Historical Trends and Their Impact on the Social Construction of Self Among Hispanics and Its Impact on Self-Efficacious Behaviors in Training and Careers
Identifieur interne : 001A34 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001A33; suivant : 001A35Historical Trends and Their Impact on the Social Construction of Self Among Hispanics and Its Impact on Self-Efficacious Behaviors in Training and Careers
Auteurs : Douglas P. JohnsonSource :
- Journal of Hispanic Higher Education [ 1538-1927 ] ; 2006-01.
Abstract
Historic trends affect the social construction of the Hispanic self that have negatively affected achievement. This is reflected in the models of training and career counseling. Achievement depends on many factors among college students. Hispanic college students have certain obstacles that need to be addressed related to self-concept to meet these challenges and improve their rates of success in higher education. Analyzing history and psychological theory increase a researcher’s knowledge of what drives self-efficacious behaviors. In the end, refined knowledge of what motivates Hispanic students in academic tasks improves a person’s ability to counsel Hispanic individuals toward routes to success in career choices higher education.
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DOI: 10.1177/1538192705282922
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This is reflected in the models of training and career counseling. Achievement depends on many factors among college students. Hispanic college students have certain obstacles that need to be addressed related to self-concept to meet these challenges and improve their rates of success in higher education. Analyzing history and psychological theory increase a researcher’s knowledge of what drives self-efficacious behaviors. In the end, refined knowledge of what motivates Hispanic students in academic tasks improves a person’s ability to counsel Hispanic individuals toward routes to success in career choices higher education.</p></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>Hispanic</kwd><kwd>achievement</kwd><kwd>higher education</kwd><kwd>self-concept</kwd><kwd>careers</kwd><kwd>poverty</kwd><kwd>self-efficacy</kwd></kwd-group><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value> 10.1177/1538192705282922Journal of Hispanic Higher EducationJohnson / Hispanic Self and Higher Education Historical Trends and Their Impact on the Social Construction of Self Among Hispanics and Its Impact on Self-Efficacious Behaviors in Training and Careers Douglas P. Johnson Heritage University Abstract: Historic trends affect the social construction of the Hispanic self that have negatively affected achievement. This is reflected in the models of training and career counseling. Achievement depends on many factors among college students. Hispanic college students have certain obstacles that need to be addressed related to self-concept to meet these challenges and improve their rates of success in higher education. Analyzing history and psychological theory increase a researcher's knowledge of what drives self- efficacious behaviors. In the end, refined knowledge of what motivates Hispanic students in academic tasks improves a person's ability to counsel Hispanic individuals toward routes to success in career choices higher education. Resumen: Tendencias históricas impactan la construcción social del yo Hispano; las cuales han afectado negativamente el aprovechamiento. Esto está reflejado en los modelos de entrenamiento y en la consejería vocacional. Muchos factores están involucrados en el aprovechamiento y señalan como varias partes de la historia y teoría aumentan el conocimiento y la habilidad de aconsejar a individuos Hispanos en cuanto a las rutas de éxito en las decisiones vocacionales y en educación superior. Keywords: Hispanic; achievement; higher education; self-concept; careers; poverty; self-efficacy Issues in Social Construct of Self Theorists Freud laid down the framework for how a person and psyche needed to be built for the proper development of the self. In his mind, the entire paradigm required a phallic 68 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education Volume 5 Number 1 January 2006 68-84 © 2006 Sage Publications 10.1177/1538192705282922 http://jhh.sagepub.com hosted at http://online.sagepub.com model. Given that type of view of the self, all development of mental health grew out of expression or repression of a sex or hunger drive. Freud's model was mostly con- sumed with exploring these connections and how unhealthy development led to neu- rosis. For Freud, it was a sense of isolation within a person's psyche, whether real or fantasy, that created challenges (Peña, 2003). Lacan and other theorists adjusted the model concentrating more on the drive element of self (James, 2004; Moncayo, 2004). Lacan talked about Other as the first mother figure (James, 2004). He said that people base their self-concept on a process model that has its first and tightest loop with their mother. Mother is viewed as Other for Lacan because she is the first person to interpret signals of need and drive. The Other only stands for how the person starts to interpret themselves in relation to the surrounding universe. This first interaction starts to drive how they interpret information in the coming years regardless of new experiences and information. Note the two diagrams in Figure 1. For Lacan, the process of developing the self is thus mediated by the ability of the first nurturing people to reasonably grant the needs (hunger, thirst, changing) of the human being. He also talks about how people work themselves into a fantasy world of wanting to go back to that stage of life, where there was safety and comfort with pacifi- ers. This theorist even shifted the self into a process model that was mitigated by lan- guage. A person came to improved self-development, depending a great deal on how the linguistic signals from parent to child become internalized. Lacan further goes on to theorize that psychosis is merely a spectrum of frustrated desires as played out in the fantasies of different people that have lost that sense of original nurturing. The theorist couches this attempt at going back to fantasy as going back to joissance. It was an attempt to stay a child past the point of normal develop- ment. When pushed to extremes, this itself was the impetus for neurosis or challenges. Johnson / Hispanic Self and Higher Education 69 MotherChild Child Interactions With Environment Figure 1 Lacan and Self-Concept Author's Note: Questions about article or research can be directed to Johnson.Doug@ysd.wednet.edu. Lacan viewed himself as Freudian; so much of his work is an attempt to improve the phallic desire models that Freud introduced. World War I influenced this process model for Lacan. Freud could look at the ra- tional thought as the new savior, along with theorists. Intellectuals during and after World War I wrestled with the nature of meaning making, in the face of the brutality of the war to end all wars. The French researcher chose to look at it differently with so much pain around him in the context of war (James, 2004). He, thus, followed Levi- Strauss in saying the mythology was as important a knowledge construction for the psyche as rational thought. Although Lacan looked forward to the social construction of self later, to the extent he followed Freud, he advocated for the development of the psyche in a socially void context. The underpinnings of Lacan had to do with mothers and drives and not community. A person developed first and foremost as an internal psychical function. The first relationships were most important than future messages from the greater society. Those ideas would come later when he was influenced by Levi Strauss. Other theorists took these ideas about community mythology even further. Historical Referents World War I gave rise to the intellectual crisis around rationalism. Howard (1994) quotes Michael Oakeschott's ideas about rationalism running to a strange end: "The Rationalist . . . does not merely neglect the kind of knowledge which would save him, he begins by destroying it. First he turns out the light and then complains that he can- not see" (p. 21). Psychologists around the time of the great wars were in this conflictive type of thinking. The difference for other genres, such as literature, was that they changed on some level in reaction to the failing of disciplines to answer the question as to why such a tragedy as World War I could take place. Hemingway changed the format of the modern novel. Pound and others changed the format of accepted poetry, breaking rules of rhythm and meter. As opposed to other disciplines that suffered change of for- mat during the great wars, psychology found its greatest respect out of wartime. World War I brought about the first nationally accepted use of psychological testing (Cohen & Swerdlik, 1999). The U.S. government wanted to make sure that people were fit for war, and so intelligence and emotional stability tests were administered. The mechan- ics of this boost in respectability for psychology affected the way in which researchers gathered information about the self or any type of study related to the psyche. The mechanics of assessment started to drive what was accepted as true, and these work- ings were driven by the dialectic of the scientific empirical model. Shortly after World War I, the Stanford-Binet came about, and in the mid-1920s Galton's (1892) statistical basis for extracting knowledge was embraced and the I.Q. was developed. The challenge to this notion is again in the procedures of rationalism. Because the language of mathematics seeks symmetry, there is an arbitrary sense of balance created. When data cannot be equalized or quantified in some manner, they 70 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education have to be ignored. The beauty of the balanced equation, such as the Golden Mean or Pythagorean Theorem, takes over. The need to see clean numbers turns the data into a well-trimmed lawn that is suitable for tea. The lost generation of the 1920's--Hemingway, Pound, Fitzgerald, and even Lacan--were struck by the insanity of how the Golden Mean had mechanized war to the extent that it killed more people than ever before. For that generation, where World War I wiped out almost all the men in Europe, Freud's phallic model seemed a bit absurd in its rationality. But with Civilization and Discontent (Fancher, 1998) written in the middle of the war, even Freud was trying to grapple with how the procedure of any given model could create such brutal outcomes. For Freud, obviously, his model was new. In reality, with the way testing and psychological assessments have pro- gressed, it is part and parcel of the same system. Given the strong rationalist models of the self as well as the scientific dialectic about the way people view the self inspired reactions, researchers offered other maps of the psychic environment. The great wars also brought about another boost and that was in the growing feminine voice emerging among theoretical viewpoints of self. Horney (Paris, 1999; Rendon, 2001), especially, came up with the seeds of the family therapy model that Bowen developed in the 1970s when she stated that the self is developed in collusion with the metaphorical ideals of the parents. The child stays in collusion with these ideals until there is new information. For Horney, neurosis doesn't come from expression or repression of sexual crises as developed by Freud and later augmented by Erikson (Erikson, 1968). For Horney, neurosis is borne out of the fact that children become locked into their parents'infantile fantasies of idealistic people. Similar to a 40-year-old man trying to wear toddler's clothes, the person that is alienated from the reality of maturing through life stages is left with unrealistic world views that lead to mental illness. Horney did borrow some from Lacan in creating this paradigm, as Lacan first ventured to say that the self is developed in direct connection to the child's first nurturing unit--the mother. Again, refer to Figure 1 for clarification. Lacan's interest became further intrigued by how language interacted in this process, how the self was dictated in development depended on to what end reality could be matched up with actions. Lacan looked at the self as dipping into psychotic fantasy if the match between reality and behavior didn't line up. Given these models and the fact that the fundamental theorists were medical doctors--such as Lacan and Freud-- there was a need by the psychological community to pursue a refined medical metaphor wrapped around disease processes. The end result is that all special populations are viewed on some level as the patho- logical side of the equation. This is further reinforced by the fact that although the rationalist, with Nietchze and Freud, took religion out of the psyche's basis, they did not divorce it from Platonic morality (Prendergast, 2002; Sidgwick, 1931). The need for objectivity and neutrality in the ethos of science is based on Aquinas trying to count the amount of angels that fit on the head of a pin. By supplanting the ancient Middle Eastern metaphor of story and lesson in the biblical texts, Aquinas laid the foundation for Hume and others to create a strict moral code that exalted the mind Johnson / Hispanic Self and Higher Education 71 and diminished the body (Sidgwick, 1931). Pauline Epistles were lost as letters and became entrenched in hermeneutic interpretations that were locked in scientific ratio- nalism. The texts even today are locked into deductive reasoning loops that turn insane. For the modern and postmodern era, the issue that was retained was that there is a definite good way of thinking that is locked in a European male brain. Because of the foundation of original sin, the only thing left if you are not thinking similar to a male European is that you are bad in thinking with your body, ergo the special popula- tions are the pathologies that balance the equation for the European male. All special populations are the Yin Yang of the West. Lao Tzu (1899) would understand that we are just trying to create balance. Note the conceptual basis of rationalism in Figure 2. Looking at the figure, the dimensionality of the shape, although not easily tested with empirical measures, illustrates the depth of cultural messages that enter a per- son's development. What needs to be noted is that the variability between individuals creates different impacts on achievement. The impact of the cultural messages depends on how much, long, or to what extent a person allows the cultural messages to determine their self-concept. Epistimologies That Affect Social Construction To create a more holistic dialectic, people have since tried to move these patholo- gized populations into a human place, but they have a difficult time being heard. Peña (2003) talks about the self being in isolation from community as the source of psycho- sis, as opposed to Freud's notion of isolation from within the internal psyche. Peña also offers such mythical characters as Melinche in Mexican folklore as offering answers. Other populations are okay in saying opposite items in the same sentence. 72 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education White Male Abled Color Female Disabled Cultural Messages Figure 2 Cultural Roles, Messages, and the Self For the ancient Hebrew or Middle Eastern intellectual, it was the notion of now and not yet. For the Mexican intellectual, it is death and life in the same sentence. Melinche was a woman war hero that was also a prostitute. The good and evil were mixed in the same person, and the conversations about both of those elements were not diametric poles. They were the same person with the same conversation. This conversation can- not happen in the medical model. Baez (2004) frames this concern in terms of the strict reductionist thinking that is demanded by the rational model. He mentions that although this dialectic is upheld in public policy, with the Supreme Court favoring the conversation about difference being a reference point for fact, it doesn't favor complex metaphors about the true nature of difference and diversity among people. Vigil (1999) mentions that the Hispanic view of self as a child enters a gang is only honoring the monster or fragmented self that is left in an underdeveloped psyche. Once again, everything that doesn't agree with the rationalist is first pathologized and then analyzed. The dialectic that needs the Golden Mean cannot be bothered with their disease-identifying process as placing humans in an injured position. Further help with the pathologizing impact of psychological theory was bolstered by the acceptance of Darwin's evolution as the given natural order of biology and life. Darwin puts race in the Origin of the Species (Darwin, 1859). Such was his impact that before the Scopes Monkey trial or Epperson v. Arkansas (in 1968), anthropologists made race a taxonomic feature of humans, thinking they were correcting bad scien- tific methods (Montegue, 1964). Note Darwin's own words in his preface, "In 1813, Dr. W. C. Wells read before the Royal Society 'An Account of a White female, part of whose skin resembled that of a Negro'" (Darwin, 1859, p. 1). In this paper, he pro- poses the principle of natural selection in phenotypical differences. Galton, the forefa- ther to psychological testing was Darwin's first cousin. He latched onto Darwin's ideas and tried as quickly as possible to make sure that he could prove the location of the missing link (Gould, 1980, 1983). Given that Galton wrote about the heritability of intelligence in an attempt to prove the English as genetically superior (per Darwin), it was no stretch of the imagination at the tail end of the slave trade to try and prove that the Negro was the missing link between the ape and the European. Thorndike further reinforced Darwin in educational theory by legitimizing psychological and educa- tional testing on animals. The key element for the animal testing was that it broke from the strict humans are special by divine design. There was an equating of humans and people (Gould, 1999). This is borne out in Goodall's work among apes. The implicit notion with such thinking is that not only are apes similar to people, but we have cer- tain populations where people are apes. The difficulty that always pops up is that this place is where exclusionary tactics conveniently incite morality. It is when a Negro needs to be an ape that it is okay to borrow from Aquinas's moral model. When a popu- lation needs to be a disease, or pathology it is okay to invoke the Jewish image of unclean lepers when people talk about the disabled. When it is convenient for the heterosexual community to talk about the sins of Adam, they quote Romans about homosexuality being marked and borne on the bodies of those people. Anytime there needs to be a moral mark dealt out, then a Negro has the mark of Ham (Genesis and Johnson / Hispanic Self and Higher Education 73 Noah), a homosexual has the mark from Romans. A disabled person is an unclean leper where you should cross the street to avoid them (Matthew). What is not allowed is for the pathologized populations to conveniently use Aqui- nas's model of morality on Freud's phallic rationalist model, there is a magic mirror that deflects any accusations as needed objectivity or neutrality. At that point, there are holy images invoked: White lab coats for priests'robes--white as a moral, pure color. In other cultures, white is only a mask worn when someone is dead--whole people implying a whole, righteous person. Hispanic Issues in This Framework Immigration With the general issues about special populations, there become some specific con- cerns with the Hispanic population that continues to affect achievement. Immigration further has an impact on self-concept, as children attempt to acculturate and achieve at the elementary level (Flores, 1997). State policies affect this attempt to learn by excluding immigrant children from schools. California recently enacted measures to exclude immigrants. Plyer v. Doe (in 1982) found appellants that were being denied education because of immigrant status. The federal government, at that time, had to intervene and to state that it was illegal to use such policies because illiteracy was a fundamental handicapping challenge. Without the opportunity to learn, further achievement would be affected (Alexander & Alexander, 1985). There are mixed messages in the research as to the extent the immigration affects achievement. It is especially noted that people in exchange programs in universities are able to achieve with their American counterparts on par. The issue for immigration and the Hispanic is that this, similar to other social policies, has been part of the method of excluding certain groups from getting to the table of opportunity. Without this access to educa- tion, a Hispanic person loses the chance to succeed in various career paths. Friere (1971) and Knowles, Holton, and Swanson (2001) mention that awareness of a per- son's ability to learn helps them push forward in learning and achievement. It is the integration of these theories that affect how far up a career ladder a Hispanic person is able to climb. Language Language barriers to education have long played out in educational achievement for the Hispanic child. When a child predominately speaks Spanish, they were long qualified as special education, although the test was skewed by their abilities in Span- ish. Diana v. State of California (in 1970; Gonzalez, Brusca-Vega, & Yawkey, 1997) accepted this as credible enough to require school districts to perform a language dom- inance test before fully qualifying a child into special education. Further challenging the issue of language related to achievement, Lau v. Nichols (in 1974) decided that the 74 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education state could not use language as a reason to deny instructional quality, even if a school district couldn't find appropriate materials or personnel. This statute said that native language instruction was imperative to the achievement of students and could not be used as an exclusionary measure. This is only one impact on career choices. In some areas, the ability of a person to be bilingual, once they have been trained is a decided benefit in competing for jobs. Because of the increasing marketing of goods to the burgeoning Hispanic populations, there is a growing opportunity base of employment for people that are bilingual in Spanish. In education, two of the fastest growing sectors through the 1990s were both special education and bilingual education. Until the Elementary and Secondary Edu- cation Act was retooled, Title VI was used as an innovative training mechanism to train more bilingual teachers (Gonzalez et al., 1997). Regionalism Flores (1997) notes that one challenge in studying Hispanic issues as well as His- panics achieving is that it is not a monolithic homogenous group (Jellison-Holmes, 2002; Wells, Lopez, Scott, & Jellison-Homes, 2001). The large pocket of Puerto Ricans in New York will struggle with more urban issues. Cuban Americans will be concerned with immigration issues inherent to Miami and Florida. Agricultural con- cerns will impinge on migrant workers in Texas and the Southwest. This type of strug- gle makes studies on some level idiosyncratic to regions. This is evidenced in Donato's (1999) comments on real Hispanic achievement in a rural valley system in southern Colorado. Over time, Hispanics in this rural valley rose to positions of power, controlling school boards and achieving a substantial amount of political and eco- nomic power. Donato implies that this ability to garnish mainstream power was a key factor in the rising achievement rates of Hispanics during this historical period. Simi- lar boosts in achievement can be found in pockets such as Miami, Florida, where Cuban Americans have tried to increase their market share of cultural capital, as it is termed by various researchers (Boykin, 2004; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Census Figures of Current Groups' Educational Achievement Statistical Demographics Related to Poverty and Race The lack of homogeneity among this group constantly challenges their study (Flores, 1997; Goldhaber & Eide, 2002; Jellison-Holmes, 2002). Even with those types of challenges to studying this group, one of the largest populations in poverty in the current historical context are those identified as Hispanic (National Council of La Raza, 2000). Given this context, the following statistics drive parts of the challenges to achievement. The largest population in poverty is family households where there is a female head of house, or householder. In 2002, 6.1% of families in poverty were a Johnson / Hispanic Self and Higher Education 75 married couple, whereas 28.8% of female householders were placed under the poverty line. Of those two groups, 17% of the married couples had no one working in the home,whereasfemalehouseholdershad 70.8%ofthesubgroup whereno oneworked. This was not broken down by ethnicity, but some researchers'contention with this type of statistic is that it is politically and economically reinforced by state policy (Connell, 1994; Giroux, 1997; Leistyna & Sherblom, 1995; Ward, 1995). Ward (1995) argues that the nuclear family system has been dismantled in the Afri- can American family because of the pressure on poor families to list the mother as sin- gle to receive welfare benefits. Chomsky argues loudly that it is strong criminal proce- dures that favor the criminalized behaviors of Black and Latino groups. Violence works to separate men from nuclear families and places females at the head of house- holds. Connell (1994) further argues that the public educational system is built on the implicit labor of a nonworking spouse--mom volunteering in the schools allows their children to gain positions of power in school systems. Positions of power open the doors for educational attainment. If the family system cannot provide that extracurric- ular support, the child has less of a chance of succeeding in school. These arguments are played out in current census statistics. Further affecting this effect is the attainment of educational levels that is reached by the different racial subgroups. The census reports that White graduation rates from 1940 to 2002 have risen from 26.1% to 88.7%. African American graduation rates have shown massive gains improving from 7.7% to 79.2%. The Hispanic rate has only been reported from 1975, but its growth rate is 36.5% to 57.0%. The historical trends of females falling behind in all of those areas followed suit. The more telling statistic out of these three groups and their future earning power comes from looking at the historical rates of graduation from a 4-year institution. Again, reporting from 1940, Anglo students have increased graduation rates from 4.6 to 26.7 in 2002. African American rates have shown similar growth moving from 1.3 to 17.2. Again, reporting from 1975, the Hispanic graduation rate from college moves from 5.5 to 11.1. The growing Latino populations that are overlaid the top of poverty rates show that the projected educational attainment of these female householders will stall at best, and they will be left with minimal employment opportunity. The glass ceiling that is touted in Forbes and company is just a cellar door to these single heads of household families. The other impact on the family is the divorce rate. The census reports that from 1950 to 2002, male's divorced rates grew from 1,071,000 to 8,686,000. Females show a divorce rate increase during the same time of 1,373,000 to 12,268,000. The male divorce rate increases by a factor of about 8, whereas the female divorce rate increased by a factor of about 10. Although this divorce rate increased, the amount of marriages and nuclear familieshas stayed stable. What is not told by the nuclear family statisticis that these major life events create disruptions that also disrupt earnings. These disrup- tions in earnings because of jail time, divorce, or deaths further affect the challenges of the single head of household in fending for their families (Robinson, Davis, & Meara, 2003). 76 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education The statistics that were not entered here were the amount of children that are affected by the lack of earnings by the parent. The trends that support the family are meager. Canada and other countries subsidize health care and give time off for preg- nancy. They also subsidize on-site daycare. The U.S. privatizes all of these activities and thus doesn't allow for families to stay together as they work (Leistyna & Sherblom, 1995). Women take off 6 weeks if they are lucky and then have to scramble back to their jobs. Unless you earn enough to pay for daycare, a person doesn't work. Historical Referents The historical trends about Hispanics'self-concept imply that this group has had its identity denigrated similar to the African American. Colonizing Spain was in the same political and economic position as England and France during the 17th century. In this effort to gain gold and trade routes, they enslaved indigenous people. The Spanish enslaved Indians, took their families, and taught them about the Christian God and the Spanish language. England and France, although interested in the same economic and political goals, did the same thing. One large difference is that England and France had established routes with the Dutch along the Western Coast of Africa. Food stuffs and slaves were readily available from Timbuktu, a wealthy Muslim kingdom in western Africa. Spain was in a different place. With at times a weaker Navy, they had the good for- tune of sending a person some thought a lunatic--Christopher Columbus. He wanted to invent broad band. He wanted to corner the Internet user market. He wanted a better trade route to India. Everyone else turned him down. It wasn't until he appealed to the Catholic zeal of Elizabeth, that she agreed to finance his three ships. Note that after his first trip, the diseases he brought wiped out most of the island populations that he encountered. Those that he didn't wipe out with disease, he just commandeered to dig for gold. The English brought their slaves, both African and White, to work. They found, however, that the Black slaves were a cheaper labor force because they didn't have to adhere to any English common law about indentured servanthood. Thus, it was easier to continue building on the African slave market. These two groups, in the long run, were thus counted as inferior since the beginning of the history of the United States (Boykin, 2004; Cokely, 2003; Figueroa, 1991; Leistyna & Sherblom, 1995; Ward, 1995). Although Asian groups came in later, there were pockets where the Asian population gained ground economically faster, like the Irish. They also came in different epochs. Asian groups came into the West and built the railroads and then went on to succeed as merchants from Alaska to Honolulu. The Asian population was also mixed because successful sea merchants dealt with the West coast on an equal basis. Note that from 2000 to 2004, the governor of Washing- ton State was Asian. He has risen to the top, similar to Ronald Reagan who is the pin- nacle of his Irish Roots. Regardless of the group's identity, when in a marginal place in society, one gains implicit and explicit messages that say "I am bad." The work of Cottrol, Diamond, and Johnson / Hispanic Self and Higher Education 77 Ware (2003) attested to that in Brown v. Board of Education (in 1954). There are broad similarities between the African American and Hispanic groups that allow the impact of poverty to have similar effects on their self-concept. In recent studies even in Can- ada, it is noted how shocked children are when they are first forced to deal with race as a negative component of their identity. Speaking about racial slurs, one first grader comments, "(name calling) . . . made me realize, like, I'm different, you know in a bad way" (Varmu-Joshi, Baker, & Tanaka, 2004). Implications for Hispanic Self-Concept These messages thus build into the child, and subsequent adult, the identity mes- sage that attaches their race to violence, crime, or apathy. Without mentors mitigating those strong explicit messages given by the culture, the child and future adult see no cultural value in achieving at the collegiate level. In fact, they see that sort of achieve- ment as a type of pipe dream, a lottery win. Filled with ghettos are dreams of becoming rap singers or basketball players (Connell, 1994; Payne, 1998). Fairy tales of achieve- ment are held out there because the dark and quiet truth to some of the people is that they won't be able to reach out and go to college. They can't figure out how to get there, and the surrounding culture is telling them that they are right. Note the contrast. If a person develops in the social construct with positive mes- sages about their external and internal values, then the self-efficacy (Connell, 1994; Nauta, Kahn, Angell, & Cantarelli, 2002; Noonan et al., 2004; Payne, 1998) emerges and they work toward achievement. This is demonstrated in Figure 3. Self-efficacy is a person's ability to progress in a skill with minimal scaffolding. They are able to continue to press forward with their own confidence in overcoming the challenges related to learning the task (Nauta et al., 2002; Noonan, 2003). The 78 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education Culture Self Self- Efficacy Figure 3 Culture, Self, and Functional Self-Efficacy challenge for any person, when placed into the margin, is that the cultural messages that are given impede self-efficacy. If language, ethnicity, or gender is undervalued within the culture, then the exclusionary measures played out in policy will create bar- riers to achievement. Note this impact in Figure 4. Achievement is the ability to gain passing grades in a university setting. What is more telling about this measure is that the terminal drop-out rate for Hispanics is the highest of any group, although they are one of the largest groups of color. This statistic stands out similar to the fact that although there is only about 11% African Americans in the country, they account for 59% of the convictions in aggravated assault (U.S. Census, 2005). These types of criminalized behaviors among Latinos and African Americans change their ability to achieve at 4-year institutions. These statistics become invisible to the reported trends in higher education because these students don't ever reach the possibility of entering a 4-year institution. Looking toward interventions into these students will become crucial in remediating not just the students but the epistemologies that exclude all of these students in the margin. Recently reading further, a point was made by Bartolome (1994) in that although there are many people that want a magic-bullet type of method that is going to help them reach at-risk students, there really is no method that will be as effective as any given day that the professor honors the life experiences of the people in the classroom and uses that as the fodder to flame learning. Borrowing from Friere (1971) and Knowles (Knowles et al., 2001), Bartolome repeats that it is through reflective discourse that people come to a place of feeling competent in their learning. If people only want to use students as receptacles of knowledge, then the cognitive glasses will stay less than half full. Part of this is the value-laden epistemology that assumes from Galton (1892) on down that rationalism is neutral or objective (Giroux, 1997). People that are part of the margin to northern European Protestant values will continue to falter. If the class- room instead enhances and embraces the cultures within the classroom as equal and Johnson / Hispanic Self and Higher Education 79 Self Culture Self-Efficacy Figure 4 Culture, Self, and Interrupted Self-Efficacy rich with psychological knowledge, then those students will learn to enhance their cul- tures and embrace the classic ideas of Freud and company. Conclusion To that end, Flores (1997) advocates that the notions of Latino or Chicano studies be expanded in their parameters so that Latinos cannot only embrace their cultural roots in higher education settings but also embrace the possibilities of new identity solutions that would allow for more nuanced theories of cultures of the Latino. He is quick to point out that there is regionalism that affects these types of studies, making it difficult to try and turn Latino Studies into a unified field theory of culture. What must be addressed, however, are not only the nuanced ideas about self but the reductionist modalities that drive the research. Research tools are great items, but there must be caution on some level when they start to aid and abet diminished self- concepts among humans. Darwin has long been accepted, and just as Aquinas's model has been examined and retooled where found deficient, the Darwinian model needs to be examined where it is culpable of injuring people. The ability of redressing the foibles of any model, whether it is Darwin or Freud, has been the ability of higher education to entertain the ideas of different dialectics and analyze them on a critical level. Over time, Freud's ideas have been adjusted with new information. All of this new information will help future researchers to come up with better descriptors of self when race becomes a nonidentifying marker that is coupled with value systems. Stanton-Salazar (1997) mentions that in the face of lack of achievement among eth- nic minorities, mainstream psychology has fallen under attack for not addressing the epistemological matters that sit as the backdrop for traditional theories that are driven by the rationalist model. Further reinforced by Boykin (2004) and Baez (2004), they go on to create a framework of psychological studies that incorporate the social struc- tures that impede or accelerate an individual's ability to negotiate the structures of the culture and therefore achievement. The premise for this structural viewpoint comes from a critique of the institutional need to reinforce the Protestant work ethic that was described by Weber (Andrews, 2004; Connell, 1994; Giroux, 1997; Kahl, 1965; Leistyna & Sherblom, 1995; Zunker, 2003), where the sole motivation for achievement is strong individuation from the group as well as competition. Where there are other cultural models for reasons to achieve, they lose their ability to negotiate with the mainstream. Davis (2001) deals with this on a limited basis but reinforces the critique of deracializing content material as well as conversation of classrooms (McKinley & Brayboy, 2004). The constant drive to imply that there is a valueless or neutral area of academic study denies the political pressures that drive various value systems above others. What needs to be assessed in the future of psychology is how the field can con- tinue to broaden the reductionist dialectic and include new metaphors that will better describe groups, individuals, and their behaviors. Freud's rationalist model, left void 80 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education of community denies the backdrop that allows some groups to negotiate higher educa- tion with great facilityand ease, whereas others are left without as much of a chance. If you can visualize a Venn diagram where the two circles are almost directly on top of one another, then you can visualize the middle class value system of the individual and how much of that value system is supplanted into the bureaucratic institutions of higher learning. Note Figure 5. Think of how much a Free Application for Federal Student Aid looks similar to a 1040 form for taxes. Indeed about half of the Free Application for Federal Student Aid is related to adjusted gross income, which is translated from that form. If a person--by nature of gender, class, or ethnicity--has not been exposed to the value system that honors proper banking and paperwork, then they have an implicit barrier to achievement. It is the incessant need of mainstream psychology to ignore these implicit barriers that cry out for new metaphors. In defense of mainstream psychology, it is the positivist mode of reductionism that drives the blindness (Baez, 2004). Although Grott v. Bollinger (in 2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger (in 2003) recreated the Brown v. Board of Education and Brown II as it was nicknamed (Cottrol, Diamond, & Ware, 2003), it did not address the scientific limits of the research that reinforces these cases. The psychological construct of these legal traditions is that of marginalization of self because of lack of access to majority values. To prove this, what has to happen is that reductionism first establishes fact (i.e., that the self adapts to marginalization in unique ways) and then seeks to prove or disprove that positive fact. The subsequent line of reasoning leads to diametric poles or extremes. There is a body of knowledge, but that body is simply shading in the facts that are pushed to the foreground. The fact that the larger culture sets aside certain peo- ple and accepts that costs are eliminated in theories of the self because traditional theo- ries on the self are left to the nuclear family unit. Back to the Venn diagrams. Now visualize a normal Venn diagram where the two circles barely intersect as noted in Figure 6. That is how the marginalized population is left to deal with the mainstream middle class and their dominant values. For a person of the margin to succeed in higher education, they must be able to negotiate the two worlds in tandem. It is twice the work. To succeed, they must negotiate and decode the language of their family culture on a personal level, while decoding the mainstream Johnson / Hispanic Self and Higher Education 81 Mainstream Personal Values Figure 5 Congruent Mainstream and Personal Values culture on a professional level. This is pointedly illustrated in Whoopi Goldberg's comedy show entitled "Whoopi." Whoopi's brother is a lawyer. If you close your eyes, you swear that a Bostonian from Harvard is talking--his accent even pushes the bounds of an English accent at times. In contrast, his Anglo girlfriend uses as many Ebonics, if you will, as she possibly can. There is a disturbing mixed message from both of the actors as they cross the boundaries of culture in a comedic fashion. This type of negotiation is further affected when beyond accent a person speaks another language. Hispanic people have to be able to negotiate accents but an entire new language if they are new immigrants. For the marginalized person, however, the crossing of these boundaries, at times, has a psychic cost. Native Americans trying to negotiate higher education (McKinley & Brayboy, 2004) know that they will have to try to stay invisible to the majority. Some of them take circuitous routes to class. Others simply take on the formal register (Payne, 1998) of the network English, learning the diphthongs and valley girl talk that will help them negotiate among their Anglo peers. As much as they can, they must gain the comment, "I didn't even know you were [fill the blank in]" on the Native cul- ture. To the extent that a person is willing to give up the parameters of the romanti- cized, noble savage is the extent to which they are going to succeed. Psychology, if it is going to push forward needs to drop the idea that there are neutral or objective fields of study and further redress the value systems in culture that create barriers. Invisibility is common, but because a psychologist doesn't see their own bias does not signify that it does not exist. People don't see the wind, but it blows. The extent to which a career counselor will be able to help a Hispanic negotiate the larger context of the mainstream culture while supporting them in their native culture is the extent to which they will be able to counsel in a sensitive manner. The benefit to the counselee is that they will be able to work in environments that allow them to meet the challenges of both feeding their families and honoring their culture. References Alexander, K., & Alexander, M. D. (1985). American public school law (2nd ed.). St. Paul, MN: West. Andrews, D. (2004). Work and the seven deadly sins. 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(2003).Motivationalattributes of occupationalpossibleselves for low income rural women. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 50, 156-164. Sidgwick, H. (1931). Outlines of the history of ethics. Boston: Beacon. Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (1997). A social capital framework for understanding the socialization of racial minorities children and youths, Harvard Educational Review, 67, 1-40. Tzu, L. (1899). I Ching: The book of changes. New York: Bantam. U.S. Census. (2005). Statistics related to educational achievement. Retrieved on September 24, 2005, from http://www.census.gov/prod/www/statistical-abstract-04.html Varmu-Joshi, M., Baker, C. J., & Tanaka, C. (2004). Names will never hurt me? Harvard Educational Re- view, 74, 174-208. Vigil, J. D. (1999). Streets and schools: How educators can help Chicano marginalized gang youth. Harvard Educational Review, 69, 270-288. Ward,J. V. (1995).Cultivatinga moralityof care in AfricanAmericanadolescents:A culture-basedmodelin violence prevention. Harvard Educational Review, 65, 175-188. Wells, A. S., Lopez, A., Scott, J., & Jellison-Holmes, J. (2001). Charter schools as postmodern paradox: Rethinking social stratification in an age of deregulated school choice. Harvard EducationalReview, 69, 179-204. Zunker, V. G. (2003). Career counseling: Applied concepts of life planning. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/ Cole. Douglas P. Johnson, Ph.D. candidate, is a part-time professor in the Department of Education and Psychol- ogy at Heritage University in Toppenish, Washington, and currently teaches in the public education system. His research program in educational psychology examines assessment and educational practices among impoverished Hispanic students and how that impacts future college and career choices. 84 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education </meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><ref><citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Alexander, K.</surname></name>, & <name name-style="western"><surname>Alexander, M. D.</surname></name> (<year>1985</year>). <source>American public school law</source> (<edition>2nd ed.</edition>). <publisher-loc>St. Paul, MN</publisher-loc>: <publisher-name>West</publisher-name>.</citation></ref><ref><citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Andrews, D.</surname></name> (<year>2004</year>). <source>Work and the seven deadly sins</source>. 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This is reflected in the models of training and career counseling. Achievement depends on many factors among college students. Hispanic college students have certain obstacles that need to be addressed related to self-concept to meet these challenges and improve their rates of success in higher education. Analyzing history and psychological theory increase a researcher’s knowledge of what drives self-efficacious behaviors. In the end, refined knowledge of what motivates Hispanic students in academic tasks improves a person’s ability to counsel Hispanic individuals toward routes to success in career choices higher education.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>Hispanic</topic><topic>achievement</topic><topic>higher education</topic><topic>self-concept</topic><topic>careers</topic><topic>poverty</topic><topic>self-efficacy</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Journal of Hispanic Higher Education</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">1538-1927</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1552-5716</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">JHH</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spjhh</identifier><part><date>2006</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>5</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>1</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>68</start><end>84</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">3F96E1BD159CAB445BCBCF4E151C42B884E5287E</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/1538192705282922</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_1538192705282922</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource>SAGE</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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