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Commentaries

Auteurs : George J. Makari

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<meta-value>51 Commentaries SAGE Publications, Inc.1997DOI: 10.1177/00030651970450010506 George J. Makari New York Hospital / Cornell University Medical Center Payne Whitney Box 171 525 East 68th Street New York, NY 10021 History is a tale told about the past in the present for present purposes. —Paul Ricoeur How, asks Lawrence Friedman, can we explain the contemporary renaissance of psychoanalytic inquiry? To answer, he takes us back to a time of discovery in which Sigmund Freud sculpted difficult and perplexing encounters with patients into the psychoanalytic situation. It is an ambitious and important story Friedman seeks to tell, for he would have it act as a point of origin, a beginning to organize our present and guide our future. An historically minded, philosophically trained psychiatrist, Lawrence Friedman has over the past twenty-five years shown an abil- ity to cut through jargon, grab hold of essentials, and allow us to envi- sion the hidden problems and potentials at the heart of psychoanalysis. In the tradition of American pragmatists, Friedman is interested in the interplay between ideas and praxis. His brilliant 600-page opus, The Anatomy of Psychotherapy (1988), is a wide-ranging, detailed attempt 52 to understand how our different stances and theories go straight to, or come straight from, the “silent predicaments that squeeze” us at work (1988, p. x). This plenary speech will not disappoint those who have come to expect trenchant analytics and imaginative insight from Friedman on these issues. But before embarking with our guide, we should remind ourselves that other cultures and other ages have taken their own journey, come back with their own myth of origins, found differing workable “essences” of Freud in his rich, complex, endlessly suggestive, and at times contra- dictory body of work (e.g., Kurzweil 1989; Young-Bruehl 1994). For, as Ricoeur warns us, the purposes of the cultural present can determine what makes for a meaningful past. In Friedman's history, we immediately come up against the forces of our larger cultural condition, postmodernism. For Friedman, unlike previous foragers into the Freudian past, self-consciously proposes to confabulate a mythic past. He goes so far as to say, “In reality, there is no privileged history of anything.” And so, like a postmodernist novel- ist, Friedman boldly foregrounds his artifice, tells us this is no more than a fable, and then begins to weave and weave, strand by strand, until before we know it, so many threads have come together that it seems, well, real. Friedman's thesis, put simply, is that the past that we should heed and organize around as we move into our second century is Freud's discovery of—not libido or dream interpretation, not ego, object world, or self—but rather of the analytic situation. This “return to Freud” would seem to be in line with the work of recent authors such as Gill (1982), Schafer (1983), Kris (1982), and Jacobs (1991). Friedman's history of our origins goes like this: In 1895 Freud approached his patients with a hungry curiosity and a desire for the recall of memories. A practical result of the fundamental rule was to eschew such physicianly desire and authority by endorsing the patient's wishes. But by 1912, according to Friedman, Freud was back in a bind, for in fact the only wish of his patients that he “ever really endorsed was the wish to remember; other wishes were always to be tamed.” Hence came the resolutions of analytic neutrality and abstinence, as well as a concentrated focus on resistance analysis. The analytic attitudes that emerged Friedman sums up as the “demand structure” of the analytic situation.” And all was well. Until the 1920s and 1930s, with the development 53 of ego psychology, there arose a maturational attitude, a notion of arrested development and incubation. These newer attitudes, according to Friedman, forced the analyst to become an arbiter of larger social realities, determining what was “appropriate” or “realistic.” The heavy burden of ferreting out the real was placed squarely on the shoulders of the analyst's interpretations. As a result, interpretations became “idealized” and technique turned “priestly” and “doctrinaire.” In revolt, Friedman's generation of analysts returned to ground zero, the encounter of patient and analyst; here he roots the interesting and fruitful contem- porary “tinkering” with the analytic situation. And so we have come from the 1890s to the present via an ingenious tour de force that brings together so much by focusing on the shifts in the analytic situation. But Friedman is not through. In closing, our guide broadens his scope, claiming that the preservation of the analytic attitude accounts for that “old embarrassing question” about the inbreeding of psychoanalytic institutes. While this may be a minor point in Friedman's address, allow me to expand on its implications, for I believe there is more here then ini- tially meets the eye. Friedman points out that Freudian theory survived pop culture and academia, but he argues that the psychoanalytic treat- ment structure could not. However, Friedman's own clear and solid descriptions of the analytic attitude stand in contradiction to his notion that these attitudes were so “ephemeral,” so unstable, that they needed to be cloistered from the world. These attitudes are, in Friedman's words, compelling, clear, strongly articulated modes of thinking, wishing, and acting. As Friedman himself says, these attitudes and the responses to them are features of the empirical world, which is more than one can say about some of our theory. Surely one can understand the need for a nascent discipline to create its own identity via cohesion and exclusivity, but does that explain the persistence of insular and dogmatic practices in institutes decades after the basic technique was in place? The “old, embarrassing question” of the inbred psychoanalytic institute cannot so easily be dismissed. This is a deeply complicated and disturbing part of our recent past that must be understood in all its multiply determined layers. Social histories of American psychoanalysis (e.g., Hale 1995) have addressed a number of factors that pertain to this question, as have studies of psychoanalytic educational practice (e.g., Kernberg 1986; Arlow and Brenner 1988). Friedman's final conclusion points us backward and forces us to 54 ask what this final leg of our journey tells us about where we started from and what we saw on the way. One of Friedman's gifts is his keen ability to force concepts to bear their full implications. And so, as one might expect, his apologetic claim for the necessity of institutional inbreeding makes a certain sense if one starts with his historiographic premise. For, like many histories of the origins of psychoanalysis, Friedman's is a purely internalist history. Such an historiography allows for foggy precursors, but fundamentally sees the birth of the field as having emerged first from Freud and then from his followers' imperatives and intelligence as they worked with and observed their patients. Such a history can be contrasted to externalist social histories or, more compellingly in this case, histories in which external context and internal process meet, mingle, and cross-fertilize (e.g., Schorske 1980; Gilman 1993). Implicit in each of these historiographic strategies is an assumption about the determining factors that have driven psychoanalytic history, an assumption, I would argue, that has deep ramifications for our vision of ourselves and our field. For while a cultural present may indeed influence our vision of the past, our unconscious fantasies and personal myths of the past can color and determine our present, as any psycho- analyst knows. Similarly, a shared history of origins for a discipline, group, or family in part molds that community's notion of itself. The internalist narrative of origins that has Freud, the solitary genius, discov- ering psychoanalytic truths in isolation, all the while being assailed and misunderstood by his contemporaries, implies that psychoanalysis as a community should similarly retreat from hostile, uncomprehending worlds. Such a view of our origins implies the fruitfulness of a cloistered separation, the primacy of exegesis, and the dangers of assimilation. Now, I do not mean to imply that there is no evidence to support an historical account that sees Freud as both extraordinarily original and often embattled (e.g., Kiell 1988); nonetheless, much recent scholarship shows that there is also a great deal of support for a history of origins that has Freud as interdisciplinary maestro, opening himself up to embryology, philosophy, neurology, hypnosis, sexology, psychiatry, archaeology, anthropology, and literature, building and assimilating, identifying and disidentifying with allied and not-so-allied disciplines (e.g., Amacher 1965; Ellenberger 1970; Decker 1977; Sulloway 1979; McGrath 1986). According to this view of our origins, the psychoanalytic community would be faithful to its roots by eagerly seeking out such 55 contacts, for they would be seen as invigorating, the very stuff of our birth. To look back to the beginning of our field and see Freud as standing by himself, rather than on the shoulders of Shakespeare, Goethe, Locke, Kant, Schopenhauer, Brentano, Hughlings-Jackson, Fliess, Charcot, Bernheim, Helmholtz, Brücke, Rokitansky, Koch, Krafft-Ebing, Ellis, Bleuler, Jung, and many others, has implications for our vision of ourselves and the discursive community we seek to be. By the 1950s, with the publication of Ernest Jones's biography of Freud (1953–1957), the “Freud as solitary genius” narrative was in full bloom, and so were institutions rife with accusations of authoritarian- ism, discipleship, heresy, and excommunication (see, e.g., Roazen and Swerdloff 1995; Hale 1995). Inbred they were indeed, and not just to preserve analytic technique. It does not seem to me accidental that the subsequent ascendancy of contextual histories of Freud's great achieve- ment, which have dominated Freud studies over the past fifteen years, coincides with the present flowering of multiple theoretical perspectives and more open institutions in psychoanalysis. While some of this newer historiography is inflamed by an unfortunate passion to debunk and even vilify, the more temperate use of this approach finds a fertile mixing of intellectual and cultural forces in Freud's creation of psychoanalysis. So too do we find ourselves presently encouraging more wide-ranging debate and cross-pollination in our community. To what extent can these changes in our discursive community be tied to the imploding contradictions of ego psychological views of the analytic situation? While this theoretical fracture should not be under- estimated, I would suggest it be placed on a broader canvas, one Friedman alludes to in his playful dismissal of his own authority as arbiter of his- torical truth. Cultural theorists claim that postmodernism and the end of the Cold War have destabilized many of the grand and confident total- izing metanarratives of modernism (see, e.g., Lyotard 1979). If so, we in psychoanalysis would be no exception. In this light, the collapse of ego psychology's dominance can be seen not simply as a result of the internal tensions Friedman chronicles, but rather as a result also of a fault line in the theory, one that cracked under larger cultural pressures. And if the opening up of psychoanalysis to multiple perspectives and new histories of its origin presents real dangers and real threats, it also offers exciting opportunities for growth. Psychoanalysis, no longer perpetuating an educational system that is “paranoid” vis-à-vis new trends (Kernberg 1986), and dropping an isolationist attitude toward 56 other disciplines, has increasingly opened itself to new vistas and sought new syntheses. Child development research, connectionism, neuro- imaging, empirical studies of dreams and memory, computer-based process research, linguistics—who knows but that these and other dis- ciplines will not move us forward into our second century? But then there is no reason to move so far afield for examples, for who could ask for a better illustration of the strength that comes from a less insular, more flexibly inclusive community than this very plenary address by Lawrence Friedman? By dint of his extraordinary achievements, Friedman has earned his place as a central voice in psychoanalysis, despite the fact that he is not by training and certification a psycho- analyst. That major institutions of psychoanalysis have opened their doors to him in the last decade, honored him, and benefited greatly from his talents stands in contrast to a more rigid past. So, in the end, I think Friedman's return to the crucible is crucial, incisive, but incomplete. His message, to return us to the details and ambiguities of the psychoanalytic situation, with all its confusions and potentials, could not be more timely, or in my opinion more important. His analysis of the internal tensions that helped Freud create that ana- lytic attitude is exciting and heuristic. Nonetheless, a purely internalist history cannot do full justice to our institutional life, our intellectual origins, or our contemporary renaissance, for these phenomena are forged from larger crucibles, ones that cannot help but mingle indi- vidual and community, innovation and tradition, nature and culture, science and history. REFERENCES Amacher, P. (1965). Freud's Neurological Education and Its Influence on Psychoanalytic Theory. New York: International Universities Press. Arlow, J., & Brenner, C. (1988). The future of psychoanalysis. Psychoanalytic Quarterly 57:1—14. Decker, H. (1977). Freud in Germany. New York : International Universities Press. Ellenberger, H. (1970). The Discovery of the Unconscious. New York: Basic Books. Friedman, L. (1988). The Anatomy of Psychotherapy. Hillsdale, NJ: Analytic Press. Gill, M.M. (1982). Analysis of Transference: Vol. I. Theory and Technique . New York: International Universities Press. Gilman, S. (1993). The Case of Sigmund Freud: Medicine and Identity at the Fin de Siècle. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. 57 Hale, N. (1995). The Rise and Crisis of Psychoanalysis in the United States: Freud and the Americans, 1917—1985. New York: Oxford University Press. Jacobs, T. (1991). The Use of the Self. Madison ,CT: International Universities Press. Jones, E. (1953—1957). The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud. 3 vols. New York: Basic Books. Kernberg, O. (1986). Institutional problems of psychoanalytic education , Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 34:799—834. Kiell, N. (1988). Freud without Hindsight. Madison, CT: International Universities Press. Kris, A. (1982). Free Association. New Haven : Yale University Press. Kurzweil, E. (1989). The Freudians: A Comparative Perspective. New Haven: Yale University Press. Lyotard, J.-F. (1979). The Post-Modern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, trans. G. Bennington & B. Massumi. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984. Mcgrath, W. (1986). Freud's Discovery of Psychoanalysis: The Politics of Hysteria. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Roazen, P., & Swerdloff, B. (1995). Heresy: Sandor Rado and the Psychoanalytic Movement . Northvale, NJ: Aronson. Schafer, R. (1983). The Analytic Attitude. New York: Basic Books. Schorske, C. (1980). Fin de Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture. New York: Knopf. Steiner, J. (1993). Psychic Retreats. London: Routledge. Sulloway, F. (1979). Freud, Biologist of the Mind. New York: Basic Books. Young-Bruehl, E. (1994). A History of Freud Biographies. In Discovering the History of Psychiatry, ed. R. Porter & M. Micale. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 157—173.</meta-value>
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