BernheimV1, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 000056

Religious Stigmata, Magnetic Fluids and Conversion Hysteria: One Survival of ‘Vital Force’ Theories in Scientific Medicine?

Identifieur interne : 000056 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000055; suivant : 000057

Religious Stigmata, Magnetic Fluids and Conversion Hysteria: One Survival of ‘Vital Force’ Theories in Scientific Medicine?

Auteurs : Roland Littlewood ; Goffredo Bartocci

Source :

Transcultural psychiatry [ 1363-4615 ] ; 2005-12.

RBID : ISTEX:61CB72733C943EB54E05EA960C38B8AFB4F84EF5

English descriptors

Teeft :
- Animal magnetism, Bartocci, Bartocci littlewood, Bodily symptoms, Conversion hysteria, Cultural psychiatry, Demonic possession, Ellenberger, Hysterical conversion, Littlewood, Littlewood bartocci, Medical anthropology, Natuzza, Natuzza evolo, Nineteenth century, Oxford university press, Personalistic, Physical body, Psychiatry, Psychosomatic medicine, Religious experience, Religious phenomena, Religious stigmata, Same time, Social anthropology, Southern italy, Stigmata, Symptom, Transcultural, Transcultural psychiatry, Transcultural psychiatry section, University college london, Vibo valentia, Virgin mary, Vital force, Young girl.

Abstract

A study of Natuzza Evolo, a contemporary Roman Catholic stigmatic in southern Italy, raises certain questions of mechanism and evidence. Was this a miracle, hysterical conversion or contrived? The medical interpretation of the phenomenon as conversion disorder raises questions about the popularity of hysteria as a medical diagnosis and the ways in which it functions like ‘vital forc', as a metaphoric mediator between the natural world, human agency, and the ultrahuman.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/document/61CB72733C943EB54E05EA960C38B8AFB4F84EF5/fulltext/pdf

DOI: 10.1177/1363461505058917

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:61CB72733C943EB54E05EA960C38B8AFB4F84EF5

Le document en format XML

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            <p>A study of Natuzza Evolo, a contemporary Roman Catholic stigmatic in southern Italy,                 raises certain questions of mechanism and evidence. Was this a miracle, hysterical                 conversion or contrived? The medical interpretation of the phenomenon as conversion                 disorder raises questions about the popularity of hysteria as a medical diagnosis                 and the ways in which it functions like ‘vital forc', as a                 metaphoric mediator between the natural world, human agency, and the ultrahuman.</p>         
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<meta-value> Religious Stigmata, Magnetic Fluids and Conversion Hysteria: One Survival of             'Vital Force' Theories in Scientific Medicine? ROLAND LITTLEWOOD University College             London GOFFREDO BARTOCCI World Psychiatric Association, Transcultural Psychiatry Section             Abstract A study of Natuzza Evolo, a contemporary Roman Catholic stig- matic in southern             Italy, raises certain questions of mechanism and evidence. Was this a miracle,             hysterical conversion or contrived? The medical interpretation of the phenomenon as             conversion disorder raises questions about the popularity of hysteria as a medical             diagnosis and the ways in which it functions like 'vital force', as a metaphoric             mediator between the natural world, human agency, and the ultrahuman. Key words             conversion disorder · religious stigmata Introduction In this article, we consider the             nature of religious stigmata and the modes of explanation offered by psychiatry. Medical             anthropology unlike cultural psychiatry has generally not been concerned with questions             of mechanism, seeking rather to illustrate social meaning. Within psychiatry,             explanations have invoked hysterical conversion, psychological processes, or factitious             Vol 42(4): 596609 DOI: 10.1177/1363461505058917 www.sagepublications.com Copyright ©             2005 McGill University transcultural psychiatry ARTICLE December 2005 596             (self-inflicted) wounds. One cannot of course assume a single mechanism for all             psycho-physiological patterns collected under the rubric of the cultural label of             stigmata, especially as the Church itself seems ambivalent about the ascription of 'a             miracle', preferring rather an extreme psychologi- cal identification with Jesus somehow             leading to bodily changes. An interview on the Thursday after Easter in 2003 with the             noted Calabrian stigmatic Natuzza Evolo of Paravati presented certain obvious questions             as to the authenticity and psycho-physiological reality of stigmata  obvious for the             external student, if not for the faithful.1 Natuzza, as she is familiarly known, is most             famous for miraculously receiving the stigmata of the Crucifixion (Jesus' wounds at his             execution and finally from having his side pierced) but she has also experienced bilo-             cation (being in two places at once) and haemographia (miraculous writing in her blood),             conversations with Jesus and the Virgin Mary, and with angels and the dead, and has been             also persecuted by diabolical powers (Pitaro, 2003). Natuzza was born in 1924 to an             illiterate peasant family and as a young girl was sent out to domestic service. At the             age of ten, when working as a servant in the house of a rich family, she started to see             visions of a priest; her employers, alarmed, admitted her to a local psychiatric             hospital.2 The stigmata first appeared in 1938 after her discharge from hospital. She             was then investigated by Agostino Gemelli, the psychiatrist and psychologist employed by             the Holy Office to look at cases of stigmata (and later rector of the Catholic             University of the Sacred Heart in Milan) (Bartocci & Little- wood, 2004).             Natuzza later married but, according to her husband, the couple never had a normal life             together due to the frequent miraculous events. Nevertheless, they have had five             children, one of them qualified in medicine. Natuzza now lives with attendants in a             purpose-built building belonging to the Church with a chapel attached which contains a             statue of the Virgin as seen in one of her visions. A religious foundation has been             established in its name, with a regular glossy colour magazine (e.g. Barone, 1996), and             an Italian television programme has been made about her haemographia. Religious stigmata             of this type are most typical of Catholic southern Europe, especially Italy; few             recipients, who are usually lay people, are subsequently canonized as the phenomenon is             not seen as inherently guar- anteeing sanctity. St Francis of Assisi in 1224 is the             first well known instance; since his time there have been some 400 cases (Harrison,             1998), with a female to male ratio of seven to one. There was a period of particu- lar             popularity in the 13th century associated with the vogue for public self- flagellation             (Harrison, 1995). The theological explanation is simply that the individual's             identification with the suffering Christ is so great that his wounds appear on their             physical bodies. Littlewood & Bartocci: Religious Stigmata 597 During our             interview, Natuzza showed us the stigmata3 (see Figure 1) and allowed us to touch them:             on her left lower leg a ring pattern (the crown of thorns) and above it a rather naïve             picture of Christ (reminis- cent of the work of the French 'outsider artist' Aloise             [Cardinal, 1972]); on the right leg another circular ring and above, letters standing             for the initial Latin letters of 'Jesus, victim on our behalf'; on the dorsum of the             left wrist the outline of St. Peter's Dome in Rome, and another ring; on the right wrist             another ring; with protruberances in the centre of right and left hand palms signifying             the end of the nails; some scratches on her shoulders; and an unidentifiable mark,             possibly another ring, in the centre of her cranium. The marks were purple-dark red and             were quite prominent, extending some two millimetres above the skin, hard and firm, and             appeared to be congealed blood or wax.4 Natuzza showed them quite readily in spite of             being surrounded by the onlookers and local priests, and in a brief conversation was             friendly, seemed grossly psychiatrically normal, but with a slight Parkinsonian tremor.             She explained that the miraculous stigmata appear once a year in Holy Week and gradually             fade away over the following weeks, and how she can see and converse with souls in             Purga- tory, and tell if people are ill.5 She seemed tired and after kissing her, and             she us, we departed. Given the size, form and striking three-dimensionality (thus             excluding dermatographia, herpes simplex or other likely skin diseases), there appear to             be three immediate mechanisms for the phenomenon: (1) a miracle; (2) an unconscious             disease process (hysterical conversion); (3) a factitious symptom created by conscious             or unconscious induction (known to the medical profession as dermatitis artefacta).             Stigmata and Their Medicalization As psychiatry developed as a medical speciality in the             early 19th century, it became common for doctors to claim that science had now liberated             the descendants of the earlier victims of clerical superstition and persecution, a view             that has still continued in 'Whiggish' histories of psychiatry (such as Zilboorg, 1941:             see his chapter in that volume on religious obscuran- tism, entitled 'The Great             Decline'). In the 19th century, the student of hypnotism and hysteria, Hippolyte             Bernheim, claimed that what were now recognized as hysterical conversion had been dealt             with in the medieval period as demonic or other possession. The witches were revealed as             merely having been hysterical women (Spanos, 1975). The male psychia- trist (or more             strictly the psychotherapist) became the liberator of the (usually female) hysteric:             Zilboorg (1941, p. 365) typically declares that the neurologist and hypnotist             Jean-Martin Charcot, famous for his theatrical demonstrations of hysterical patients,             'was the first to capture for Transcultural Psychiatry 42(4) 598 Littlewood &             Bartocci: Religious Stigmata 599 Figure 1 Natuzza's stigmata. psychiatry the very last             part of demonological territory'. Along with demonic possession, out went states of             religious ecstasy and stigmata which, while clearly valued as spiritual by the church,             were often distin- guished with difficulty from more demonic manifestations. (We might             note that both Natuzza and the saint Padre Pio in the 20th century were subject to             demons trying to confuse them or at least cast doubt on the miracle of stigmata.) Pinel             and Charcot made reference in their writings to the Devils of Loudon (demonic             possession) and to religious sanctity as both hysteria (Drinka, 1984, pp. 42, 88;             Ellenberger, 1970, p. 94). A patient of Charcot's identified Louise Latour, a             contemporary Belgian religious stigmatic, as her 'sister', and contemporary medical             photographs of this patient and another show clear resemblances to 'religious' ecstasy             (Drinka, 1984). An example on the borderline between the ascription of sanctity and that             of pathology might be the early 19th century nun with stigmata, Katherina Emmerich of             Westphalia: 'every night she had dreams that followed one another in regular sequence             according to the cycle of the liturgic year' (Ellenberger, 1970: 78). The psychiatrist             and philosopher Pierre Janet (1925), although not claiming so dramatically as others to             be the saviour of the possessed, similarly argued that medical psychotherapy provided a             scientific understanding of what were previously religious phenomena. Janet treated a             stigmatic (who also levitated and had divine revelations) simultaneously with her priest             (Ellenberger, 1970, p. 395), but is uncertain in his conclusions about the nature of             stigmata, saying they are possibly similar to dermatographism (Janet, 1925, p. 310). By             contrast, William James in his Varieties of Religious Experience (1964 [1902], p. 291)             famously criticised a 'medical materialism [which] finishes up St. Paul by calling his             visions on the road to Damascus a discharging lesion of the occipital cortex, he being             an epileptic. It snuffs out St. Theresa as an hysteric, St. Francis of Assisi as a             hereditary degenerate'.6 Hysterical Conversion The term 'hysterical conversion' was             revived and popularized by John Ferriar in 1795 in his book on 'conversion of diseases',             and again by Sigmund Freud (1949 [1894]). It seems to have originated in Edward Jorden's             1603 A Brief Discourse of a Disease Called the Suffocation of the Mother, which was             written as a response to the trial in England of a woman in 1602 accused of bewitching a             young girl, causing fits and anaesthesiae (Hunter & Macalpine, 1963). Jorden             himself had unsuccessfully tried to treat the victim and subsequently gave evidence in             court. The judge suggested that as the normal treatments were unavailing, and the             symptoms could not be understood by medicine, the cause must therefore Transcultural             Psychiatry 42(4) 600 be supernatural. As a witness, Jorden suggested, however, that the             victim might be counterfeiting her symptoms: when pressed by the judge, he withdrew this             suggestion, and the witch was found guilty (although treated fairly leniently). In his             subsequent book, Jorden argued that 'the mother' (womb or matrix) was a powerful organ             which could cause related symptoms elsewhere (by 'conversion');7 the suffocation of his             title referred to the common experience of globus hystericus or functional blockage of             the throat. He also allowed for conversion of purely mental functioning into bodily             symptoms, as well as conscious simulation as in this case. This aetiological uncertainty              'genuine' conversion of physical symptoms or mental states into other physical             symptoms, or else frank simulation  continues to bedevil the diagnosis of 'hysteria', a             diagnosis often abandoned by psychiatry as unsound (Slater, 1965) but then resur- rected             yet again (Lewis, 1975). Our current manifestations might include Multiple Personality             Disorder, Gulf War Syndrome and Myalgic Encephalomyelitis (Showalter, 1998; Littlewood,             1996, 2002). The later history of hysterical conversion, the development of the two             French schools which treated it with hypnosis  Bernheim's Nancy School and Charcot's             Salpetrière  and the development of Freudian psychoanalysis from the latter have been             well surveyed by the historian (e.g. Zilboorg, 1941; Ellenberger, 1970) and need not be             rehearsed in detail here. What particularly concerns us are the arguments in favour of             mental represen- tations becoming represented symbolically in the body independently of             conscious motivation, how these arguments appeared at a certain histori- cal moment, and             how they served as justifications for replacing theologi- cal thinking with a more             mechanistic medical science. At the same time, Jorden's suggestion in 1602 of the             deliberate induc- tion of symptoms, or their counterfeiting, has continued as an             available possibility. An instance of stigmatization in Oxford in 1222 (i.e. before St             Francis) was declared self-inflicted and the man imprisoned, and a 17th century             Portuguese stigmatic was condemned by the Inquisition for consciously producing his             wounds (Harrison, 1995). In the same century as Jorden, Kenelm Digby also argued for             sympathetic contagion of religious symptoms in the case of the nuns of Loudon, and later             Bernheim's idea of suggestion placed any hysterical conversion in its particular social             and emotional context.8 After Charcot's death, his disciple Babinski soon declared that             all hysterical conversion was suggestion, and that therefore the key lay in normal             social psychology (feigning, imitation, pretence) rather than in some mysterious             mind/body interrelationship (Ellenberger, 1970, p. 100). The 19th century technique for             dismissing or inducing physical hysteri- cal symptoms was hypnosis, a pattern whose             modern manifestations may be traced back to Franz Anton Mesmer in the late 18th century             whose Littlewood & Bartocci: Religious Stigmata 601 treatment of a young woman             with severe physical symptoms by using astronomical predictions of their severity was             replaced with what came to be known as magnetism. Following some experimentation, Mesmer             persuaded her to drink an iron solution, which he then directed by attach- ing magnets             to her, upon which she felt a 'fluid' moving down her legs (Ellenberger, 1970, pp.             5859). Mesmer then investigated individuals who had previously had a religious exorcism             and argued that they had really been cured by animal magnetism. He initially conceived             of this as a physical fluid (later and more ambivalently as a psychological rapport             between patient and doctor) which he could convey by his hand move- ments. This fluid             (animal magnetism) was found in everybody: indeed, it filled the whole universe              planets, earth and man. Disease, speculated Mesmer, was an unequal distribution of             animal magnetism in the body, but the magnetism could be channelled or stored, with             crises precipitated or treated by directing it with mirrors (Ellenberger, 1970, p. 62).             Immedi- ate followers of Mesmer included the materialist 'fluidists' like Mesmer, and             the'animists' who argued for an increasingly psychological idiom. The mechanistic             interpretation continued during the 19th century at the same time as more purely             psychological (largely unconscious) mechanisms were suggested: as late as the 1890s             French neurologists were still attempting to transfer hysterical symptoms and even             personalities from one patient to another by means of electro-magnetism, but it became             increasingly accepted that the 'magnetism' of the earlier mesmerisers was just an             analogy for something rather less concrete (Harrington, 1987).9 Without wishing to put             forward a general model, it seems evident that early modern science was concerned with             clarifying the borderline between the personalistic and the naturalistic. Nature now has             its own autonomy from human volition (except through physical actions) whilst the             personalistic includes human (or para-human) cognitions and affects, memory, intention,             deceit, feigning and so on (Littlewood, 1996). It was agreed that there was no longer             any inherent connection between the medicinal properties of a plant and that plant's             shape or colour as in the medieval doctrine of 'signatures'. No longer did each             individual star have its angel keeping watch over it to ensure it appeared at its proper             time and in its proper course (1 Enoch). By the 17th century, scientists were agreed on             the 'doctrine of uniformity'  that natural laws were constant every- where in the             universe, that the universe was infinite and a clear distinction was established between             natural philosophy (i.e. science) and moral phil- osophy (including what is now termed             social anthropology) (Singer, 1941). There was still debate as to what was a body and             what was an agency which was only partially resolved in the 19th century.Was heat a             substance, caloric, or was cold, frigorific? Such material substances without weight,             the Transcultural Psychiatry 42(4) 602 imponderables like phlogiston (the principle of             inflammability which leaves a physical body when combusted), magnetic fluid (see above)             or the ether (at once an agent and medium of light) were entities which had no other             purpose than to explain teleologically a particular process (Toulmin &             Goodfield, 1965). Like the vitalist theory of human physiology or the perception through             the microscope of spermatoza as little homunculi, they elided the naturalistic and the             personalistic, and by our current under- standing veered too much towards the             personalistic. The point is less that they were 'wrong' than that they served to             maintain some quasi-human characteristics in what came to be understood as a more purely             arbitrary natural world.10 And the persistence of conversion hysteria in contempor- ary             psychoanalysis and psychiatry seems a persistence of this earlier 'holistic' view             uniting the naturalistic and personalistic, and disdaining the dualistic separation             between our major disciplines (Littlewood, 1996, 2002). The historian of dynamic             psychotherapy, Henri Ellenberger (1970), situated the whole debate on the materialistic             versus psychological causa- tion of conversion hysteria in the context of the             development of psycho- dynamic (depth) psychology, in which Freud and his colleagues             gradually moved away from purely naturalistic models back to the personalistic, but now             through a personalistic psychology which was not immediately accessible to conscious             agency. Freud (1949 [1894], p. 61) argued that an unbearable idea was dealt with by the             emotion being 'converted' (cf. Jorden) into a bodily symptom, 'the excitation which is             directed into a wrong channel' [into somatic innovation]. Exactly how the psychological             gets transferred into the physical independently of the voluntary nervous system was,             and remains, mysterious.11 It has usually been assumed fairly vaguely, as it was by the             religious psychotherapist Gregory (1939, p. 346) discussing stigmata, as the mind             'produc[ing] through the power of the imagination extraordinary organic changes in the             body.' The rather more limited but influential theories as to the bodily speci- ficity             of psychological states were those which emerged from the psycho- analytically             orientated 'psychosomatic medicine' in the 1930s (Alexander, 1950). The mechanism             postulated was that a particular attitude or person- ality trait led to adverse             physiological changes which became permanent  and thus gave rise to a disease (Grace             & Graham, 1952). Thus chronic diar- rhoea was associated with a wish to get rid             of something (and constipa- tion the converse), vomiting followed the rejection of an             undesired fantasy, and, more oddly, duodenal ulcer was associated with a wish for             revenge. Though the psychoanalytical arguments were erudite, this approach fell apart             not only from the lack of a clear psyche-to-soma mechanism but also for lack of             empirical evidence that disease and a particular personality did Littlewood &             Bartocci: Religious Stigmata 603 indeed run together. It survives in the notion of 'Type             A' personality (Helman, 1987). Given the emphasis by most of the later theorists as to             the contextual and plastic nature of conversion hysteria, there has been surprisingly             little social anthropology concerned with its mechanism. The closest anthropol- ogists             come to describing how the mental and social comes to be directly represented on the             physical body are perhaps the various writings on psychogenic death ('voodoo death')             summarized by Marcel Mauss in 1926. A rather literary and much criticized             anthropological account of shamanic healing by Lévi-Strauss in 1949 describes a woman in             obstructed labour among a Central American Indian community. Resolution of the problem             involves the shaman in the recitation of a myth about a quest to find the abode of the             power which is responsible for the formation of the foetus. The prolonged labour implies             the power has exceeded its functions and will not release the child out into the human             world. The recitation is lengthy and involves the manufacture and dramatic deployment of             small figures representing the protagonists whose symbolic meanings are expressed in             appropriate forms, colours, textures and materials. Together, patient and healer             participate in a common quest in a shared cultural idiom, linking current physiology             (obstructed birth) with its cognitive representation. The healer'rapidly oscillates             between mythical and physio- logical themes, as if [comme si] to abolish in the mind of             the sick woman the distinction which separates them' (Lévi-Strauss, 1968 [1949], p.             193). Tantalizingly vague as to the actual mind/body interactions, Lévi-Strauss returns             to the Freudian idea of hysteria, or, more generally and less pejoratively, to how             bodily symptoms occur in relation to popular under- standing of them rather than in             relation to underlying pathophysiological processes. Current psychodynamic thinking,             however, like general psychiatry, rejects the idea of any standardized relationship             between, say, organ and psychological complex: there is no intrinsic association between             illness and disease, or at least no causal association from the former to the latter             (Halligan, Bass, & Marshall, 2001). Conscious (or Unconscious) Induction: A             Short Conclusion Without examining in detail the particular biography of the young             Natuzza, her relations with her family, priest and employers, or looking more closely at             the cultural context of stigmata in southern Italy, it is not possible to delineate a             clearly satisfactory mechanism. Leaving aside the question of a miracle or of conversion             hysteria, we are left with the possi- bility of motivated induction of the stigmata,             either in a normal or restricted field of consciousness (on which see Deeley, 2003).             Summaries Transcultural Psychiatry 42(4) 604 of 'secular' deliberate self-harm             (including burning and 'self-mutilation') in Euro-America (Marchetto, 2004) emphasize             that it most commonly starts in post-pubertal single young women, usually on their legs             or arms, often on a background of trauma or neglect where the biological mother fails to             protect her daughter, but where the mother is overwhelming and idealized, and the person             attacks herself as a substitute for attacking the mother if she is unable to otherwise             verbalize her suffering; 50 to 60% have been sexually or physically abused (Favazza,             1992; Favazza & Conterio, 1989).12 In psychoanalytic terms, deliberate self-harm             is regarded as a way of establishing contact with a person with whom a transference             relationship has been established (Walsh & Rosen, 1988). According to Favazza             and Conterio, 47% do it to lessen loneliness, 55% to feel 'less unreal'. It would be             quite unfair and inappropriate to speculate in detail on Natuzza's circumstances or             psychological state at the time of the start of the stigmata, but we might note a young             peasant girl sent away from home who in unspecified difficult circumstances develops an             overwhelming attachment to the figure of the transcendent and idealized mother figure,             the Madonna (Parsons, 1969; Breuner, 1992), and in the process gains some             self-determination. It would also be inappropriate to offer a general psychosocial model             for phenomena resembling stigmatization (this would have to consider all the varieties             of Shi'ite, Sufi and Sinhalese Buddhist self- mutilation, for example), given the             worldwide variation in patterns of bodily modification and 'mutilation'. Clearly such             patterns have to be consonant with a particular culture, at the same time as the             protagonist has to find a way of allowing a publicly acceptable practice to accord with             deep personal motivations. Notes 1. We are indebted to the local municipality and church             for their assistance in facilitating this visit, and for their hospitality to our             colleague Simon Dein and ourselves. S. Dein and G. Bartocci speak Italian and R.L. is             grateful to them for translation. Interpretations are of course our own. 2. We have not             been able to obtain her old medical notes should these indeed still exist. Granone             (1989, pp. 289291) cites Annibale Puca's original psychi- atric investigation into the             haemographia: the blood came from her facial skin, breast and conjunctiva. Natuzza was             closely observed by two nurses and was in a dissociated state during the night, speaking             in two quite different voices. Granone speculates on a 'psychokinetic' effect (effetto             psicocinetico) but the observing psychiatrist at the time noted that when a linen             handker- chief was placed under her nightdress, the writing in blood on it when seen the             next day corresponded (even to mistakes in the Latin) to writing on the local church             wall. Littlewood & Bartocci: Religious Stigmata 605 3. One curious incident. We             visited Natuzza immediately after being invited to a Calabrian church conference on             miracles (Clima Culturale e Guarigioni Miraculose: Un Confronto tra Psichiatri e             Antropologi: Pagnotta, 2003) for which we are grateful to Dr Vittorio Infante, where Dr             Dein and I both spoke from an anthropological position and apparently thus gained the             approval of the local clergy (for Italian anthropology is fairly romantic, folkloric and             documentatory in nature) who took us to see her after previously having expressed             reservations. We were accompanied by our interpreter from the conference who had             previously consulted Natuzza about her infertility ('A miracle! She said you must adopt             a child and we did! All was then well.'), but who on the car journey became very             frightened at the idea of seeing her again, although her subsequent interview with             Natuzza turned out to be fairly quiet and friendly. 4. Or very similar to freshly             applied henna. The place and shape of the markings seem fairly typical of religious             stigmata (with the exception of St Peter's). Simpson (1984) and Harrison (1998),             summarizing the sources, say they can appear on hands, feet, side, shoulder or forehead.             But typically they are repre- sented by bleeding or indentation (Bartocci &             Littlewood, 2004), not hard, raised forms. Photos of Natuzza Evola's stigmata appear on:             http:// www.livingmiracles.net/Stigmata.html [Accessed July 21, 2005]. 5. We had the             following exchange: Q: 'Could Dr. Dein be ill?' Natuzza: 'No.' Q: 'Is Professor             Littlewood ill?' N: 'You must pray! I can't answer these questions in public.' [R.L.             developed intermittent claudication a few weeks later.] 6. See Littlewood (1993) for a             fuller discussion on the historical use of psychi- atric labelling to devalue religious             phenomena. 7. This follows to a certain extent classical Greek ideas of the 'wandering             womb'. 8. The rapport between the physical body and the local religious climate in             Calabria are shown well by the vattienti who scourge themselves in the village streets             at Easter (Ferlaino, 1990). In the neighbouring towns of Nocera Teremise and Soriano             Calabria, the mood on Good Friday and Easter Saturday (the day of Christ's crucifixion             and of his sojourn in Hell) is mournful and subdued: the local band plays funereal             music, a statue of the Pieta (the mourning Virgin cradling the dead Christ in Her arms)             is slowly carried round the streets and presented in front of houses on whose balconies             women weep, and the vattienti, grouped into informal fraternities (Mariotti, Tetui,             & Tripodi, 1992), pass through the village, beating themselves; they bleed down             the church steps and their wounds are washed down by an attendant with a pungent mixture             of wine and vinegar. By contrast Easter Sunday (the day of Christ's return from death)             is characterized by circus-like brass band music, whilst another statue of the Virgin,             joyful with outstretched arms, is vigorously carried along the main street of the town             to meet Her resurrected Son. The two statues, together with that of the messenger to             Mary, Transcultural Psychiatry 42(4) 606 St John the Evangelist, merrily progress back             up the street, the enthusiastic bearers almost tossing the figures jauntily into the             air. 9. Even in the 19th century, the change in explanation was not always in the             direction of religion to materialism, e.g. the shift from Quimby's physicalist magnetism             to Mary Baker Eddy's Christian Science. 10. On the more psychotic elaborations derived             from popular conceptions of the idiom of animal magnetism, see Jay (2003). 11. 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La confraternite in Calabria e nel mezzogiorno. Vibo Valentia: Mapograf.             Mauss, M. (1979 [1926]). The physical effect on the individual of the idea of death. In             Sociology and psychology. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Pagnotta, F. (2003). Due             visioni del soprannaturale. Il Quotidiano, 25 April, p. 42. Parsons, A. (1969). Belief,             magic and anomie. New York: Free Press. Pitaro. V. (2003). La settimana santa e la             sofferenze di natuzza evolo, Gazetta del Sud, 24 April, p. 28. Showalter, E. (1998).             Hysterias: Hysterical epidemics and modern culture. London: Picador. Simpson, C. J.             (1984). The stigmata: Pathology or miracle? British Medical Journal, 289, 17461749.             Singer, C. (1941). A short history of science to the nineteenth century. Oxford:             Clarendon Press. Slater, E. (1965). Diagnosis of hysteria. British Medical Journal, i,             1395. Spanos, N. P. (1975). Witches in the history of psychiatry: A critical analysis             and an alternative conceptualisation. Psychological Bulletin, 85, 417439. Transcultural             Psychiatry 42(4) 608 Toulmin, S., & Goodfield, J. (1965). The architecture of             matter. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Veith, I. (1965). Hysteria: The history of a             disease. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Walsh, B., & Rosen, P. (1988).             Self-mutilation: Theory, research and treatment. New York: Guilford. Zilboorg, G.             (1941). A history of medical psychology. New York: Norton. Goffredo Bartocci, MD, is a             psychiatrist and psychoanalyst. He has conducted field research with Bantu people in             South Africa and Australian Central Desert Aborigines. Dr Bartocci was a Professor at             the University of Turin and Head of the Transcultural Psychiatry Unit in Rome. He is             presently Chair of the Trans- cultural Psychiatry Section of the World Psychiatric             Association and Chair of the Italian Institute of Transcultural Mental Health. He has             three books to his credit and several papers about the influence of magic and the sacred             on psychopatho- logical expression. Address: Borgo Cavour 12, 05030 Torreorsina             (Terni)-Italy. [E-mail: tpsection@quipo.it] Roland Littlewood is a professor of             anthropology and psychiatry at the University College London, in England. He has done             fieldwork in Trinidad, Haiti, Lebanon, Italy and Albania. He is the author of Aliens and             Alienists (1982); Pathol- ogy and Identity (1993); The Butterfly and the Serpent (1998);             and Pathologies of the West (2002). He is also the author or editor of five other books             and over 150 papers in cultural psychiatry and social anthropology. Address: University             College Centre for Medical Anthropology, Department of Anthropology, University College             London, Gower Street, London WC1E 6BT, UK. [E-mail: r.littlewood@ ucl.ac.uk] Littlewood             & Bartocci: Religious Stigmata 609</meta-value>
</custom-meta>
</custom-meta-wrap>
</article-meta>
</front>
<back><notes>         
         <p>1. We are indebted to the local municipality and church for their assistance in             facilitating this visit, and for their hospitality to our colleague Simon Dein and             ourselves. S. Dein and G. Bartocci speak Italian and R.L. is grateful to them for             translation. Interpretations are of course our own.</p>         
         <p>2. We have not been able to obtain her old medical notes should these indeed still exist.             Granone (1989, pp. 289–291) cites Annibale Puca's original             psychiatric investigation into the haemographia: the blood came from her facial skin,             breast and conjunctiva. Natuzza was closely observed by two nurses and was in a             dissociated state during the night, speaking in two quite different voices. Granone             speculates on a ‘psychokinetic' effect (<italic>effetto             psicocinetico</italic>
) but the observing psychiatrist at the time noted that when a linen             handkerchief was placed under her nightdress, the writing in blood on it when seen the             next day corresponded (even to mistakes in the Latin) to writing on the local church wall.</p>         
         <p>3. One curious incident. We visited Natuzza immediately after being invited to a             Calabrian church conference on miracles (<italic>Clima Culturale e Guarigioni Miraculose: Un                 Confronto tra Psichiatri e Antropologi</italic>
: Pagnotta, 2003) for which we are             grateful to Dr Vittorio Infante, where Dr Dein and I both spoke from an anthropological             position and apparently thus gained the approval of the local clergy (for Italian             anthropology is fairly romantic, folkloric and documentatory in nature) who took us to             see her after previously having expressed reservations. We were accompanied by our             interpreter from the conference who had previously consulted Natuzza about her             infertility (‘A miracle! She said you must adopt a child and we did! All was             then well.'), but who on the car journey became very frightened at the idea of             seeing her again, although her subsequent interview with Natuzza turned out to be fairly             quiet and friendly.</p>         
         <p>4. Or very similar to freshly applied henna. The place and shape of the markings seem             fairly typical of religious stigmata (with the exception of St Peter's).             Simpson (1984) and Harrison (1998), summarizing the sources, say they can appear on             hands, feet, side, shoulder or forehead. But typically they are represented by bleeding             or indentation (Bartocci & Littlewood, 2004), not hard, raised forms. Photos of             Natuzza Evola's stigmata appear on: http://             www.livingmiracles.net/Stigmata.html [Accessed July 21, 2005].</p>         
         <p>5. We had the following exchange:</p>         
         <p>Q: ‘Could Dr. Dein be ill?’</p>         
         <p>Natuzza: ‘No.’</p>         
         <p>Q: ‘Is Professor Littlewood ill?’</p>         
         <p>N: ‘You must pray! I can't answer these questions in public.’</p>         
         <p>[R.L. developed intermittent claudication a few weeks later.]</p>         
         <p>6. See Littlewood (1993) for a fuller discussion on the historical use of psychiatric             labelling to devalue religious phenomena.</p>         
         <p>7. This follows to a certain extent classical Greek ideas of the ‘wandering wom'.</p>         
         <p>8. The rapport between the physical body and the local religious climate in Calabria are             shown well by the <italic>vattienti</italic>
 who scourge themselves in the village streets at             Easter (Ferlaino, 1990). In the neighbouring towns of Nocera Teremise and Soriano             Calabria, the mood on Good Friday and Easter Saturday (the day of Christ's             crucifixion and of his sojourn in Hell) is mournful and subdued: the local band plays             funereal music, a statue of the Pieta (the mourning Virgin cradling the dead Christ in             Her arms) is slowly carried round the streets and presented in front of houses on whose             balconies women weep, and the <italic>vattienti</italic>
, grouped into informal fraternities             (Mariotti, Tetui, & Tripodi, 1992), pass through the village, beating             themselves; they bleed down the church steps and their wounds are washed down by an             attendant with a pungent mixture of wine and vinegar. By contrast Easter Sunday (the day             of Christ' return from death) is characterized by circus-like brass band music,             whilst another statue of the Virgin, joyful with outstretched arms, is vigorously             carried along the main street of the town to meet Her resurrected Son. The two statues,             together with that of the messenger to Mary, St John the Evangelist, merrily progress             back up the street, the enthusiastic bearers almost tossing the figures jauntily into             the air.</p>         
         <p>9. Even in the 19th century, the change in explanation was not always in the direction of             religion to materialism, e.g. the shift from Quimby' physicalist magnetism to             Mary Baker Eddy' Christian Science.</p>         
         <p>10. On the more psychotic elaborations derived from popular conceptions of the idiom of             animal magnetism, see Jay (2003).</p>         
         <p>11. Freud originally attempted a mechanistic psychology based on ‘psychic             energ' passing through neurones (<italic>The Project for a Scientific             Psychology</italic>
) but it remained incomplete and unpublished in his lifetime (Littlewood, 1996).</p>         
         <p>12. Five out of the six of Harrison' (1998) contemporary religious stigmatics             had chronic health problems: three were anorexic and two had had severely disturbed             childhoods. He notes (p. 138) that the prevailing medical explanations of wound lesions             without an obvious physical cause have passed from ‘autoerythrocyte             sensitisatio' to psychogenic purpura, and now to deliberate self-injury.</p>     
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<abstract lang="en">A study of Natuzza Evolo, a contemporary Roman Catholic stigmatic in southern Italy, raises certain questions of mechanism and evidence. Was this a miracle, hysterical conversion or contrived? The medical interpretation of the phenomenon as conversion disorder raises questions about the popularity of hysteria as a medical diagnosis and the ways in which it functions like ‘vital forc', as a metaphoric mediator between the natural world, human agency, and the ultrahuman.</abstract>
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<part><date>2005</date>
<detail type="title"><title>Spirituality & Religion</title>
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<number>42</number>
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Religious Stigmata, Magnetic Fluids and Conversion Hysteria: One Survival of ‘Vital Force’ Theories in Scientific Medicine?

Religious Stigmata, Magnetic Fluids and Conversion Hysteria: One Survival of ‘Vital Force’ Theories in Scientific Medicine?

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