is to me His Majesty hath referred it and the Company entrusted it", Ibid. p. 221, Roe, Ahme- dabad to Surat factors, 6 Dec. 1617, (1.O. E/3/5/575). James I had approved of the initiative taken though he overestimated Roe's part, "in particular we do approve of the entrance of a treaty which you have begun to make with the Sophy of Persia for the opening of his Gulf, especially for the traffique and commerce of silk", James I to Roe, i Feb. I6I6/I7, P[ublic] R[ ecords] Ea.rtlndie.r, vol. i, No. 57. 39) Not "about oo bales", as K. N. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company, p. 204 . 40) L.R, vol. VI (1617) pp. 107-8, Commission from Roe, Mandoa, to Persian factors, 6 Oct. 1617. (I.O. E/3/5/544) and Ibid. pp. io8-i i, (LO. 41) LO. E/3/6/79z, Barker to E.I. Co., April 1618 and LO. E/3/6/699 Pettus to E.I. Co., Sept. 1618.</p>
<p>191 respected Connock had little affection for Barker who treated him badly, particularly when they were together at Shiraz and later in Isfahan 42). Pettus was known to the eminent London merchant, Robert Middleton, with whom he corresponded. In view of their relationship it is unlikely that Barker and Pettus collaborated over their reports and though they are broadly similar in their descriptions and conclusions, it is probable that this represents a corroboration of the evidence available after some eighteen months residence and busi- ness in Persia. These reports, then, do represent a reliable view of Persian trade as it existed at that time through the eyes of two merchants who had been long enough in the country for early enthusiasm to have been dispelled but for experience to have informed. Pettus stated in his report that he had been assisted by "the helpe of Soundry Brokers, and I hope cumes as neare the truth as any before". Apart from his comments on the commodities themselves, Edward Pettus in an accompanying letter remarked on some of the problems and conditions effecting trade 43). Trade could not be carried on without royal farmäns received from the Shah after infinite trouble and solicita- tion. The English merchants were obliged to deal with the Shah's Treasurer, Lala Beg, whose power was absolute in commercial matters, even if there was an apparent arbitration procedure. It was "ordered that If Lalabegg and wee can not agree that marchantes shall estimate bothe our Commodities, It were good for both parties If noe partiallitie but what Lalabegg saith what ever some wee are to deale the mar- chantes dares not gaine say" 44). Lala Beg also seemed to be the chief source of credit and was responsible for granting permission to leave the capital, powers which he liberally used so that the factors found themselves "abused, deluded, and delayed from daie to daie, yett not 4z) Barker refused to have him second at Shiraz, preferring the more compliant William Bell, and did "thrust out of doors, threatened his tying at a horse tail if he refused to come hither", i.e., Isfahan, L.R, vol. VI (1 6 1 7) p. Connock, Isfahan, to Surat, 15 May, 1617, (1.O. E/3/S/48°). 43) E/3/6/700 Pettus, Mogustan, to E.I. Co., 30 Nov. 1618. 44) Ibid. ; but, "the merchants of what part soever are generally our enymies and give all the impediment they can dare to our proceedings", Ibid.</p>
<p>192 absolute denied" 45). There was no doubt, according to Pettus, that "This place requires a man of Spirrit, and presence, whoe dares talke to the greatest of them". Pettus admitted that the trade would be less than had been expected by Edward Connock, for "this is a most miserable poore Countrey of money, little Comerce and trade within itselfe, the bannians, the Cheife Marchantes whoe vende Linene of India, of all sorts and prices, which this Countrey cannot bee without, excepte the people should goe naked ... they vende moste of the Linene they bringe to Spahan after a most base pedlinge, and unmarchantlike manner, retaleinge them by the whole, halfe and quarter Coved, carryinge it up and down on their shoulders [in] the Bazar". This was a proceeding which would not have commended itself to the directors of the East India Company and coincided with the opinions of Sir Thomas Roe. There is no doubt that during this period there had been little capital accumulation for two years later the factors commenting on prices wrote that "they alter according to the quanteties are yearely brought in, for the people of these Countreys are not as in other Countreys, for these doe only provide from hand to mouth, even as they have occasions to expend the same". Since merchants were apparently poor and without credit facilities, it was necessary to deal with the Shah otherwise the Company "shall never Receive Bennifitt, nor wee your poore Merchantes Creditt by encouraginge you to follow this trade" 46). Money was short, "the princypall want of this Countrey", and the chief reason was "throughe the warres betwene the Turke and this Kinge, the waies and passigees beinge stopped upp that noe marchant nor caravan can passe to, nor from in Saftie, whereas the Jolphalens were wonte to make there 45) Also "regard of our want of moneys we should be compelled to attend the coming of Lalabeg, the King's Treasurer .... on whom our hopes solely depend for supply and without whom impossible for us to proceede", I.O. E/3/S/GoG, Isfahan Consultation, 2 Feb. 1617/18. 46) Shah 'Abbas exercised control over trade for "all Silkes made throughout his dominions shall be brought into his Treasurie", -1. 0. EJ 3 J7J8 1 j , Factors, Isfahan to E.I. Co., 16 Oct. 1619. _</p>
<p>193 returnes from their silks sould". This in turn hindered the "Bannians 47) in returne of their Linens carryinge of the Silver, and gould out of the country, the former beinge prohibited to bee exported, the latter if taken is soe apprehended, loose all, and suffer death". This too was noticed by Steel and Crowther at Farah where the merchants "at their comming into Persia, they are used with great favour ..... But at their going into India they use all extremitie, searching them to the skinne for gold, which to transport, or any coyne of silver out of Persia, but the King's, is death". The importance of the Levant-routed trade in silks for the supply of ready money to finance the imports of Indian and Southern commodities is here clearly stated and the role of the Armeni- ans in it amply appreciated. The interdependence of both trading areas was obvious. Indeed the projected English trade to Persia seriously threatened Armenian interests at the beginning 48), as Pettus learnt, because "at Aleppo the marchantes are in a hurly burly abought this new intended trade of ours". Indeed Pettus felt, as Roe most certainly believed, that the cessation of hostilities between the Turks and Persians would be prejudicial to the English efforts to settle a trade of which the Turks would not approve49). Even before any sales had been made owing to Lala Beg's indecision Pettus reported "there came a great caffelowe from Aleppo, who brought with them 300 cloths and more and offered them 47) Indian traders, mostly from Gujurat, whose numbers were held in check by Shah cAbbds, but after the Shah's death they increased considerably. They were not only tradcrs but money changers and brokers. 48) See R. W. Ferrier, "The Armenians and the East India Company in Persia, in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Century", Economic History Review, 2nd series, vol. XXVI, no. i, Feb. 1973, pp. 38-62. 49) Rce was "persuaded the Grand Signor will not take it patiently if by our means, that is by English men, he be debarred and frustrated of his wanted customs by the commodities of Persia, and perhaps revenge it upon their goods that are in his dominion", by which the Levant Company would receive "damage and pre- judice", L.R, vol. VI (I6I7) p. 301, Roe, Mandoa, to Sir Paul Pindar, Ambassador at the Porte, zi Aug. 1617. (B.M.Addl. M.S. 61 I 5 f. z07). The Levant Company advised its factors to show "yourselves in opposition ... aledginge none of you there nor your principals have anie hand in it, that is a new begun business by other merchants and not like to take effect", P. R. 0. S.P. ioj : 11 o, 1 9 Nov. 1 6 1 8.</p>
<p>194 at far cheaper rates than we are able to sell" 5°). The rivalry between the English Levant and East India companies was to be a constant factor in the commercial affairs of England throughout the second half of the i 7th century. Pettus wrote that the Persian-Turkish peace concluded in 1618 would have the condition "with this kinge that wee have noe exceptance ... It is not unknowne to the Turke if our trade goes for- ward Alleppo, and those partes are overthrowne, the Silk trade the Supporter thereof ". The Levant trade, in fact, was as important to Turkey as Persia, for Turkish textile manufacturers, particularly at Bursa 51). There was no doubt about the power of the Shah, whether or not he was "beloved of his nobles", for it was absolute in all matters, including trade. For "This Kinge is a Marchant, here cummeth not aney Commo- dities to towne but hee by his 11inisters hath the refusall; any profhtt thereby, the Alarchant shall none of it, Hee knowes his 1Iarchants, for- ceinge his Subiectes to take it againe at his price". It was partly for this reason that Shah "Abbds I in 15 98 insisted on Isfahan "beinge the Cheife Marte Towne and Intended Staple of the Kinge of all marchantes, every day bewtifienge, and enlarginge it with newe and stately Carravanserais, and places of conveyency for 1/Iarchants". It was accepted that chantes muste hazard that will trade", but one fact was "most conse- quentall your Honours knowledge and consideration, If God should call this Kinge it would bee a question whoe should suckceed". Pettus gave the following details on the cost of transportation from Isfahan to Gombroon. Between Isfahan and Lar a load of Ioo mann Tabriz (61 lbs.) was carried for 3 or 4o shahis, and between Lar and Gombroon it was i 5 ass could carry 24 or 34 mann 5o) L.R. vol. V (161 7) p. z88, Pettus, Isfahan, to Robert lvfiddleton, London, 2 June 1617, (1.". 5 i) See H. Inalcik "Bursa and the Commerce of the Levant",,Jorrrnal of the Economic and Social Histoij of the Orient, III, (1960), pp. 1 3 1 -47. 5 2) In weights bcsides the mann Tabriz there was the mann shah for heavier loads of 12 1 lbs. Of coinage, silver, the Shahi was reckoned at 4d and there were 200 to the unit of account, the tuman; the mahmudi equalled 2 shahis, S qazbah, a copper coin made a shahi. For the measurement of length, the covid, generally was an inch more than a yard.</p>
<p>195 Tabriz, a camel almost four times that, and a mule one and a half times. Pettus gave the distance between Isfahan and port as 5 5 0 or 5 6o miles, with a league 3 miles, and reckoned that it could be covered by a camel in 45 days, by an ass in 40 days, by a mule in 36 days and by a horse in 3 o days, with an extra allowance of two or three days rest on the way 53). Tolls were exacted on a load of 100 man Tabriz, whether the goods were gross or fine as follows: So for 62 5 lbs. carried between Isfahan and Gombroon, the cost would be 50-55 5 shahis for animal hire and io2 shahis for tolls (£ 1 . 20d in all). Barker estimated the cost of transporting 5 00 lbs. of silk through Tur- key at 80 dollars, that is for customs 10 dollars at Eneet, and 20 at Aleppo, 2 j dollars for camel hire and 2 dollars more for consulage and miscellaneous charges (k 17 in all at 4s to the dollar). In Persia at this time it would appear, according to Barker that "the Kinge of Persia the better to invite and induce the marchants of all nations to traf?que in his domynions taketh not any manner of custome", whereas not long S 3) On their first arrival the factors paid more than double the rates between Jask and Mogustan, "our goods each two bales, containing 8 cloths, eight days' journey by camel for 3 rials of eight, which after that rate will hence be carried to Siras", L.R, vol. V (1617) p. 38, Connock and Barker, Jask to E.I. Co., Jan. 1616/17, (1.°. E131> 1436). j 4) oh, a road patrol. There were stages at which a road tax, rdhddri, oh, was levied on travellers who were guaranteed protection against loss by theft of their goods from those guarding the area in which they were travelling.</p>
<p>196 before it had been 10 per cent on all goods and continued to be 14% on Hormuz. Apart from their activities as merchants there was the cost of living. Barker remarked on "the extraordinarye dearnesse of the place" 55). "In a household consistinge of S merchants 2 horses wilbe too little for that noe man allmost especiallye of strangers goeth on foote in these Coun- tryes", and so at least two horses would be required costing £ 34 or 3 S a year to keep. A 7 year old brown horse might cost £ 5; a white horse with saddle and bridle was bought for £ 2 S . Fuel was expensive "in this clymate not lesse colde then England" and would amount to or£ 36 a year. There was, moreover, "the necessitie of drinkinge wine especially in the cold season without which it is impossible to live", which even in moderation would come to,,c 2 a year. The wages for the six servants required, a porter, cook, housekeeper, steward, and two attendants, besides their board, would be £ 3 2 a year for the "least in this Countrye hath It ryall per month" (20 shähis). The three English Company servants, Steevenson, Russel and Blundeston were paid20S, 1 j s and i os a month respectively. There is, therefore, contained within the letters of these two mer- chants an interesting, informative and almost unique view of Persian trade as it existed at the time of the arrival of English merchants in Persia, before it could be changed or even influenced by the operations of European trading companies. They reflect the traditional Persian eco- nomic pattern before the freeing of the navigation of the Persian Gulf from Portuguese control after the capture of Hormuz in 1622, which j j ) This continued to be a complaint of the factors in Persia, as in 1 68 z when the Agent expostulated against Company criticism of his alleged extravagance "God knows Mansell-Smith would be glad to serve you barefooted and bare legg'd ... here they al cry out on me, and say I must do this and I must do that, and truly I find a necessity for it in many degrees otherwise as al our business may be spoyl'd and we much more slighted then we are", LO. E/3/4z/482o, Mansell-Smith, Gom- broon, to E.I. Co., 16 May z68z. Roe in his instructions to the Persian factors thought that "a household of five may honestly pass their ordinary charges for 100 sterling per annum, keeping two horses. In travel it shall always be better to buy than hire your horses or wagons, if your servants be careful", L. R. vol. VI (1617) p. I (1,0.</p>
<p>197 greatly benefitted Persian trade and customs. If a comparison is made between the goods listed by Pettus and Barker and those given by Agent Owen Philips in Isfahan in 1721 56), there is much similarity noticeable. Though his account was not exhaustive and only includes items which the English East India Company could themselves import and excludes items of a more limited sale but expensive value such as glass ware, watches, weapons, furs and jewellery, Philips mentioned the following goods as "proper for the Persian markets" and their places of origin. From Europe, Broad cloth, Quicksilver, Iron, Conchineal, Coral, Amber; from Batavia and Ceylon, Sugar, Sugar Candy, Pepper, Tin, Cardamoms, Copper, Lack, Benjamin, Saponwood, Cloves, Nut- megs, Cinnamon, Mace; from the Malabar Coast, Pepper, Ginger, Turmerick, Cardamoms, Sapon Wood, Coyre, Coconuts, Cassia Lig- num, Sandal Wood; from China, Sugar, Chinaware, Silks, Damasks, Palongs, Taffetas, Bandages, Tutaneg, Ivory ; from Coromandel, Chint- zes, Romalls, Bath towels, Allejaes, Salampores and other cloths; from Surat, Turmerick, Ginger, Lack, Bamboo, and cloth piece goods such as, Mulmulls, Sanoes, Chucklas, Shallbaffs, Allejaes, Romals, Cossas, Seersuckers, Soosis, Lingees, Gurrahs, Chintzes and Seerbands; and from Kutch, Cotton, Oil, Baftas, Salloes, Chintzes, Bairams, Rice and Ghee. Thus during the second half of the Safavid period the variety and volume of trade increased with a considerable growth in Asian local sea-borne trade, yet though trade through Russia grew, and the English and Dutch companies competed for larger markets, the established over- land routes were never seriously deflected nor their commodities dis- placed. j 6) LO. f. 3 2-3 3. Philips, Isfahan, to E.I. Co., 1721. Some of the terms for Indian cloth may be corrupt.</p>
<p>198 I. A list of such goods as are oryginally to be had in Persia and are vendible in England 57) Silk i) Ardass 58) (Ardasse) (is three sundry sortes not much differinge in goodnesse sould one with the other worth 200 or z i o shahees 59) the mane) 6°). a) Ardas which is the best sort. b) Ardasett which is the second. c) Connoree 61) which is the 3d and worst sorte which are made in the province of Gorgestan s2) distant from Spahan 63) about 30 (35) dayes journey and is ordinarilye sould one with the other at 220 shahees the maen of shawe 64) in this province hath formerlye beene made about 60000 ditto manes per Anno: but at present in regard of the late warrs in those partes the Countrye is much dyvasted and dispeopled in so much that there is made at present of the said manes onely 3 0000. 2) Guylan 65) (Legee) ss), a) Laheeione s') and Reskeer or Legee Sylks are all made in severall Cittyes beareinge those names in the province of Guylan distant from Spahan about 14 (20) dayes journey with Cammells and is ordinarilye worth 236 shahees S7) The basic text used is that of Barker, I.O. with this supplemented by information, in brackets ( ) from Pettus, I.O. EJ 3 J6J699 ; where it differs it is marked [ ] and where it does not appear in Pettus, / /, S 8) Ardas, It is probable that Ardas is to be identified as Artash in Georgia (now known as Elizabetpol or Ganja) which was described by Anthony Jenkinson as the "chiefest and most opulent in the trade of merchandise, and thereabouts is nourished the most abundant growth of raw silk", Early Travels in Russia and Persia, ed. Delmar Morgan and C. H. Coote, Hakluyt Society, i st series, no. 72 (i 88 S ) vol. i, p. 136. The first consignment of silk, 71 bales, was Ardass and cost "about 65 or 70 abashees the mand of shawe" i.e. 260-28o shahis a man, L.R. vol. V (1 6 1 7) p. 283, Persian factors, Isfahan, to E.I. Co., 2 June 1617, (1.O. Connock hoped to get it for "about 6s.6d the pound of 16 ounces English, free aboard, L. R. vol. VI (1 6 1 7) p. 3 j , Persian factors to E.I. Co., 4 Aug. 1617, (1.O. E/ 3 / S / 1 9). Its importance extended into the 1 8th century. j 9) Shahi. 60) Mann. 61) Cannari, 'si LS. Generally considered inferior by English merchants. 6z) Georgia, that is the area north of the province of Qarabagh and centred on Tiflis, whose independence was threatened by both the Turks and Persians, but which after 1618 nominally gave allegiance to Persia. 63) Isfahan. 64) Mann Shah. 6 j) Gilan. 66) Legee. 67) Lahijan. 68) Resht.</p>
<p>199 per mane (litle differinge in goodnesse sould one with the other at zzo shahees) the quantitie yearely made in this province is manes 8 1 000. 3) Nosondrone (Mosendron) and Ferrabaut '°) Sylke are made in Cittyes beare- ing those names in the Province of Nosondrone distant from Spahan about 14 (1 8) dayes journey by Cammell and is ordinarilye worth zoo shahees per mane .... at present there is onely made manes per Anno s 7000. 4) Corroson Sylke made in a province soe called sytuated on the Confynes of Tartarye and is distant from Spahan about 45 (So) dayes journey with Cammells and is ordinarilye worth 3 5 o shahees (3 j o or 3 6o shahees) per mane, of this sorte of sylke [in regard of yts extraordinary fynenesse] there is little or none trans- ported into any partes of Christendome; but is all wrought in the Persians owne Countrye into Sylke stuffes (and Carpets) or carryed in to India (in quantitie) of this sorte of Silke there is yearely made maens 34000 j ) There is allsoe in divers villadges somme smale quantetyes made viz at Cour- man 72), Tobah 73), Yazde ) and others but theire owne people are sett on worke to make it in to sundrye sortes of sylke stuffes. Hereby it appeareth that all the sylke made in Persia 75) [vendible in Christen- dome] amounteth unto one hundred three score and eight thousand maens shawe whereof as we are crediblye informed one third parte is wrought in Persia (most Corroson) into carpets etc. soe that there remayneth which is yearely exported out of Persia z z z,ooo maens. Galls 76) growe in Courdestann (Gorgestan) 77) a province about z dayes journey from Spahan to be bought whatsoever quantitie shalbe required aboarde all charges borne for zo shillings (z shillings starlinge) the ioo pound haberdepoize (worth at Spahan 4 or 41 shahees man) and are worth in England [when chea- pest] ?4.10 per ioo weight. Wormseedes are brought out of Tartarye by the waye of Corroson and soe unto Spahan where they are to be bought at 14 (or 16) shahees per maen ungarbled (I never saw any soe fowle 3 thereof dust litle used heere, to be had in time in any resonable quantytie). 69) Mazandaran. 70) Farahabad. 71) Khurasan. 72) Klrmin. 73) Tabas. 74) Yazd. 75) Estimates of Persian silk production vary considerably. The estimate here is modest, a total production of some 1,o8z tons of which were exported and 3 con- sumed internally. Twenty years later Olearius believed it to be 1 ,900 tons and Chardin forty years on from that considered it 2,760. See Adam Olearius, Relation der Vojage en Tartarie, et Per.re, trs., A. de Wicquefort (Paris 1679) vol. I, p. 580, Jean Chardin, Vtryages en Perse et atitres liellx de l'Orient (l?msterdam 171 I), vol. 2, P. 89, 76) Galls, an excrescent, like a nut, produced on trees, particularly oaks, by insects, which are used for making ink, and in tanning and dyeing. 77) Kurdistan. 78) A plant having medicinal properties for internal uses.</p>
<p>200 Rubarb (Ruberb) groweth likewise in Tartarye and is thence brought unto Persia by the said waye of Corroson and is heere to be bought for 96 shahees per maen (worth zoo shahees per mane if scarce as now it is 220 shahees, litle quantytie comes to Spahan yet to bee had if desired, It is carried from thence directly for Aleppo). Muske which is allsoe brought out of Tartarye through Corroson unto a cittie called Casbeene 79) a cittye about 8 dayes journey from Spahan worth 20 (24) shahees per mytscall 8°). Muske in Codds to be had likewise at Casbeene in any desyred quantetye ... and is sould for 8 (i 2) shahees the mytscall (6 mitsegalls make one English ounce). Carpetts (Carpets) are made in divers partes of this kingdome but the best and greatest quantety is made in the province of Corroson 45 dayes journey from Spahan where they make them eyther of wooll or sylke, or both and are to be bought at indifl'erent rates accordinge to theire goodnesse length (other sortes are made in sondry places nerer Spahan to bee had in any desired quantetie and reson- able) 81). Velvetts made at Yazde io (12) dayes journey from Spahan and at Cashan 3 (6) dayes journey from Spahan of all Coullours and pryces and are sould accordinge to theire goodnesse from izo to 1 60 shahees the peece of 63 yards longe (neare a Peame 83) velvet of Christendome, trash to it in goodnesse: the ordinary sortes sould for 8, 9 or io peeces of gould, every peece of gould zo shahees of Persia. Maie it please you to understand all Silke stuffes are made about one length betwene 5, 6 and 6 2 covids beinge fitt pattorne for upper betles 84). If desired they can make them of what length wee will). (Sugered 85) veluits with gould and maleeks 86) of silke and gould is heere to bee had price as in goodnesse, bredth and length as before; by reason of the greate worke I suppose not vendable in England, small workes on any gould or silke stuffes at my beeinge there were most requested). 79) Qazvin. 80) Misqal. 81) Some indications of prices can be gauged from the following; In 1621 I a pair of carpets were laden aboard The London at Jask, costing 4,000 shahis, B.M.Egerton Mss, 2I23, f 14. In 1624 "one payre verrie fine and lardge carpets of Kirman" were bought in Isfahan for 40 tumans and were expected to fetch 60 in India, I.O. E/3/IO/ 1178, Barker, Gombroon to Bangham, Agra, 12 Feb. 1624/5; and i carpets were bought partly for morse teeth and partly for money at 30 shahis the covid, ibid. 8z) Kashan. 83) This is of doubtful derivation and probably corrupt. It might be Jeane, i.e. Genoa. This does not refer to Italian articles in Persia or India, though some kinds were known there from Venetian trading and were noticed by Vasco da Gama on his arrival in Calicut in 1498. 84) This appears to be hangings of some kind, perhaps from a secondary meaning of beetle, as in beetle-browed. 8 j ) This is of uncertain derivation, perhaps meaning sized on the back or corrupt for "figured". 86) These might be mixtures or tissues with silk and gold brocading, probably with large patterns which were unfashionable in England then.</p>
<p>201 Sattins (Sattanies) made like wise in greate quanteties in the two aforesaid places the pryce accordinge to the ytts goodnesse (the ordinary sorte for 40 : jo: 60 : 70 shahees the peece some of them comes neare in goodnesse to ane ordinary Lukes 87), but trash to a Peame or a Florence 88) of Christendon, bredth off length S 2 or 6 covids; other plaine and sugered stuffes of silke is to bee brought heere in any desired quantety, sum proffitt they may yield in India and England but a some farre shorte of other Commodities). Damaskes alsoe made in greate quantities in the two aforesaid citties and are to be bought according to theire goodnesse (of all Colors and prices sould as in good- nesse leangth about 5! or 6 Covids not comparable to those of Christen dome bredth i of a Covid). Taffitaes (Taffities) made there in greate quanteties conteyning in length yards per peece breadth 4 of a yarde lesse z inches whereof those that are made at Yazde are worth 48 shahees per peece; besides these heere are made sundrye other sortes of silk stuffes (beinge as good in my oppinion as any Lustre 89) taffeties of Christendome only they are sumwhat more watered 9°), of light and pleasinge colors, leangth about 5 ? and 6 covids, breath z6 inches of a yard, they have not the arte to make changeable worth 40 : 44 : 46 and 48 shahees per peece, none in grayne 91), crimsone and Carnatione excelent good colors to see to). Clothe of gould and cloth of silver made in Spahan, Cashan, Corroson and other partes worth accordinge to yts goodnesse from 200 shahees to 2000 shahees per peece of 7 yardes (plaine not to bee had but wrought in Silke variety). Bezoar 92) stones the best are found in these partes in a province called Corramuan which is under the government of Emon-Colique Chan 93) and not farr from our porte of Jasques 94), the king hath prohibited theire sale except unto himself yet divers of those beasts are secretely killed and the stones sould [though not publiquely] accordinge to theire greatnesse and goodnesse. 87) A low quality satin associated with Lucca. 8 8) A satin of good quality. In the 1 8th century one must be careful not to confuse Florentine which was a quality of satin and Florence which was a taffeta. 89) Probably lustred, that is, when the warp was stretched before wearing, the material heated and treated after weaving to produce a light shiny silk. It was doubt- less an earlier form of the lustrings of the late 1 7th century, when in 1692 the Royal Lustring Company was formed to work a patent granted by James II. 90) That is moire, with a wavy pattern produced by passing the taffeta through engraved rollers. 91) "To make changeable", that is, shot silks, and "in grayne", a fast scarlet dye in the wool before making up into cloth. 92) A medicinal preparation, an antidote to poison, from a stone in the stomach or intestine of a goat or another such animal, around which a fluid is secreted which hardens. 93) Imam Quli Khan, son of Allah Verdi Khan, and Governor of the southern provinces with his capital at Shiraz. 94) Jask the first port. After two years Kuhistak was used and then after the cap- ture of Portuguese controlled island of Hormuz in 1622, a factory was set up at Gombroon, renamed Bander 'Abbas, which succeeded to the position and facilities of the island.</p>
<p>202 Turkises 95) of those stones there is a rocke in Corroson which is the proper goods of the kinge who selleth the same unwrought and with its earth by the maen of shawe accordinge to yts appearinge goodnesse whereby there is many tymes much gayned if it prove well but seldome or never losse (those who understand them make greate gains thereof). Civet viz. cyvett of Mocca 96) worth 2 shahees per mitscall but this we suppose maye be had better cheape at Suratt, cyvett of Lahoare worth 10 (12) shahees per mytscall. Opium 9') we are informed that the opium growing in these partes is better than that of Indya/not mentioned amongst goods for England/. Fruites viz, Pistaches, prunelles 98) worth about zd per pound haberdepoize which pound is sould in England for 3 s 6d, besydes almonds, reasons and dates to be had heere in great quantetyes and delivered at the porte for id per pounde English /not mentioned amongst goods for England/. II. Persian Goods for India Rooah 99) (Ruar Ruenas) is a roote groweinge (most) in Ardoueele loo) about zo dayes journey from Spahan (to be had at Spahan in abundance) worth io shahees per maen beinge vendible in Indya (espetially for Sindie) to great proffitt and in great quantetyes used there in dyeinge of theire callicoes etc. it is daylie carryed hence into those partes by waye of Qandahar at exceedinge great chardges (it serveth for dyinge crimsone and redde, false colors and to painted pintadoes). Zulpher iol) or brimstone whereof there is mynes in Laur io2) which is about 16 (18 8 daies jorney from Jasquie) dayes journey from our Porte; it is a comoditye pro- hibited by the kinge to be exported out of his domynyons but our hope to Turquoises, which came from the mines near Nishapur and were a royal monopoly. 96) The port in Yemen. 97) Opium taking was very prevalent in Persia. Naqd 'Ali Beg, Persian ambassador to England died in 1628 of a surfeit of it "is of great use and vertue with them taken moderately, they are always chawing it, 'tis good against vapours, cowardize and the falling sicknesse; it makes them strong and long in Venus exercises, the footmen use it too as a preserver of strength", T. Herbert, A Relation of Sorrie Yeares Travaille, Begunne Anno 1626 Into Afrique and the greater Asia, especially the Territories of the Persian Monarchie, ( 1 6 3 4) pp. 15 0-1. 98) Probably dried yellow plums or apricots, see appendix to Qasim b. Yusuf Haravi, Irshid al-zirä'a, ed. M.d Mushiri, (Tehran, A.H.S.13 q.6), Prunus Domestica and Prunus Ar?nenica; I am grateful to Professor A. K. S. Lambton for this reference and her interest in the preparation of this article. 99) Runas, -,L;,, madder, a red dye, a commodity much in request in India. In r6z4, 4,8784 mann shah were despatched costing 9 shahis a mann, I.O. Isfahan factors to E.I. Co., 30 May 1624. ioo) Ardabil. 101) Sulphur, 102) Lar.</p>
<p>203 obteyine his lycence moueth us here to incert the same beinge informed that it yeildeth 4 or 5 for one proffitt by yts transport into Indya of this .... Silke of Corroson in this comoditye the Lahoare marchants (carried from hence by the bannyans by waie of Lahore and by Ormoze for Sindie) have usually made theire retournes for Indya overland but at present they fynde soe little proffitt therein that they had rather carrye the proceede of theire sould goods in ready money, then invest it in that comoditie, the reason is for yt at present they make a great parte of theire retournes in sylke stuffes. (if it will sell although to lose 5 or io per cent, the returne and proceed thereof in sondry desired by us Commoditie of Surrat and India will make two for one prof?tt and put them of Surrat in to moneye the better for our supplie in goods, and will give the lesse hindrance to the furnishinge of other the Sotherne ffactorye) whereas formerly they carryed sylke and had it wrought into stuffes at Lahoare, yet we hope a smale quantetye of this sylke maye vend there at noe improffitable rates .... Damasks, Carpetts, Velvetts, Taffeties, Sattins, Cloth of gould and sondrye other sylke stuffes carryed in great quantetyes for Indya theire prizes heere as is before specified. Pearles ffyshed at Bahreene a Porte in the Persian Gulphe (which the Portingall inioyed a longe time) about 2o dayes journey from Spahan (10 dayes from Sirash) these are better and more oryent generally then the Pearles of any other partes the kinge hath prohibited the carryinge of any into the Mogolls Countrye especially such as are of any greate value for those he layeth upp in his owne treasurye, there is many tymes greate gaynes by the transporte of these into Indya and sellinge them to the great Mogoll, (beinge able to give the best price). Almonds, Raysons, Dates, Pistaches, Prunelloes the pryces of these is before incerted and are sould in Indya for 4 tymes that value in good quantityes /not in Pettus/ Wallnuts pryce 3 shahees the iooo /not in Pettus/ Rosewater worth 6 shahees per maen which is little lesse then gallon these we have not advized of as deemeing them comodityes worthie to be named in respect of that great stocke required to the driveinge of this greate trade whereto they will yet add some increase in regarde of the exceedinge assured greate proffitt they will produce /not in Pettus/ . III. Goods from India vendible in Persia (Commodities of the South and other parts of the Indies) Steele in gadds ios) ys good and of such a biggnesse that each gadd shall weigh about 7 pound haberdepoize will yeilde heer 4 or 5 for one proffitt by ytts transporte out of the Indies hither; of these they make swordes where force ys of lesse weight they serve not for that purpose neither will yeild such a pryce, besydes the gadd that weigheth 7 pound payeth noe more customes at Surratt than that that weigheth z pound or lesse but if there cannot be procured a quantetye of the greater sortes to the value of one thousand ryalls of eight which we are 103) Hormuz. 104) Bahrein, the principal arc a for pearl fishing was off the island. 105) Shïräz. io6) Bar of metal.</p>
<p>204 assured will speedilye vend, at the rates certifyed, then it will please your lord- shipp to order the sendinge of the halfe of that value in smale gadds which will heere double yts pryce; the reason of yts exceedinge dearnesse in these partes is in regard of the Portingalls prohibition who permitted none to passe by the waye of Ormuz; there cometh into these partes and as we are informed overland out of the Indies a sorte of steele made in a flatt ovall forme which is heere in best esteeme /not in Pettus/ Ginger viz. ginger dryed to be bought at Surratt Cambay etc. for one dollar (13 shahees) that maen which said maen is worth heere at present r dollars (32 and 34 shahees) but the ordynarye pryce is not soe much; of this it maye please your lordshipp take especiall notice for that besydes the greate proffitt it yeildeth it will sell heere in reasonable good quantetyes (io tonnes may vend yearely) onely we desyre for the fyrst yeare about 5 tonnes. Sugar viz. powder sugar of Surratt and the partes adiacent worth heere 22 shahees per maen (powder of Lahore worth zi or 2a shahees the mane, powder of Surratt 19 and 2o shahees) of this 300 tonns will yearlye vende in these partes the loafe sugar of Surratt bringeth not forth the like gayne for that they are forced to refyne it againe heere, there is a sorte of sugar made about Agra which they bring either overland at greate chardge and yet sell to good profbtt. Ginger, Myrabolyns ios), Beeles llo) and all other sortes of conserves are heere vended to good proffitt though in noe great quanteties of all these about 450 maens whereof 3 ginger may serve for the fyrst yeare to be put into dubbass 111) or jarrs made of skins which are sould with the conserves without allowinge any tare for the same (Ginger of Lahore in Conserves worth 3 z or 34 shahees per mane that of Surratt worth z8 or 30 shahees. Mirablins longe in conserve worth So shahees per mane these and other frutes conserved there are in India will sell sum 400 manes) Callycoes white of such sortes as maye cost in the Indyes from 50 to 60 mahmudi per cordge (of Surrat or Brambort ii2) which may cost betweene 3 or 4 mamodoe - 107) Surat, principal port of Gujurat in north-west India and where the English in i 6 i and Dutch in i 62o had established factories. The price given for dried ginger seems high, as it previously was about a quarter, "worth full 4 rials of eight, seldom or never sold at less", L.R. vol. V (1 61 7) p. z 34, Connock, Isfahan to Surat factors, S May i 6 i 7, (1.O. 108) Earlier it was anticipated that 300 tons would sell yearly at z6 shahis the mann shah, L.R. vol. V (1 61 7) p. 234, (loc. cit.). i o9) Myrobalan. An astringent plum-like fruit from the tree, Phyllanthus Emblica, of medical properties imported from India, which was also extensively used in the dyeing of cotton paintings and the tanning and galling of cloth. i i o) L. The Bael tree and fruit, Aegle Marmelo.r. The fruit was used in pickles and preserves and as a medicine. i i i ) Dubba, used also for holding mast, yoghourt, or butter. II2) Burhanpur, in Khandesh, west of Surat, a very important centre of fine cotton paintings from the i 6th century and throughout the 1 7th century, had already been noted by Ralph Fitch who wrote in r 6o S , "Pintadoes of all sorts, especially the finest .... are brought from a place called Brampore". For this information and</p>
<p>205 will yeald heere 1 3 : 1 4 and 16 shahees) of these it may please your lordshipp to order the sendinge of such a quantetye as can be well compassed which will yeild [yf not deare bought] 70 per cent proffltt (heer 4 or S o per cent for certaine) besydes these generallye all Indyan cloth is heere vendible at noe un- proffitable rates wherefore it wilbe expedyent to send musters of all sortes viz. canekeens l3), /not in Pettus/ trycanees 114), /not in Pettus/ and dutties ii5), /not in Pettus/ all white for that the coulloured cloth of Indya is not heere soe vendible. Shashes lls) of which Indya yeildeth dyvers sortes the stryped are onely requested in these countryes especially those which are made at a towne called Maldo 117) neare unto Agra which being sorted from 5 to 34 shahees per peece will sell heere to good benefitt beinge most of the hyhest pryced sortes shashes of Patan and heere worth from 200 shashes to 2000 shahees per peece of these as allsoe of all other sortes of shashes made in those partes we shall by your lordshipps dyrection expect to have musters sent per the next fleete whereof allsoe some smale quanteties of white of severall pryces beinge in length 22 or 23 yeards. (white about 20 : 22 or 24 yardes very fine are acceptable for presents) Cheetes or Pintadoes ils) are heere much used in the lyneinge of coats and in more on the Indian textiles I am indebted to three articles by John Irwin, "Indian Textile Trade in the Seventeenth Century", The Journal of Indian Textile History, No. 1, I9j j , pp. -3 3, No. z, I 9j 6, pp. 24-42, No. 3, I9 j 7, pp. 9-74, (John Irwin and Margaret Hall, Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, vol. I Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum (Ahmedabad 1970) and John Irwin and Katharine B. Brett, Origins of Chintz (1 970)). I am also indebted to Miss Nathalie Rothstein, Mrs. Pauline Johnstone and Mr. Robert Skelton of the Victoria and Albert Museum for help on textile terms. I I3) Cannikens, a cheap coarse short calico, dyed blue or black and mostly coming from Broach and Nosari, modern Narsari. 114) This is of uncertain derivation and meaning, but one might hazard a connec- tion with Trichinopoly, one of the places of cotton painting and printing in South India. 115) A strong coarse calico, woven at Dholka, used mainly for sails and packing material. 116) A general term for muslin cloths, usually white, and often woven in the Deccan, turbans and kammerbands. White narrow baftas sold 2-4 mahmudis a piece. Other baftas imported were "chawders striped, being vests for women", and Allejaes a striped silky cloth, I,.R. vol. V (i 6 i 7) p. 63, Connock and Barker, Jask to Surat, 19 Jan. 1616/17, (1.O. E/2/4/437). I T 7) This is possibly Malda in Bengal, which, although a long way from Agra, was an important textile production centre exporting silk goods. I I8) Apart from Burhanpur, the other two most notable textile centies in the Mughal Empire at this time were Agra, also mentioned in the text, and Sironj. The word "chintz", derived from ebitta, "spotted cloth", early used in the Gujurat, Khandesh and Rajasthan regions of Western India, appeared at first in the trading records as "chint" (singular) and "chintes", (plural), and later as "chintz". The terms originally applied to painted and printed cotton for clothing, but was extended in the later '7th century to include furnishing fabrics. Its particularity was that it</p>
<p>206 makeinge of bedds and quilts those of Brampoore and Agra best esteemed of these as allsoe of Amadavand (those here sould most comes from Lahore and Agra) designated a method of dyeing the cotton by a process known as mordant - and resist dyeing which gave a brilliance and fastness to the colours, quite surpassing contemporary European skills. In this connection it may be recalled that in 1380 it was suggested that a dyer, Morgan Hubblethorne should be despatched to Persia. Al- so in 1618 Pietro della Valle was describing the ravishing colours of the clothes being worn by the Persians as "e sempe di tela colorata, di un color solo, stravagante e lustro" and "si osserna ben con rigore, che tutte le cose, che si portano addosso, siano differenti di colore una dall'altra, al cantrario de concerti nostri. Enon si amano malto colori ordinarij, come il turchino, il verde, e simile: ma strauaganti, come d'Acqua di Mare, die Bronzo, di Camozza, di feccia, di Ulina e cosi fatti", Pietro della Valle, hiaggi (Rome 165 8) vol. 2, pp. i j 6, 1 j 7. Persians, whose own textile skills including dyeing were considerable, appreciated the brightly coloured cloths from India. A small part of Indian product was of quality cloth, requiring, according to Taver- nier, a lengthy and complicated process depending on the elaboration of the design and the colour patterns which were executed by "painting" with a "brush" or "pen". For a detailed explanation of the work and techniques involved, see J. Irwin and M. Brett, The Orie? ns of Chintz (I 97 I ) pp. 7-12. The chear - productions manufactured from hand print blocks, particularly at Lahore, accorcung to Tavernier, "serve for coverlets for Beds, for Sofas or T?ble Cloaths after the countrey-fashion, Pillow bears, Handkerchiefs, but more especially for Wast coats as well for men as women in Persia", J. B. Tavernier, Travels in India, (1684), p. 127. Indian textiles had been a traditional Persian import for centuries, carried overland into Khurasan or by sea to Hormuz. In the i Gth and early 17th centuries they were coming from the Mughal Empire, Sind, the Deccan and Gol- conda whilst Persian expertise and artistry was a major influence on the Indian industry. Della Valle stated that Shah 'Abbas tried to reduce his imports of Indian textiles by encouraging the growth of cotton in Persia and increasing Persian silk exports "accioche la seta non si consumi tanto ne'suoi paesi, ma esca quasi tutta surri, e venga per ciu in Persia maggior quantita di moneta. Le tele poi, di che si fanno le vesti, son tutte, nondi lino (che non ce ne e qui) ma di bambagio; di che anco si fanno tutti i panni, che noi chiamiamo Biancherie, colorati essi ancora, e finissimi, pui sons lavori d'India", op, p. This contemporary attempt at import sub- stitution was unsuccessful. I I9) Pintados, now accepted from the Portuguese, pinta, "a spot, fleck", not Portuguese, pintar, "to paint", at this time applied to the cheaper sort of block printed cottons. Sales of such pintados are recorded in London as early as 1813, when they were well received. They were frequently used as coverings for quilts, often of great artistic merit, and as such were noticed by Edward Terry, chaplain to Sir Thomas Roe, "excellent quilts of stayned cloth, or of fresh coloured Taffeta lined with their Pintadores", Edward Terry, A Vcryage to East Indies, (I 6 j j ), p. 1 34. Such coverlets were also known as palampores, which term also included hangings and bed coverings. In Western India the chief centres were Sironj and Burhanpur. They were also produced in Golconda. I20) Ahmedabad.</p>
<p>207 Cassia. fistula i21) hereof may yearely sell about 160 maens (ioo maens or I jo) it is bought there at such cheape rates (at Surrat it is cheape) that by yts transporte hither we are confydent there is gayned at least 3 for one (4 for one profht) Aloes Zocotryna 122) (Sucatrina) yf the fleete bound for Surratt shall have touched at that Island and happelye have a greater quantetye then England will vend, we are assured that I j o maens will sell here at i oo shahees per maen (will yeald i j o shahees per mane 200 manes will vende heere certainely) Saffron 123) called by the Portingalls Zaffrron de terra and by the Persians zuird cheiub 124), it groweth nere Dobull 125) in the forme of ginger whence it is to be bought for shahees per maen and is heere sould for io shahees per ditto maen there maye yearely sell in these partes about i o,ooo maens ... (worth 6 cosbeggs the mitsegall) Cardemoone 126) (Cardimonyum) which is brought to Surratt from Cananour a porte on the Indyan coast which lyeth about 90 leagues to the southward of Goa this will vend yearely about 2000 maens (i j oo manse yearely) at S shahees per maen (worth 54 and 5 6 shahees the mane shawh) Neshador 12') is a comoditie used heere in skymminge of theire vessells to be had [as we are informyed] in Surratt about 3000 maens maye yearely vend at 20 shahees per maen /not in Pettus/ Gumlack 128) of that sorte which is used in dyinge worth heere 64 shahees per maen (worth 65 or 70 shahees per maen) and may vend about Sooo maens per annum ....... the gumlacke which is used in these partes is brought from Pegoo 129) and Balagatt 130). Indycoe 131) Byana worth heere 38 (36) shahees per maen I2I) The pods of the Pudding Pipe tree used medicinally as a purgative. 122) Bitter juice was extracted from the aloes of the island of Socotra off the coast of Southern Arabia and used as a purgative. I23) the dried orange-red-yellowly stamens of the Crocus Sati?)ies used for flavouring and colouring in cooking and as a dyestuff. 124) Pettus is wrong here for is turmeric, a bright yellow powder also used for colouring and flavouring in cooking, a condiment coming from the root of the plant Curcuma Longa. From the rhizomes a bright yellow was obtained. Dabul, port of Sind, at the estuary of the Indus. 1 26) Cardamoms, §m, a black-husked seed-like spice with medicinal properties. 127) Salarmoniac,.J,) ? a hard crystaline salt. 1 28) Gum-lac, a dark red resinous incrustration found on certain trees formed by the action of an insect, Coccus Lacca, and used as a scarlet dye. 129) Pegu, principal port of Siam. For mercantile connections between Persia and Siam later in the '7th century see John O'Kane trs. ed. The Ship of Sulaimin (1 972). i3o) This probably refers to Balaghat in Madhya Pradesh (formerly Cen- tral Provinces), which was in the centre of the lac producing area. 131) For a near contemporary description of indigo, see Tavernier, Travels in India- pp. 1 28-9. A more recent comprehensive account is in Sir George Watt, The Commer, cial Products of India, (igo8) pp. 664-9. Sarques, i.e. Sarkhej.</p>
<p>208 Indycoe Sarques worth 24 (22) shahees per maen of these ioo churles 132) maye vend per annum: viz. 60 of the Byana Indycoe and 40 of the Sarques (of these 80 churles) we are assured that this com.oditye will yeild more profhtt in England yet for the increase of our stocke in these partes it will be requisite to send this smale quantetye yearely. Copper 133) worth heere 40 shahees per maen of this comoditye there is much spent in these partes makeing heereof all theire vessells to boyle, eate, and drinke in, and beinge a comoditie prohibited by the Portingalls to be brought by the waye of Ormuz; besydes that which cometh from Aleppo we are informed it is brought overland from Indya at exceedinge great charge; that which is beaten into plates is heere most requested and yeilds 4 shahees per maen more then the bricke copper (in plates worth 40 or 44 shahees much spent, ...... coper brick worth 34 or 36 shahees not soe good as that in plates) Iron worth 7 shahees per maen whereof there is mynes in this countrye at Guyland and Amadamy 134) /not in Pettus/ Camphir cometh out of India overland and is worth heere 240 (230) shahees per maen it is spent heere in greate quantetyes being used about the interringe theire dead .... we are assured there wilbe exceedinge greate benefitt. Sugar candye to be had in Surratt is worth heere 3 3 shahees per maen whereof maye vend in these partes 4000 maens per annum /not in Pettus/ Opium groweth in these partes in greate abundance yet is worth 1 80 shahees per maen but we suppose it is much better then that of Indya which is worth there 45 roopees the maen of 40. Tamerinde 135) (Tamrin) worth 7 shahees per maen (to be had at Surrat worth 6 or 8 shahees per mane) hecre of maye vend yearely about 2000 (iooo) maens to be packed in Jarrs made of skins which will likewise sell heere to good profhtt. Cowha 136) worth heere 24 (z 5 and 26) shahees per maen which is brought from Mocca into the Indies and from thence transported into these partes (used to bee drunke heere as tobacco in England for idlenesse, it is to be had at Mecca) Dutties (to bee had at Surrat) yf we shall contract with the kinge for his silkes we shall spend about 300 cordge of 20 peeces per cordge and 171 Surratt covids per _ -- 1 3 2) The etymology is obscure but it has been suggested that a churl approximates to a fardle, bundle or load, which could be carried by a labourer; churl, O.E. ceorl. Watt gives a churl of Biana indigo to be 6 mans, op. cit. p. 66 j . 133) There was some production of copper around Kirman. The great eastern centre for copper was Japan and the Dutch imported considerable quantities from there after they began trading in Persia. 134) Hamadan. 1 3 j) This is the pod of the tree, Tamarindus Indica, whose acid pulp was used for various purposes, including medicinal. 136) Coffee, +i, according to Herbert, "that liquor which most delights them in coffa or w-ho, a drinke brewed out of the Stygian Lake, blacke, thicke and bitter; distrained from Berries of that quality, though thought good and very wholesome, they say it expels melancholy, purges choler, begets mirth and an excellent concoc- tion", A Relation of sonre Yeares Travaile, p. t S o.</p>
<p>209 peece per annum (parte of them to bee died blew to pack next the silke) what we shall not use in packinge up of the sylkes will sell heere to good profhtt. Gunnies 137) for pepper and spice baggs heereof when this trade shall be brought to perfection (3 or 400 cordge) greate quantetyes wilbe required, in the meane tyme to send onely 5 or 600 cordge .... all sortes of cloth for this purpose are heere very deare .... (and brought out of India) Papier (Paper) of Amadavand is heere sould accordinge to yts goodnesse and lardge- nesse from 6 (5) shahees to 12 the quire containing 20 sheetes, whereof iooo (800) quyer of the ordinary and 5 00 (400) quyer of the fynest sortes will sell yearely, that of coullours not of such use whereoff onely 20 or 30 quyer. Cordes and Cotton Wooll to bynde and packe up the bales of sylke are heere ex- ceedinge deare viz: cordes at 24 (22) shahees per maen and cotton wooll at I I shahees per maen (10 and II) .... have it sent from the Indies where it is much cheaper 138). The Particulars of Southern Comoditie.r vendible in Persia Pepper worth heere ordynaryly from 30 to 36 shahees per maen (at present 30 shahees ..... usually it is worth 34 and 36 shahees) and when scarce 40 shahees hereof maye vend yearely iooo tonns or more per annum (the Spannish ambassador 139) brought much under color of a present, but offers it to sell there is a secret Commande Nobodie shall by it, the kinge intendes to take it uppon an ould accompt betwene him and the Kinge of Spaine, for silke they cosened him of long since) 140) Cloves worth 200 (go or ? 5 ) shahees per maen whereof of noe greate quantety is spent onely about 3000 maens per annum (sum io tonne may vend yearely) Mace worth 50 shahees per maen (litle spent) Nutmeggs worth o shahees per maen (at present beeinge very scarce worth o or 5 5 shahees per man, a small quantety serveth) Synamon 141) worth 20 shahees per maen (little used); these 3 last named comodities in regard of the base price they yeild in these partes will produce smale proffitt 137) A strong coarse calico used for sacking and baling, mainly woven in the Rajpur and Karwar areas, north and south of Goa respectively, and Broach. 138) Indian commodities mentioned in earlier letters but not mentioned by Pettus and Barker were: rice, 10 tons saleable and soap 3 tons, L.R, vol. V p. 234. (loc. cit.). 1 3 9) Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa, ambassador from Philip III to Shah 'Abbds. 140) In December r6o8 Shah cabbds dispatched an embassy to Spain comprising the Augustinian friar, Antonio Gouvea, Khwaja Rajabo and Denghis Beg Rumlu, described as an ambassador, but who had previously appeared in Venice as a trader. It reached Madrid in February 1611, where Denghis Beg repudiated Sir Robert Sherley at the Spanish Court and embezzled the Shah's silk consignment. Shah cabbas was furious, executed Denghis Beg on his return and for years tried to recover his losses. Iskandar Beg describes Denghis Beg as and accuses him of opening the Shah's letters, wearing black in mourning at the Spanish Court, selling papal letters and ill-treating the members of the mission, :Alam- ardyi Abbisi (Tehran 1 3 34fI9j 6) vol. 2, pp. 8 62-3 I4I) Cinnamon, came from Ceylon.</p>
<p>210 and will not be worth theire bringinge hither except the kinge in our contract with him shall force us to furnish his countrye with a certaine yearely quantetye. Chyna 142) dishes and all sortes of China ware are heere both in greate esteeme and use which beinge sorted of all sizes, pryces and fashions there will vend heere at least 100 tonns per annum and the proffitt whereoff wilbe 4t or S for one /not in Pettus/ Tynn viz. Tynne of Malacca worth 56 shahees per maen here of maye vend ooo maens per annum besydes that which is brought out of England by the waye of Aleppo /not in Pettus/ Sandale 143) - white worth Ioo shahees per maen /not in Pettus/ Sandale - red worth 16 shahees per maen /not in Pettus/ Loggwood 144) called in the Persian languadge Buccum 145) a greate quantetye heerof is used in dyinge, this comoditie is originally to be had at Pegoo on the coaste of Bengala or at Cuchin 146) on the Indyan coast, that of Pegoo is the best and is worth heere 3 2 shahees per maen the other 20 shahees of each may vend about 5 00o maens per annum. /not in Pettus/ Camphir besydes that which is brought from Indya formerly advized of there is another sorte which is brought from China used heere onely in medecines and is worth 320 shahees per maen /not in Pettus/ Gynger viz. gynger of China conserved worth 5 8 shahees (80 or 8 j ) per maen. Rootes of China 14') worth 80 shahees per maen /not in Pettus/ The Particular,r of English Comoditiei vendible in Persia Clothe viz. broade cloth 148) sorted from £10 to ?i2.ios per clothe and not above except some fewe stammells 149) and vyoletts intermixed the better to vend the 142) China ware was always highly esteemed in Persia and recent discoveries at the ancient port of Siraf have produced Chinese porcelain and celadon of the 9th century A.D. Miniatures often depict Chinese vases, plates and bottles. 143) White sandalwood obtained from Santalum Album, resembling a myrtle, mostly from Malabar. The red dye wood species is Pterocarpus Santalinus. 144) A red dye obtained from the tree, Haematoxylon Campechianum : a dyestuff in widespread use. z4S) Sappan wood, Caesalpina Sappan, a red dye, also known as Brasil wood. The tree was indigenous to Malabar, the Deccan, Malay and Siam. 146) Cochin, at this time still under Portuguese control, for Vasco da Gama founded a factory there in 1302 and Abuquerque built a fort the following year, an important trading port from early times. 147) China roots, an aphrodysiac. 148) Broad cloth was the main English textile export in the 16th and 1 7th centuries, a thick woven heavy cloth about a yard and a quarter wide and about 50 yards long, but varying greatly in quality and cost. In the first decade about 100,000 cloths were exported annually of which some 6,00o went to the Levant. On English cloth in the Levant trade, see A. C. Wood, A History of the Levant Company (Oxford, 1 9 3 j ) and R. Davis, Aleppo and Devonshire Hozrse : English Traders in the Levant in the r8tb Century (1967). The first cloths sold by the Persian factors fetched 44 shahis a yard from some Banian merchants at Shiraz at 3 months, but Lala Beg would not offer more than 36 shahis, which later became the usual price. 1 49) A fine woolen cloth dyed red.</p>
<p>211 rest; the coullours most requested are as follows: blush coullours gallants 150) pyncks Coullours horssflesh skye Coullours pearle coullours ashe coullour brimstone coullour popiniaye 151) vyoletts in grayne watchetts 152) stamells redds and sadd primrose Coullours; these that followe will likewise vend heere but not in soe great quantetyes as the former viz. deweye coullour servyce coullour hayre coullour grasse green sea greene saidge coullour leam coullour strawe coullour and yellowes, beinge thus sorted we are confydent they will yeild the Companies requyired pryce (which is 80 Ryalls of Eight per cloth) and more for the quantetye which maye be yearely vented we can but uncertaynelye advize thereof untill we have treated with the kinge with whome we can make no con- tract except he wilbe induced to take at least 2500 clothes per annum 153) (of light and pleasinge colors as pease color pinke horseflesh greenes, strawe peach yel- lowes violet and and the like which maie cost not above £io, £m or £1 2 the cloth may yeald 34 or 36 shahees the coved; stammels sum 5 in a hunderd to force them heere will vend sum 600 or 1o0o per yeare) Kersies 154) viz. northerne kersies beinge of light coullours as before expressed we doubt not but will vent at the Companies pryce the quantetye accordinge to contract wherein the Company must be advized that there be a pryncypall and especyall care taken that they be well scowered out of theire oyle which other- wise in theire transport hither through the hott climates will spott or else soe blemish theire coullours that they wilbe lyttle worth (Dozens of 14 yardes if you please you may have them made into whole clothes of 32 yardes bespekeinge them those of 14 yardes which may cost ;E4 beinge lyght colores and well scowered 155) for most of that country cloth is sapy will sell heere as well as a cloth of £10 or and sum quantety may vende) Kersies (Hamshire not in request blewe espetially) viz. blewe kersies which the Company requireth to have sould at z5 ryalls of Eight per peece they are all togeather unvendable in Persia, and are spent [as is formerly touched] onely in the Turkes domynions ... Bayes 15') of all sortes and pryces but none very fyne to advise the Company to send a smale quantetye for tryall which we doubte not in this cold clymates will in tyme vend both in quantety and to good profhtt /not in Pettus/ Kersies viz. Devonshire Kersies containing 12 yeards per peece of such sortes as maye coste from 40 to 50 shillings each and couloured as above specifyed will 15 o) Fashionably bright. Parrot green. 15 z) Light blue. I j 3) It was not thought, however, that more than i,ooo broadcloths could be sold annually at this time. I S 4) The kersey was a narrow, 27 ins, cheap coarse woolen cloth with the pattern of the weave visible, mostly woven in Devonshire and Yorkshire. An earlier estimate gave potential sales as "i,ooo coloured kerseys of all fresh colours, i,ooo Devonshire kerseys", L.R, vol. V (1617) p. 2 8 i . Persian factors, Isfahan 2 June 1617, (1.O. i j j ) With the grease and the dirt removed from the wool. 15 6) Having the soft feel of soap. 15 7) A coarse woolen cloth with a long nap.</p>
<p>212 yeilde heere about C4. 10S or £4. i s each peece the quantetye as we shall contract with the kinge. Tynne 158) in barres worth 48 (48 or 5 o) shahees per maen which somewhat exceedeth the Companies pryce; this countrye spends yearely about tenn thousand maens or more (40 or S o tunns per annum will vende) ..... the difference of pryce betwixt our English tynn and that of Malacca formerly advized of proceedeth not from any difference in goodnesse but onely in the forme soe that if the Company shalbe pleased to cause our English tynn to be cast into the fashion of that which cometh from Malacca .... it will yeilde 20 shahees per maen. Battery or brasse kettles which the Company requireth to have sould for 40 Rials of Eight the hundred in heere of noe esteeme beinge sould for 24 shahees per maen and used onely in makeinge of lampes, candle-sticks and morthers, there is brasse mynes in Guylan and Amady (not worth the bringenge) Horse 159) or sea horse teeth worth 200 (190) shahees per maen whereof Ioo (80 or 100) maens maye vend annuallye. Moscoye or Bulgarye hides lso) worth [accordinge to theire lardgenesse and good- nesse] from 5 to 80 (So to 70) shahees per peece and will vent 400 (300) per annum (beinge used for sadles carpets to sitt one to save fine, drinkeinge vessels to carry water in for travellers and the like) Vermelyon worth 224 (i 80) shahees per maen the quantetye as we shall accord with the kinge which we suppose will not be much beinge spent onely in adorning of churches and bewtifyinge of some great mens howses. Quicksilver worth at present 145 (140) shahees per maen. This we suppose will not be worth the bringinge hither not yeildinge any benefitt but losse (wee were once ofred for ours by a Jewish broker 240 shahees but could never see the knave since) Leade 161) allmost as cheape heere as in England whereof ys mynes in sundrye places from whence the whole Persian territoryes is sufficiently supplyed being used onely to make shott yet we shall propound unto the kinge the takeing of a quantetye yearely at the porte from whence he maye transporte it to the Arabian shoare in fysher boates of his owne countrye where it will yeilde him great gaynes (no commoditie for this country) Connyskins Ffytches or what other cheape furrs 162 ) England aboundeth what we conceive will sell heere to good pronitt for that noe man in the cold season is without a coate lyned with one furre or other accordinge to theire degrees and 15 8) There were great hopes for Cornish tin exports as "it is much in use; all their eating, drinking and boiling vessels are here of copper tinned the inside", L.h. vol. V (1617) p. 290, Pettus, (I.O. The competition from Malaysian tin was eventually too great. Walrus teeth. i 60) This was a staple item in the trade between Russia and Persia, and the English merchants stood no chance with re-exporting them to Persia from England. They also had little success in India with them. I 6 I) There was sufficient lead mined in Persia for internal uses. i 6z) Another main item in the trade between Russia and Persia; a principal Russian export was all kinds of furs from expensive sables to ordinary skins. See Raymond H. Fisher, The Russian Fur Trade (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1943).</p>
<p>213 abilityes provided that there can be meanes used to bringe them through the hot clymates without spoyle /not in Pettus/ Cochenell worth heere 2400 shahees per maen wherof 20 maens may vent per annum. Corrall beads yf of such biggnesse that they weigh one mytscall [which is the 6th parte of an ounce] per peece are worth 24 (28 or 30) shahees per beade and soe accordinge to theire biggnesse are heere valued whereof noe small quantetye we suppose would yearely vend beinge generally used by all Moores and Armenyans as the Papists use beads to keepe accompt of theire prayers Iron worth as before /not in Pettus/ Copper worth as before /not in Pettus/ Latins 164) in roled sheetes Coullour red whereof they spend heere a greate quantetye being brought by the Hollanders into the Straightes and from thence over- land into these partes it is ordinarylie worth ioo shahees per maen /not in Pettus/ f Latins in sheetes Coullour white hereof they spend not soe great a quantetye it is sould at 2 shahees per sheete of the biggnesse of an ordynarye 2 sheete of paper /not in Pettus/ Peeces viz. 166) the barrells onely without eyther stocke or locke whose length maye be from 41 to 5 foote and theire bore of such a circumference as will a bullett of lead which shall weigh 5 drammes the barrell playne the mettall good but not over heavye. Sworde Blades to be made of the best tempered English met tall into the fashion of the Persian sworde whereof we shall send a patterne for England these two comodityes viz. peeces and sworde blades the kinge gave order for theire makeinge in manner above said which is soe fashioned and made that they shall give him content we doubt not he will take a greate quantetye yearely at good rates (blades noe commoditie for this countrey which our of their fashon which is intended to bee sent you, beinge allmost as crooke as a sickle, but the best cuttinge sworde in the world) (Gould and Silver theire worthe 30 or 3 2 shahees the ...... each ..... wainge 9 mitsegalls). These particulars that followe [which informaton Mr. Connocke received from one of the kings nearest attendants] are supposed to be most acceptable to present unto the kinge ........ Armour of proofe compleate both for the kinge and his horse 163) These are the prayer rosaries, tasbih. 164) Lattens, thin metal sheet plates, usually brass or tin. The Eastern Mediterranean. 166) Connock had earlier claimed that Shah "Abbas particularly requested for his own use, "ioo barrels of serviceable pieces, of choice metal, not heavy nor too light, choicely filed and plain clear bored, neat within, and in any hand gentle that they recoil not, for these people lay the stock of the piece at their face when they shoot ... 2 cases of French peternells [pistols], plain but well wrought, substantial, fit for service", L.h. vol. VI (1617) p. 41, Connock, Isfahan to E.I. Co., 4 August, 1617, (1. O. E/ 3 1 > / > 1 9).</p>
<p>214 Coache or Carroche with yts furniture and Coachman that knoweth howe to man- nadge horses and dryve the same 161). Clockes - Watches 168) and Horyzontall dyals which maye answere to the latytude of Spahan which lyeth in 32 degrees whereof one of each for the kinge of substantiall and ritch worke the rest to be gyven to such of his nobylitie or neere attendants as shall deserve the same these in England are of noe greate value and here highlye esteemed. Lokeinge Glasses 169) one or two of the lardgest and fayrest stones that can be pro- cured to be given unto the kinge and about 60 or 70 of such glasses as are furnished with instruments which maye coste from 5 to z sterling per peece ....... Doggs of all kindes which the kinge himselfe did enquire often when he fyrst gave audyence unto Mr. Connocke, the least are best esteemed. Cocks and Hens of the game. Peacocks with theire ffemales these we suppose maye be had in Surratt ... Hott Waters viz. one or two ritch caskes fylled onely with ..... for the ...... which he much esteemeth and other ordynarye caskes filled with severall sortes of hot waters to present as occasion shalbe offered. Mapps viz. universall mapps 4 or 5 Pictures 1'1) bearinge the resemblance eyther of man wooman or other creatures beinge drawne to tbe lyfe are much desyred by this kinge 1'2). 167) A coach was shipped out and presented to Shah 'Abbas, but not used. 168) Watches were a great novelty and highly prized in Safavid Persia. A number of European watchmakers settled in Isfahan during the course of the i7th century of whom the most well-known was Ralph Sadler from Zurich in the time of Shah Safi. His unfortunate story is told by Tavenier, Persian Travels, pp. z07-9. 169) In the early days English exports of glass could not compete with those from Venice or Bohemia which came overland, though more success was achieved from the end of the i 7th century. 1 70) As well as "mastiffs, young and fierce", lap dogs were also requested, "as well of plain as rough haired .... His women, it seems, do aim at this commodity", L. R. vol. VI (1617) p. 41. Shah 'Abbas also wanted tracking dogs, L. R.vol. VI (1617) p. 44, Connock, Isfahan to E.I. Co., 5 August 1617 (LO. E/3/5/5zI). 171) In the first half of the '7th century the Persian court enjoyed European painting. Thomas Herbert mentions a painter, "one John a Dutchman who had long served the King" and who had decorated the royal palaces at Ashraf and Farahabad, Some Yeares Travels into divers parts of Asia and Afrigue .... (1 677) p. I 7 j . Philip Angel was another Dutch painter who served the Court. The East India Company responded to requests from Shah Safi to send out painters to him, but the one sent, Benjamin Webb, did not survive the journey. Charles I sent as presents to Shah Safi, pictures of the Royal Family, The Four Seasons of the Year, a Gentlewoman and a Spaniard which seem to have impressed the Shah, LO. E/ 3 / 1 6/ I 609 Gombroon Consultations, 29 Dec. 1637 and LO. E/3/i6/i63i, Factors, Isfahan to the Earl of Arundel. 172) It was also thought good to provide choice sweets and preserves for the Shah as well as various kinds of china ware, including meat and large dishes, basins, ewers and coffee cups, as the first factors recommended, L.R, vol. V (1617) p. 246, Connock, Isfahan to Bantam, i May 1617, (1.O. E/3/S/484)·</p>
</body>
</article>
</istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo><title>An English View of Persian Trade in 1618</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" contentType="CDATA"><title>An English View of Persian Trade in 1618</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">R.W.</namePart><namePart type="family">Ferrier</namePart></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre><originInfo><publisher>BRILL</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">The Netherlands</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1976</dateIssued><dateCreated encoding="w3cdtf">1976</dateCreated><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">1976</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient</title><subTitle>Journal d'Histoire Economique et Sociale de l'Orient</subTitle></titleInfo><titleInfo type="abbreviated"><title>JESH</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0022-4995</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1568-5209</identifier><part><date>1976</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>19</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>1</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>182</start><end>214</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">6CCA4CE0735790028819A169EB0AEF50B30204F2</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1163/156852076X00127</identifier><identifier type="href">15685209_019_01_s012_text.pdf</identifier><accessCondition type="use and reproduction" contentType="copyright">© 1976 Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</accessCondition><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-56W3KPD5-3">brill-journals</recordContentSource><recordOrigin>© 1976 Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands</recordOrigin></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JKT-PTN36TS7-Q/record.json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
EXPLOR_STEP=$WICRI_ROOT/Wicri/Sante/explor/CovidV1/Data/Istex/Corpus
HfdSelect -h $EXPLOR_STEP/biblio.hfd -nk 000359 | SxmlIndent | more
Ou
HfdSelect -h $EXPLOR_AREA/Data/Istex/Corpus/biblio.hfd -nk 000359 | SxmlIndent | more
Pour mettre un lien sur cette page dans le réseau Wicri
{{Explor lien
|wiki= Wicri/Sante
|area= CovidV1
|flux= Istex
|étape= Corpus
|type= RBID
|clé= ISTEX:6CCA4CE0735790028819A169EB0AEF50B30204F2
|texte= An English View of Persian Trade in 1618
}}
| This area was generated with Dilib version V0.6.33. |  |