BernheimV1, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 000889

Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories: A Psychosocial Genomic Approach to Reconstituting Social Memory during Religious Rituals

Identifieur interne : 000889 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000888; suivant : 000890

Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories: A Psychosocial Genomic Approach to Reconstituting Social Memory during Religious Rituals

Auteurs : Sidney M. Greenfield

Source :

Current sociology [ 0011-3921 ] ; 2005-03.

RBID : ISTEX:ABD10C82C70746199D2FCB093F471336E1921078

English descriptors

Teeft :
- Accessing, American journal, Basic books, Basic cycle, Baywood publishing, Cambridge university press, Chicago press, Clinical hypnosis, Clock genes, Conscious memory, Conscious memory aspects, Cultural beliefs, Cultural practices, Current sociology, Gene expression, Greenfield, Hypnosis, Language acquisition, Large numbers, Local level, Long periods, Modernization theory, Monograph, Monotheistic faiths, Neuron, Next christendom, Original acquisition, Other capabilities, Other parts, Practical problems, Primitive culture, Psychobiological condition, Religious practices, Religious rituals, Rossi, Second half, Second world, Similar situation, Social groups, Social memory, Social pasts, State dependently, Synapse, Synaptic connections, Trance, Trance states, Wave nature.

Abstract

This article explores the relationship between efforts by members of diverse social groups to regain, reconstruct or remember disappearing cultural pasts - in which life was believed to have been better and more meaningful - and the distinctive forms taken in the ritual and other practices of so many of today’s religions. The author proposes that religious rituals that enable participants to enter into trance, or other altered states of consciousness (ASC), contribute positively to the reconstruction of social memories and make it possible for seemingly forgotten beliefs and practices to be retrieved. A combination of recent developments in research, theory and conjecture in neuroscience and older theory, data and speculation in anthropology are employed to explicate this idea. The analysis focuses on the (individual human) body within which social practice (or culture) and biophysiological processes converge. For so many in the contemporary world who see their lives as shattered by modernity’s secularizing and dehumanizing forces, what is taking place as they strive to reconstruct their social pasts is a cultural-biological response manifesting itself in a range of social practices in which religion is pre-eminent.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/document/ABD10C82C70746199D2FCB093F471336E1921078/fulltext/pdf

DOI: 10.1177/0011392105049540

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:ABD10C82C70746199D2FCB093F471336E1921078

Le document en format XML

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<meta-value> Sidney M. Greenfield Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories: A             Psychosocial Genomic Approach to Reconstituting Social Memory during Religious Rituals             You have to begin to lose your memory, if only in bits and pieces, to realize that             memory is what makes our lives. Life without memory is no life at all. . . . Our memory             is our coherence, our reason, our feeling, even our action. Without it, we are nothing.             (Louis Bunuel, quoted in LeDoux, 2002: 97) Introduction While the tragic events of 11             September 2001 marked a new phase in the relationship between the US and the rest of the             world, within the social sciences a death knell was signaled for its principal paradigm.             For more than half a century, modernization theory, including its Marxist variants, had             been the only framework on which both policy analysts and scholars agreed.1 A central             premise was that with the passage of time, the diverse peoples and societies of the             world, no matter how large, small, or isolated they might be, would be absorbed into the             world market and become undifferentiated parts of one or another contemporary national             state. On being incorporated, they were expected to behave more like the peoples of the             West than their own parents and ancestors, and like those westerners, they would become             more secular and rational, while their religions,2 along with other symbolic aspects of             their 'traditional' lives, would wither in importance, if not disappear alto- gether.             The attacks by Al Qaeda on New York and Washington, in the name of a fundamentalist             Islam, brought home to the general public and the social science community the reality             that religion, in its many diverse forms, Current Sociology, March 2005, Vol. 53(2):             275291 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi)             www.sagepublications.com DOI: 10.1177/0011392105049540 certainly had not disappeared. In             spite of long periods of urbanization, participation in the world economy, becoming             members of independent nations and 'modernizing' in other ways, it still provided             meaningful, albeit differing, views of the world and motivation for countless numbers of             indi- viduals.3 Clearly, the practitioners of purportedly disappearing cultural             practices such as followers of traditional religions are changing, but their lives, at             least what generally is understood about them, are more a caricature of the West than             the Xeroxed copy predicted in writings on modernization. Words such as 'impoverished',             'uneducated', or 'ignorant' convey a negative impression and the opposite of what a             western reader might know and understand about this large and continuously growing             segment of humanity. What in the name of a quest for identity seems to drive so much of             the conscious activities of this highly diverse population might be better understood as             a desire by members of each group to reconstruct the memory of a disappearing social             past in which life was believed to have been better, where there were greater             opportunities for individual fulfillment and more meaning. This article explores the             relationship between these efforts by social groups to regain (or remember) their             cultural pasts and the distinctive forms taken in the ritual and other practices of so             many of today's religions. Specifically, I propose that religious rituals that enable             participants to enter into trance, or other altered states of consciousness (ASC),             contribute posi- tively to the reconstruction of social memories and make it possible             for seem- ingly forgotten cultural beliefs and practices to be retrieved. A combination             of recent developments in research, theory and conjecture in neuroscience and older             theory, data and speculation in anthropology is employed to examine this idea. The             analysis focuses on the (individual human) body within which social practice (or             culture) and biophysiological processes converge. I suggest that for so many in the             contemporary world who see their lives as shattered by modernity's secularizing and             dehumanizing forces, what is taking place as they strive to reconstruct their social             pasts is a cultural- biological response manifesting itself in a range of social             practices in which religion is pre-eminent. Religious participation is increasing             worldwide and its fastest develop- ing forms embrace both leaders and followers entering             into trance states. While in these altered states individuals more easily access             (remember or reconstruct) memories of seemingly lost cultural beliefs and actions, which             may be retained in memory and later accessed even when other beliefs and behaviors seem             to have replaced them. The practices and understandings concerned are those             anthropologists call 'culture'. For the most part, they are acquired informally and not             necessarily available to conscious memory, especially after other, often contradictory,             ideas and activities are learned. Participation in religious 276 Current Sociology Vol.             53 No. 2 Monograph 1 rituals that are open to and embrace trance states that last at             least one-and- a-half to two hours (one basic restactivity cycle [BRAC]) facilitates             access- ing these cultural memories. When groups of people with shared social             backgrounds enter religiously induced ASC, they are able to reinforce the fragments that             each is able to access individually, and collectively reconsti- tute a larger picture             that may be thought of as an unintended goal of the religious involvement. Religious             Practices and Social Memory Since scholars and intellectuals in the West contribute             significantly to shaping debate on public policy and influence decision-makers, it is             unfortunate, though understandable, that they have not reported or examined the continu-             ing role played by religion in the lives of the peoples in what in the era of the Cold             War came to be known as the 'third world'. As the United States and the Soviet Union,             both vast territorial states located in the northern hemi- sphere, vied for world             dominance in the second half of the 20th century, their opposing economic and             organizational agendas and materialistic belief systems were imposed on, and in many             respects, mostly superficially at the level of government officialdom, adopted by the             postcolonial and other new nations located predominantly in the South. Focusing             primarily on the pros and cons of affiliation with the West or its eastern adversary and             the impact this would have (mostly) on the (elites of the) new nations, only an             occasional handful of scholars said much about persisting, typically at the local level,             cultural practices such as religion. What is less excusable is that these same scholars             and intellectuals let their belief in modernity's inevitable secularization prevent them             from seeing what was happening within their own societies. Whereas the mainstream             Catholic and Protestant churches, which have been dominant in the West since the             Reformation and the beginnings of modernity, were in fact becoming more secular and             bureaucratic, their third world offshoots were not. Instead, the southern churches were             engaged in a process not unlike what Christianity experienced when it was first brought             from the Mediter- ranean to Europe. Beliefs and forms of worship coming from one part of             the world were syncretized or mixed with those previously held by the new converts. The             results were revised and modified forms of Christianity that were more politically             conservative than those of their northern counterparts and incorporated elements, such             as trance states, spirit possession and revel- ation, that although no longer practiced,             had been significant aspects of earlier Christian practices. In Brazil, the most             populous Roman Catholic country in the world, vast numbers participate more in             processions, pilgrimages and the making of Greenfield: Trance States and Accessing             Implicit Memories 277 vows to saints for help with practical matters than in the             activities of the official church and its priesthood. This concern of the people with             illness, poverty, hunger and other forms of suffering gave birth to Liberation Theology             and the establishment of Christian Base Communities (within the official Church), the             goal of which was social change through engagement in the political process. Brazil is             home to the largest number of inhabitants active in African- derived religions. In the             second half of the 20th century, large numbers from all social classes joined what             formerly had been small, marginal cults of African-derived Spiritist practice in which             they learned to enter into trance and receive spirits who instructed and helped with the             affairs of daily life. Worshippers, including many leaders, simultaneously attended             Roman Catholic services enabling them to claim affiliation with this largest of Chris-             tian groups. More recently, Pentecostal and other evangelical Protestants, having             declared (spiritual) war on both the African-derived groups and the Catholic Church,             have made a large and still growing number of converts. To gain followers, they, like             their antagonists before them, have encompassed many of the indigenous practices             previously absorbed by their adversaries. Syncretic mixtures of African, Amerindian and             Spiritist elements character- ize many of the services of evangelical Brazilian             churches. The result is a Christianity different from and often unfamiliar to not just             the rank-and-file of worshippers in North America and Europe, who often subsidize their             co-religionists in the South, but even to religious scholars. A similar situation is             found throughout the rest of Latin America and the Caribbean, where Christian churches             in nations that had sizeable indigenous populations, such as Mexico, Guatemala, El             Salvador, Peru, Columbia and Chile, today exhibit greater inputs of Amerindian elements             in their Christianity than the African-derived practices of Brazil and other places             where large numbers of African slaves had been imported. In all cases, trance states,             requests for supernatural assistance with practical problems and healing pervade the             ever growing Christianity. In Africa, European churches accompanied the colonization             process as they did in the Americas. In the western hemisphere, aspects of indigenous             worship were mixed with and then incorporated as converts were absorbed. Here too,             individuals at the local level, often claiming to receive revelations, established their             own churches that after national independence either remained unaffiliated, or continued             their association with denominations in Europe and the US. In local-level groups who             maintain ties with affiliates in the North, trance states, incorporation of or             communication with the super- natural and an emphasis on solving practical problems,             including healing, dominate religious practices and beliefs in ways that although             prevalent throughout the South, remain suspect to those in the North. An interesting             parallel may be drawn between these new, revitalized, or 278 Current Sociology Vol. 53             No. 2 Monograph 1 syncretized forms of Christianity  the 'Next Christendom', as Jenkins             (2002) titles his book on the subject  and Islam. Both monotheistic faiths, according             to demographic data, are expanding rapidly, but primarily in the South, where population             growth is expected to be greatest in the new century. And as each expands in its own             way, it seems to be incorporating aspects of the traditional practices of its converts             that emphasize the more mystical parts of their pasts such as entering into a trance and             communicating directly with the supernatural to obtain otherworldly help in solving             practical problems of this world. In parts of the world where Buddhism, Hinduism and             other ancient religions are competing with the missionary efforts of the proselytizing             monotheistic faiths to retain their share of the growing world population, a similar             situation may be found. Religion has not disappeared across most of the earth as             modernization theorists predicted, but instead is growing, with the expansion being             greater in groups whose names are known to western- ers than in exotic faiths. Many of             the beliefs and practices of the rapidly expanding monotheistic faiths have diverged             from those of their counterparts in the West in ways that have made them foreign even to             those whose groups bear the same name. What seem to be major characteristics of so many             of the religions  Christian, Muslim or traditional, old and new  in the rest of the             world are: (1) the pervasiveness of trance states or other ASC that facilitates (2)             direct communication with, and in cases the incorporation of, the super- natural, which             is (3) enlisted to provide help with practical problems. Having proposed a relationship             between this expanding constellation of religious attributes and the pervasive effort by             peoples across the globe to recreate seemingly lost social pasts  to enable them to             better respond to the exigencies of colonization, imperialism, globalization and             internal subjuga- tion following independence  we turn to recent thinking and research             on learning and memory, beginning from the perspective of neurobiology.4 The             Neuroscience of Learning and Memory According to LeDoux (2002: 134), 'Most             neuroscientists today believe that alterations in synaptic connectivity underlie             learning, and that memory is the stabilization and maintenance of these changes over             time.' This statement rests on a view of the way life works that assumes that all             organisms are composed of cells that in turn are made up of genes containing DNA (and             RNA) that provide instructions for the production of the proteins and other enzymes that             make the organs and other parts of the members of each species. The genetic materials             also contribute to the ordinary working behaviors of the organism. While genes may             determine what may be thought of as the basic grid for all living forms, they, and             consequently the phenotypes they Greenfield: Trance States and Accessing Implicit             Memories 279 produce, may be modified by information coming from outside the cell and,             ultimately, from outside the organism. A genetically programmed plan containing             pre-existing synaptic connec- tions leading from cells in other parts of the body to the             neurons of the brain is assumed by all contemporary students of learning. But, as             Edelman (1987) has shown, the synapses leading to the brain, like organisms in the             Darwin- ian model of evolution, compete to stay alive, with only the successful ones             surviving. Putting behind them the often acrimonious nature/nurture debate that             polarizes thinking and research, neuroscientists have adopted Hebb's (1949) hypothesis             of plasticity  that neurons may be altered by experience. This makes it possible for             them to see nature and nurture as always interact- ing. 'The pattern of neural             circuitry', as Edelman (1987; cited in LeDoux, 2002: 73) continues, therefore, '. . . is             neither established nor rearranged instructively in response to external influences.'             'External influences', adds LeDoux (2002: 73), 'instead, select synapses by initiating             and reinforcing certain patterns of neural activity that involve them' on which             selection ulti- mately operates, and from which experience does the selecting. The human             brain contains 'billions of neurons, or brain cells that together make trillions of             synaptic connections among one another' (LeDoux, 2002: 49). Chemicals, such as             glutamate, help to bind together neurons in the continuing formation of new synapses.             Several categories of genes have been isolated. Most basic are those called housekeeping             genes. These create the cells and other structures and their DNA provides instructions             for making the enzymes that maintain the basic functions of life such as metabolism,             energy production, growth, respiration, waste removal, etc. A second category of genes             are the so-called 'clock genes' that coordinate the chronobiology of life, setting the             time cycles of many common everyday states like waking, sleeping and dreaming. The time             parameters set by the clock genes coordinate the pace and rhythm of life processes of             metabolism, homeostasis, growth, energy, information flow, behavior, memory and meaning.             Still another class of genes of special interest here is the immediate-early, or third             messenger genes. These carry signals that transfer extra-cellular information  often             coming from outside the organism  which modifies 'target gene' transcription, thereby             changing the phenotype of neurons. According to Rossi (2002: 29), these 'Genes literally             come to life when they creatively replay and express . . . information in response to             signals from the environment to transcribe . . . stored DNA information into messenger             RNA in the molecule of the cell.' Everything from sexual stimuli, temperature, food,             psychological stress, physical trauma and toxins in the environment can be signaled to             these genes to turn them on, thereby modi- fying the neurons. For most forms of learning             to occur, information from outside the organism, entering through the eyes, ears, skin,             etc., must be transduced to 280 Current Sociology Vol. 53 No. 2 Monograph 1 the cells             where it may turn on immediate-early genes that target, for example, other genes to make             the proteins that transmit the information along a series of synapses eventually             reaching the brain. Of special importance here are studies showing that certain             messenger molecules stabilize learning in a very distinctive way. When learning is             encoded under conditions of high emotional arousal, Rossi (2002: 30ff.) writes, it tends             'to become state-dependent (or state bound) to that psycho- biological condition'.             Remembering what has been learned is dependent on the original psychobiological             condition when it was first transmitted along the synapses and encoded in the brain. The             content of what is learned and stored then may become dissociated or apparently 'lost'             after the messenger molecules released have been metabolized and returned to normal             levels. 'Reactivating them has a tendency to reestablish the original encoding             condition, and with it, the emotions and varying degrees of memory' of the original             experience (Rossi, 2002: 67). Neuroscientists make a distinction between learning and             memory and see them as distinct processes. Although based on learning, memories, as             Bartlett (1932) demonstrated more than seven decades ago, are (re)construc- tions             assembled after the fact and at the time of retrieval. They are in most instances based             only in part on what was originally learned. At the time of learning, the experience,             after being transduced to the cells where it may turn on some genes to produce enzymes             that transmit it along the synapses, is stored in the brain. The original event,             however, is only one of the items contributing to what is reconstructed and hence             remembered. Conscious (Explicit) vs Non-Declarative (Implicit) Learning and Memory             Students of learning and memory differentiate between what they classify as the             conscious, or declarative, and the procedural, or implicit (LeDoux, 2002: Chs 5 and 6;             Milner et al., 1998). The declarative is easy for an individual to recall and present             verbally since it refers primarily to people, objects and places. The non-declarative             type is used for perceptual and motor skills and, more generally, for behavior. This             makes it difficult, if not impossible, to express verbally. Implicit learning is evident             primarily in performance (Kandel, 1999: 508; LeDoux, 2002: 98). Most cultural behaviors             studied by anthropologists are acquired implicitly. Information learned explicitly may             be transformed into procedural memory through repetition. When first behind the wheel,             for example, driving involves conscious recollection that, over time, becomes an             automatic motor activity (Kandel, 1999: 508). Edelman and Tononi (2000: 186ff.) show how             playing the piano provides another example. When first practicing a Greenfield: Trance             States and Accessing Implicit Memories 281 series of arpeggios, the pianist will begin             with a single one, add another, and then still a third, eventually stringing them             together. As each is mastered, they are 'nested' with links set up among the loops at             the level of the basic ganglia or other cortical appendages.5 With practice, the at             first conscious effort becomes implicit as the portions of the brain responsible for the             execution of each routine are reduced to a specific and dedicated set of linked (neural)             circuits. Eventually, during a performance, fingers move without thought and what has             been learned is executed without conscious awareness as if uninfluenced by any             intentional control the pianist exerts. Another example of declarative and implicit             learning is seen in the acqui- sition and use of language. Even if we were to accept             Pinker's (1994) idea that the potential for grammar and language exists in the genes of             humans, it would still have to be activated for an individual to be able to speak or             under- stand any specific language. By virtue of being exposed to one language, a child             will make (and also hear) a certain range and variety of sounds. For example, someone             growing up speaking Japanese would not differentiate between the 'l' and the 'r' sound             since the two are used interchangeably. Should that same individual then study English,             asking for a 'rorypop' would not be unexpected or unreasonable.6 The members of a             language group, to return to Edelman's (1987) model of synaptic evolution, may use some             of the synapses (making the necessary proteins, etc.) and not others, leading the             activated ones to grow and those remaining to atrophy and perhaps disappear. Although it             is possible to make new synapses, facilitating the enunciation of additional sounds, it             becomes increasingly difficult to do so like a native speaker after childhood. This             often results in what is commonly thought of as speaking with an accent. Acquir- ing             another language, and the social problems at times associated with making sounds that a             speaker's native tongue did not recognize, brings to the fore the emotion associated             with language acquisition and use. Misspeaking or mispronouncing invites sanctions that             may be as mild as a sideward glance or as strong as outward condemnation. When we grow             up speaking a specific language, we master the appro- priate way of pronouncing sounds             and placing them into larger units of phrases and sentences. Neuroscientists would state             that, along with the synapses that encode the making, hearing and use of sounds in their             proper places, other proteins form synapses that when activated produce socially             recognized reactions to mistakes. These encoded, implicitly stored patterns lead             individuals to monitor both the behavior of others and their own linguis- tic practices,             with the latter resulting in something similar to feelings of guilt and shame. In brief,             members of a community learn both the accepted emotional responses associated with             linguistic misuse and appropriate ways to sanction errors; this combination results in a             self-correcting system in 282 Current Sociology Vol. 53 No. 2 Monograph 1 which the             specifics of sound production and grammatical arrangements are perpetuated over time.             The degree of emotionality associated with language acquisition suggests that the social             context at the time it is encoded may be state dependent and bound to the             psychobiological condition during which the learning took place. Many other forms of             culture are learned in a manner similar to acquir- ing a language or playing the piano.             Although consciousness may seem to be involved, like the arpeggios and the phonemes,             they too are implicit and transmitted chemically along the synapses to circuits in the             brain and stored, to be retrieved later as memories when circumstances call for it.             Since so much of human learning is acquired under conditions that encode emotional             responses, I suggest that many aspects of cultural behavior are state depen- dent.             Culture as Human Learning From its beginnings, anthropology has been a field straddling             the sciences and the humanities. When Tylor first set out what was to become an academic             discipline, he defined it in terms of its master concept. Culture for him was 'that             complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other             capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society' (see Tylor, 1970: 1;             emphasis added). Later Kroeber would add: 'anthropology is the interrelation of what is             biological in man and what is social and historical in him' raising the issue of the             balance between the two and the influence of each on the other (see Kroeber, 1948: 2).             Thus, anthro- pology was inevitably placed squarely in the middle of the nature/nurture             debate. Field studies conducted after the turn of the 20th century revealed the broad             range of diversity humans possessed in organizing their lives, leading anthropologists             to emphasize the differences between people, raising ques- tions about the cultural and             behavioral potential biology made possible. Prior to the Second World War, as Wolf             (1974: 33) observes, 'the psychobiological design of man seemed irrelevant'. It was             assumed to be open and 'could be made to subscribe to any culture. Cultural variability,             unhampered by limi- tations of physique or psyche, seemed endless.' Emphasis was placed             on the range of socially based cultural learning acquired by a human being as a member             of society almost to the neglect of possible biological limitations. This orientation             changed significantly after the Second World War. Humans came to be seen as forced by             the inherited design 'over and over again to seek answers to the same questions,             solutions to the same needs' (Wolf, 1974: 33). This postwar change as to how much the             genetic underpinnings determined or constrained human potential to create culture             coincided with the genetic Greenfield: Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories 283             revolution. Founders of new fields, such as sociobiology and evolutionary psychology,             accepting the determinism postulated by Crick,7 berated anthro- pology, claiming that it             paid no attention to the biological design of the human animal. Using older             anthropological studies and discussions of learned behavior as straw men, they continue             to criticize the field in their effort to reduce explanations of behavior to biology.             This assault was unnecessary. Recent theory and research in neuroscience show             emphatically that 'nature and nurture are always interacting in the processes of             psychobiological communication via the psychosocial dynamics of gene expression' (Rossi,             2002: 201; emphasis in the original). A logical sugges- tion at this point in time is             that neuroscience would profit by adding the comparative cultural perspective             anthropology has brought to scientific inquiry, while anthropology would benefit from             the addition of more biophysiology when analyzing its data. Non-Conscious Learning,             Images and Emotion Many aspects of culture learned early in life, similarly to music and             language, are learned implicitly. Consequently, rarely are they ever expressed verbally,             or brought to the level of consciousness. Examples abound. It is well docu- mented that             when people from sub-Saharan Africa walk or dance, their hips and lower limbs alone seem             to be in motion, while Europeans, in contrast, employ their heads, shoulders and legs,             moving their hips less. One pattern has no adaptive advantage over the other since both             enable the individual to go from one place to another or to rhythmically accompany             music. This does not stop members of either group from sanctioning those among them who             do not act 'properly'. That is, members of social groups judge and then sanction each             other when one does not conform to those patterns that are normative to the group. The             behaviors, as in the case of language, are learned in emotion-laden contexts, making             them, as suggested previously, state dependent. This is true of other seemingly mundane             aspects of life such as eating, or covering the body. Certainly, at a basic biological             level, humans are capable of consuming and deriving nutrition from a wide variety of             items. In fact, however, specific societies consume only a limited range of things             available to them and their members often respond negatively8 to even the thought of             ingesting, let alone swallowing what they have been taught is not food. Conversely, many             foods are associated with strong positive feelings. In instances where populations have             been incorporated as minorities in modern nations, foods believed to have been eaten             regularly by their ancestors have on occasions become markers of their identity. The             emotionality associated with their consumption suggests that learning to ingest them was             state dependent. 284 Current Sociology Vol. 53 No. 2 Monograph 1 We claim that             biological processes make us 'feel hungry' at appropriate times. When a meal is missed             because of pressing activities or when travel- ing in parts of the world where three             meals a day are not standard, we become hungry according to our schedule and react when             deprived of access to food. A similar response frequently occurs when fully nutritious             exotic foods are offered. Even if very hungry, accepting dog or rat and eating it could             result in (uncontrolled) biological reactions. Where and how one eats are learned             behaviors that also carry an emotional load. While it is fully acceptable to be offered             pasta or an omelet, to have to eat it with one's fingers or in the closet can be             expected to elicit responses indicating that the original acquisition of the behavioral             pattern was state dependent.9 I am suggesting that a great variety of distinctively             human behaviors, including how people think about the world in which they live and the             categories they use to classify what is in it  'the belief(s), art, morals, law,             custom, and . . . other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society'             used by Tylor (1970: 1) to define culture  are learned implicitly and encoded in a             state dependent manner. Though not available to conscious- ness, and for discussion,             they are present ordering the thinking and activities of those exposed to (or socialized             in terms of) the learning patterns of their particular group. Held in the declarative             memories of individual members of a group, they appear more in their shared symbols and             images than in the words they use. 'People in interaction', as Aijmer (1995: 45)             writes, . . . always draw on their repository of images when they construct social life.             The force of imagery is something which [sic] is not easily retrievable in terms of             language. . . . Images make themselves known through cultural institutions, not by way             of reflexive thought. . . . imagery, especially in the form of stable icons, frames and             supports the social discourse. The force it transmits being differently construed than             the sentences of language, gives a particular dignity  the voice of human morality  to             its messages, which are clearly intuited and yet not reflexively understood. The imagery             seems to operate as visual pictures whose semanticity hinges on the presence of still             other images. This complex of unverbalized information about the details of appropriate             action in a great number of specific contexts, Aijmer concludes, draws into the             behaviors of individuals 'implications of morality, righteousness, correctness, order,             and ultimately the force of blessing' (Aijmer, 1995: 45). The generalization that human             beings learn the specific behaviors that have been established or institutionalized by             the members of the social group into which they are born and that these practices, which             carry considerable emotional weight, shape their thoughts and deeds is an             anthropological truism. For most of human existence, there has been considerable             stability and Greenfield: Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories 285 continuity             in the content of the beliefs and behaviors learned by the members of social groups             across the generations. Though this has become less the case in recent years, studies             find at least some central aspects of cultures are trans- mitted, if only in modified             form, over relatively long periods of time. This certainly does not mean that             fluctuations do not occur.10 Researchers whose thinking is consistent with modernization             theory have decried the impli- cations that some of the changes would have on the future             of the peoples they study. New accounts tell of those who have been uprooted by             commercial expansion, civil or proxy wars and other factors beyond their control that             have forced them from their ancestral homes. Relocated on the margins, and peripheral to             newly independent national societies, some tens and even hundreds of millions of people             now must seek employment11 in order to survive in a world they are not prepared for.             Generations are being born for whom the ways of their ancestors are no longer viable and             are being discarded and forgotten. The reconstruction of a social past is a conscious             and intentional act. People whose forebears came from the same place and who may have             learned fragments of an ancestral language and other behaviors leading them to assume             that they once shared a way of life or a view of the world, reflect on and discuss with             each other the content of this seemingly forgotten past. The specifics of the cultural             beliefs and behaviors whose memory is sought, however, were learned implicitly and state             dependently; consequently, it is not available in conscious memory that can be expressed             in words. How can individuals not conscious of what they may have acquired from their             ances- tors, living in different settings, speaking new languages and behaving in             different ways, possibly remember and reconstruct their social past? The answer may be             related, in some way, to participation in the rapidly expanding religions characterized             by their acceptance and advocacy of trance and other ASC in their ritual practices. This             relationship between recon- structing state-dependent, implicit, non-conscious memories             and ASC is discussed in the next section. Hypnosis and the Reconstruction of             State-Dependent Learning 'Perceptive surgeons', Rossi and Cheek (1988: 107) write, 'have             long reported cases in which their patients were apparently able to hear and remember             significant events and controversial remarks while under general anesthesia.' Assuming a             patient was 'asleep', a surgeon may inadvertently say, 'it's gangrenous', before             removing some infected tissue, or 'we missed it'  refer- ring to something else  and             then uttering, 'let's close' after excising a tumor. The patient, unable to see what was             happening and relying only on what was heard, 'believed' that they 'had gangrene', or             that the surgeon had closed 286 Current Sociology Vol. 53 No. 2 Monograph 1 without             removing the tumor. As a result, their recovery was negatively affected and hampered.             Rossi and Cheek present numerous such examples and explain how with psychotherapy and             hypnosis, the patients were able to reconstruct the events, move them to the level of             consciousness, making their resolution possible through discussion. The relevance for us             is that while hypnotized, the patients, with the help of suggestions from the therapist,             were able to reconstruct events that had been learned state dependently and stored             non-consciously and non-verbally. Elsewhere,12 Rossi (1993) presents examples of             behaviors ranging from phobias to traumatic amnesia and multiple personalities that were             learned state dependently and retained implicitly. Hypnotherapy enabled the sufferer to             reconstruct the original learning context, leading to eventual recovery. I suggest that             apparently 'lost' cultural items may also be recovered under hypnosis. That is, in             response to suggestions made while an individual is in trance,13 the person may be able             to reconstruct not consciously acquired early learning that may be moved to explicit             memory and then discussed. Inducing patients into altered states for therapeutic             purposes goes back to the work of Franz Anton Mesmer a little over two centuries ago,             anti- dating the advent of modern psychology, psychiatry and psychoanalysis.14 Since             that time, a large body of evidence has accumulated demonstrating the significant             improvement in treatment obtained when patients are in hypnotic (altered) states (see             Greenfield, in press; Barber, 1999, 1984; Ewin, 1984; Holroyd, 1992; Marmer, 1959; Ley             and Freeman, 1984; Moore and Kaplan, 1983; Ruzyla-Smith et al., 1995; Rossi, 2002,             1993). Although some still question whether hypnosis, and by implication all altered             states, actually exist, and contend that only a small percentage of people are good             hypnotic subjects and able to respond with or without formal induction, Rossi (1993,             1996, 2002), following in the tradition of Erickson, in contrast, maintains that             entering an altered state is part of the normal, everyday biological experience of all             human beings.15 Referring to this as 'the wave nature of consciousness and being'             (Rossi, 1996: 120), he adds that half a century ago researchers observed that every 90             minutes or so throughout the night, sleep became a very 'active process' for about 1030             minutes, during which oxygen consumption increased and more blood flowed to the brain.             Breathing, heart rate, blood pressure and gastrointestinal movements became more             variable than during wakefulness. During these periods of rapid eye movement (REM)             sleep, brain wave patterns, as measured by electroencephalograph (EEG), became similar             to the active pattern when awake. Researchers later confirmed that the 90- to 120-minute             dream rhythm apparently continues during the day. Kleitman (1963, 1969), one of the             first to observe the REM activity pattern, refers to a basic restactivity cycle (BRAC)             in sleep and wakefulness. The early therapists to use hypnosis, Rossi (1996: 124)             believes, may have Greenfield: Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories 287 been             intuitively aware of the wave nature of human experience. But it was Erickson who             effectively applied it. Unlike his colleagues who saw patients for a 50-minute session,             he preferred to meet for an hour and a half or more. 'He claimed that people in everyday             life also naturally drifted between subtle but distinct mindbody states. When he worked             with patients for at least an hour and a half or two, he found, they were almost certain             to go through distinct changes in their consciousness and states of being' (Rossi, 1996:             129).16 This is the time it takes for the gene expression/protein synthesis cycle to             complete one ultradian cycle (Rossi, 2002: 69). 'What has been tradition- ally called             "therapeutic suggestion" may be, in essence, the accessing, entrain- ment, and             utilization of ultradian/circadian replays of mindbody communication on all levels,             from the cellular-genomic to the behavioral, that are responsive to psychosocial cues'             (Rossi, 2002: 70; emphasis in the original). Conclusion Like surgical patients who             retrieved emotionally laden information they were not consciously aware they held until             entering a hypnotic state, I suggest that people wishing to reproduce their cultural             past might do so when they enter into a trance state and are prodded by suggestions             that, though unintended, can be as effective as those made by a therapist. Multitudes of             people, especially those in the southern hemisphere, have been dislocated from the lands             of their ancestors and now find themselves on the periphery looking in on a new,             postcolonial world. While engaging in (religious) rituals that last for more than one             and a half to two hours (one BRAC cycle) and encouraged to go into trance, they find,             especially if they are actively wishing to reconstruct their social pasts, that in             response to probes suggested by leaders who understand their plight, they may in fact be             able to move into conscious memory aspects of long forgotten (cultural) learning. That             is, indi- viduals in an ASC desiring to remember may transduce external information             contained in sermons or performances to the level of their cells where proteins are made             and activate synapses that in turn will bring to conscious memory aspects of beliefs and             behaviors acquired implicitly so long ago. More importantly, while participating in the             rituals, or after their completion, in the presence of others of like (social)             background with similar aspirations, the remembered fragments are verbalized and             discussed. People can share these emerging thoughts, distant feelings and partial             behaviors. The combi- nation of individual recollections and shared reminiscences is             often conceived of as remembering a way of life that no longer exists. Further social             inter- action can strengthen and reinforce the hoped for reconstruction. Bartlett's             (1932) conclusion that memories, although derived from learning, are actually             reconstructions assembled after the fact and based only 288 Current Sociology Vol. 53             No. 2 Monograph 1 in part on the original acquisition, raises some unsettling             implications, however. If the pervasive efforts to reconstruct social pasts result in             images that actually represent only a fraction of what was originally learned, would it             not be erroneous to think of them, as they so often are presented, as 'authentic'             representations of the past? The answer is 'yes'. They are, instead, reinventions,             produced in the course of social interaction, from fragments held in the unconscious             memories of individuals. What is important for our purposes, nevertheless, is that the             process, which combines neurobiology and culture in the bodies of individuals in a             religious setting, that is then embell- ished socially, results in something that is             providing hope for so many other- wise frustrated and often desperate people. Notes 1             Scholars who found agreement in modernization theory were as diverse as econ- omists and             political scientists, on the one hand, and philosophers, ethnologists and folklorists,             on the other. 2 Religion, the reader should be reminded, is a folk category of modern,             western culture. It developed historically out of the dualism that emerged after the             birth of science. Unlike the picture Kuhn (1970) presents of paradigm replacement within             science, the scientific view of the world did not completely replace its predecessor.             Instead, Christianity, which had provided a total picture of the universe in the West             for more than a millennium, was set off in a new category, composed of that which was             placed outside the purview of science. 3 In its name, believers of even the most             traditional creed could master and apply the technologies of the western world to strike             out in anger in response to both real and perceived offenses with startling and             devastating results. 4 We see later that this body of knowledge focuses almost             exclusively on the biophysiology of learning and memory of single individuals. The             reason for this, I suggest, is that while many psychologists have reached out and             embraced the new framework, few anthropologists, sociologists and historians have done             so. 5 Because of its enormous associative capabilities, the dynamic core (that they             hypoth- esize as basic in the brain) would be in an ideal position to link or             hierarchically organize a series of preexisting unconscious routines into a particular             sequence. (Edelman and Tononi, 2000: 187) 6 While this might evoke laughter among native             speakers of English, in some speech contexts the indiscriminate use of a voiced variant             in place of the unvoiced one could have embarrassing consequences. 7 When he formulated             the 'dogma' of DNA RNA protein, attributing onto- logical priority to the genes (Crick,             1957). 8 That is with negative emotions. 9 The same may be said about covering the body             and those parts an individual finds comfortable to leave exposed. Deprived completely of             anything with which to Greenfield: Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories 289             cover oneself, the average westerner might find it difficult to function in public. The             reader can imagine the reaction if while taking a shower a voice shouted out that the             building was on fire and the only way to be saved was to jump immedi- ately out the             window. Would one look first for a towel or a bathrobe? 10 A fact fully recognized by             ethnographers. 11 Far too often, where no jobs are to be found or pay depressed wages.             12 Using cases taken from his own practices along with some reported by Milton H.             Erickson. 13 Which is a state like hypnosis. 14 After being utilized by the Marquis de             Puységur, Charcot, Janet and Bernheim in Europe, there was a period of abeyance, after             which research into the subject was initiated in the US by Hull, Erickson, Hilgard, and             others, and its use in therapy reintroduced by Milton H. Erickson (Gauld, 1992). 15             According to Winkelman (2000: 115), 'A (near) universal of human culture is the             existence of institutionalized procedures for altering consciousness.' 16 Erickson             called these natural periods 'the Common Everyday Trance'. They are times of 'openness             and vulnerability to outside influences; suggestions made during this time are sometimes             more easily accepted' (Rossi, 1996: 130). References AIJMER, G. (1995) Introduction to             Syncretism and the Commerce of Symbols. Göteborg: The Institute for Advanced Studies in             Social Anthropology at Göteborg University. BARBER, T. X. (1984) 'Changing             "Unchangeable" Bodily Processes by (Hypnotic) Suggestions: A New Look at Hypnosis,             Cognitions, Imagining, and the MindBody Problem', in A. A. Sheik (ed.) Imagination and             Healing, pp. 69127. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Publishing. BARBER, T. X. (1999) 'A             Comprehensive Three Dimensional Theory of Hypnosis', in I. Kirsch et al. (eds) Clinical             Hypnosis and Self Regulation. Cognitive-Behavioral Perspectives, pp. 2148. Washington,             DC: American Psychological Association. BARTLETT, F. C. (1932) Remembering. Cambridge:             Cambridge University Press. CRICK, F. H. C. (1957) Symposium of the Society for             Experimental Biology 12: 13863. EDELMAN, G. M. (1987) Neural Darwinism: The Theory of             Neuronal Group Selection. New York: Basic Books. EDELMAN, G. M. and TONONI, G. (2000) A             Universe of Consciousness: How Matter Become Imagination. New York: Basic Books. EWIN,             D. M. (1984) 'Hypnosis in Surgery and Anesthesia', in W. C. Western and A. H. Smith             (eds) Clinical Hypnosis: A Multidisciplinary Approach, pp. 21035. Philadelphia, PA:             Lippincott. GAULD, A. A. (1992) History of Hypnotism. Cambridge: Cambridge University             Press. GREENFIELD, Sidney M. (in press) 'The Cultural Biology of Brazilian Spiritist             Surgery and Other Alternatives to Biomedical Healing', International Journal of Para-             psychology. HEBB, D. O. ( 1949) The Organization of Behavior. New York: John Wiley. 290             Current Sociology Vol. 53 No. 2 Monograph 1 HOLROYD, J. (1992) 'Hypnosis as a             Methodology in Psychological Research', in E. Fromm and M. R. Nash (eds) Contemporary             Hypnosis Research, pp. 20126. New York: Guilford Press. JENKINS, P. (2002) The Next             Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity. New York: Oxford University Press.             KANDEL, E. R. (1999) 'Biology and the Future of Psychoanalysis: A New Intellectual             Framework for Psychiatry Revisited', American Journal of Psychiatry 56: 50524.             KLEITMAN, N. (1963) Sleep and Wakefulness as Alternating Phases in the Cycle of             Existence. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. KLEITMAN, N. (1969) 'Basic             RestActivity Cycle in Relation to Sleep and Wakeful- ness', in E. Hartman (ed.) Sleep:             Physiology and Pathology, pp. 338. Philadel- phia, PA: Lippincott. KROEBER, A. L.             (1948) Anthropology: Race, Language, Culture, Psychology, Prehis- tory. New York:             Harcourt, Brace and Co. (Orig. pub. 1921.) KUHN, Thomas S. (1970) The Structure of             Scientific Revolutions, International Encyclopedia of Unified Science, 2nd edn,             enlarged. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. LEDOUX, Joseph (2002) Synaptic Self:             How Our Brains Become Who We Are. New York: Viking Press. LEY, R. G. and FREEMAN, R. J.             (1984) 'Imagery, Cerebral Laterality and the Healing Process', in A. A. Sheik (ed.)             Imagination and Healing, pp. 5168. Farmingdale, NY: Baywood Publishing. MARMER, M. J.             (1959) Hypnosis in Anesthesiology. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. MILNER, B.,             SQUIRE, L. and KANDEL, E. (1998) 'Cognitive Neuroscience and the Study of Memory',             Neuron 20: 44568. MOORE, L. E. and KAPLAN, J. Z. (1983) 'Hypnotically Accelerated Burn             Wound Healing', American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis 26: 1619. PINKER, Steven (1994)             The Language Instinct: How the Mind Creates Language. New York: Harper. ROSSI, E. L.             (1993) The Psychobiology of MindBody Healing: New Concepts of Therapeutic Hypnosis. New             York and London: W. W. Norton. (Orig. pub. 1986.) ROSSI, E. L. (1996) The Symptom Path             to Enlightenment. The New Dynamics of Self- Organization in Hypnotherapy: An Advanced             Manual for Beginners. Pacific Palisades, CA: Palisades Gateway Publishing. ROSSI, E. L.             (2002) The Psychobiology of Gene Expression: Neuroscience and Neuro- genesis in Hypnosis             and the Healing Arts. New York and London: W. W. Norton. ROSSI, E. L. and CHEEK, D.             (1988) MindBody Therapy: Methods of Ideodynamic Healing in Hypnosis. New York and             London: W. W. Norton. RUZYLA-SMITH, P., BARABASZ, A., BARABASZ, M. and WARNER, D. (1995)             'Effects of Hypnosis on the Immune Response: B-Cells, T-Cells, Helper and Supressor             Cells', American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis 38(2): 719. TYLOR, E. B. (1970) Religion             in Primitive Culture. Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith. (Orig. pub. as part of Primitive             Culture, 1871.) WINKELMAN, M. (2000) Shamanism: The Neural Ecology of Consciousness and             Healing. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey. WOLF, E. R. (1974) Anthropology. New York:             Norton. Greenfield: Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories 291</meta-value>
</custom-meta>
</custom-meta-wrap>
</article-meta>
</front>
<back><notes>         
         <p>             
            <list list-type="order">                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>1 Scholars who found agreement in modernization theory were as diverse as                         economists and political scientists, on the one hand, and philosophers,                         ethnologists and folklorists, on the other.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>2 Religion, the reader should be reminded, is a folk category of modern,                         western culture. It developed historically out of the dualism that emerged                         after the birth of science. Unlike the picture Kuhn (1970) presents of                         paradigm replacement within science, the scientific view of the world did                         not completely replace its predecessor. Instead, Christianity, which had                         provided a total picture of the universe in the West for more than a                         millennium, was set off in a new category, composed of that which was placed                         outside the purview of science.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>3 In its name, believers of even the most traditional creed could master and                         apply the technologies of the western world to strike out in anger in                         response to both real and perceived offenses with startling and devastating results.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>4 We see later that this body of knowledge focuses almost exclusively on the                         biophysiology of learning and memory of single individuals. The reason for                         this, I suggest, is that while many psychologists have reached out and                         embraced the new framework, few anthropologists, sociologists and historians                         have done so.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>5 Because of its enormous associative capabilities, the dynamic core (that                         they hypothesize as basic in the brain) would be in an ideal position to                         link or hierarchically organize a series of preexisting unconscious routines                         into a particular sequence. (Edelman and Tononi, 2000: 187)</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>6 While this might evoke laughter among native speakers of English, in some                         speech contexts the indiscriminate use of a voiced variant in place of the                         unvoiced one could have embarrassing consequences.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>7 When he formulated the ‘dogma’ of DNA → RNA                         → protein, attributing ontological priority to the genes (Crick, 1957).</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>8 That is with negative emotions.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>9 The same may be said about covering the body and those parts an individual                         finds comfortable to leave exposed. Deprived completely of anything with                         which to cover oneself, the average westerner might find it difficult to                         function in public. The reader can imagine the reaction if while taking a                         shower a voice shouted out that the building was on fire and the only way to                         be saved was to jump immediately out the window. Would one look first for a                         towel or a bathrobe?</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>10 A fact fully recognized by ethnographers.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>11 Far too often, where no jobs are to be found or pay depressed wages.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>12 Using cases taken from his own practices along with some reported by                         Milton H. Erickson.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>13 Which is a state like hypnosis.</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>14 After being utilized by the Marquis de Puységur, Charcot, Janet                         and Bernheim in Europe, there was a period of abeyance, after which research                         into the subject was initiated in the US by Hull, Erickson, Hilgard, and                         others, and its use in therapy reintroduced by Milton H. Erickson (Gauld, 1992).</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>15 According to Winkelman (2000: 115), ‘A (near) universal of human                         culture is the existence of institutionalized procedures for altering consciousness.’</p>                 
               </list-item>                 
               <list-item>                     
                  <p>16 Erickson called these natural periods ‘the Common Everyday                         Trance’. They are times of ‘openness and vulnerability                         to outside influences; suggestions made during this time are sometimes more                         easily accepted’ (Rossi, 1996: 130).</p>                 
               </list-item>             
            </list>         
         </p>     
      </notes>
<ref-list>         
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<mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories: A Psychosocial Genomic Approach to Reconstituting Social Memory during Religious Rituals</title>
</titleInfo>
<titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories: A Psychosocial Genomic Approach to Reconstituting Social Memory during Religious Rituals</title>
</titleInfo>
<name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Sidney M.</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Greenfield</namePart>
</name>
<typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource>
<genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre>
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<dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2005-03</dateIssued>
<copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2005</copyrightDate>
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<language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm>
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<abstract lang="en">This article explores the relationship between efforts by members of diverse social groups to regain, reconstruct or remember disappearing cultural pasts - in which life was believed to have been better and more meaningful - and the distinctive forms taken in the ritual and other practices of so many of today’s religions. The author proposes that religious rituals that enable participants to enter into trance, or other altered states of consciousness (ASC), contribute positively to the reconstruction of social memories and make it possible for seemingly forgotten beliefs and practices to be retrieved. A combination of recent developments in research, theory and conjecture in neuroscience and older theory, data and speculation in anthropology are employed to explicate this idea. The analysis focuses on the (individual human) body within which social practice (or culture) and biophysiological processes converge. For so many in the contemporary world who see their lives as shattered by modernity’s secularizing and dehumanizing forces, what is taking place as they strive to reconstruct their social pasts is a cultural-biological response manifesting itself in a range of social practices in which religion is pre-eminent.</abstract>
<subject><genre>keywords</genre>
<topic>altered states of consciousness (ASC)</topic>
<topic>BRAC (one basic rest-activity cycle)</topic>
<topic>ritual</topic>
<topic>social memory</topic>
<topic>trance</topic>
</subject>
<relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Current sociology</title>
</titleInfo>
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<identifier type="ISSN">0011-3921</identifier>
<identifier type="eISSN">1461-7064</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID">CSI</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spcsi</identifier>
<part><date>2005</date>
<detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption>
<number>53</number>
</detail>
<detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption>
<number>2</number>
</detail>
<extent unit="pages"><start>275</start>
<end>291</end>
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Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories: A Psychosocial Genomic Approach to Reconstituting Social Memory during Religious Rituals

Trance States and Accessing Implicit Memories: A Psychosocial Genomic Approach to Reconstituting Social Memory during Religious Rituals

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