‘Psychotherapy’: the invention of a word
Identifieur interne : 000034 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000033; suivant : 000035‘Psychotherapy’: the invention of a word
Auteurs : Sonu ShamdasaniSource :
- History of the human sciences [ 0952-6951 ] ; 2005-02.
English descriptors
- Teeft :
- Albert willem, American type, Animal magnetism, Arthur lovell, Benjamin franklin, Bernheim, British isles, Cambridge university press, Cathartic method, Center publishing, Christian scientists, Correspondence entre joseph delboeuf, Delboeuf, Distinct entity, Dubois, Eeden, George croom robertson, Gesammten psychotherapie, Great deal, Hack tuke, Health record, Human sciences, Hypnosis, Hypnotic, Hypnotic movement, Hypnotism, Ibid, James strachey, Janet, Kritische bemerkungen psychanalysis, Leur traitement, London society, Medical profession, Mental healing, Mental science, Mind cure, Modern form, Modern psychology, Modern psychotherapy, Moral treatment, Nancy school, Nervous disorders, Nineteenth century, Particular practice, Pierre psychasthenia, Practical instruction, Preliminary notes, Psychanalyse, Psychanalyse freuds, Psychic, Psychic agents, Psychic treatment, Psychoanalysis, Psychoanalytic movement, Psychological analysis, Psychological healing, Psychological medicine, Psychotherapeutic, Psychotherapeutic movement, Psychotherapie, Psychotherapist, Psychotherapy, Religious healing, Religious therapeutics, Same time, Second edition, Second half, Shamdasani, Sigmund freud, Sound medicine, Sound psychology, Sound religion, Standard edition, Suggestion therapy, Suggestive therapeutics, Suggestive therapy, Tats mentales, Term psychotherapy, Therapeutics, Third hypnotherapeutic method, Trans, Trois stations, Tudes nouvelles, Tuke, University college london, Wellcome trust centre, Zeitschrift hypnotismus.
Abstract
This paper traces the manner in which the word ‘psychotherapy’ was invented and how it became taken up and disseminated in the English-, French- and German-speaking medical worlds at the end of the 19th century. It explores how it was used as an appellation for a variety of practices, and then increasingly became perceived as a distinct entity in its own right. Finally it shows how the fate of the word ‘psychotherapy’ enables Freud’s invention of ‘psychoanalysis’ to be located.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/0952695105051123
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:06371F0A7E756050281F3D38FD58448F4C334D6ALe document en format XML
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It explores how it was used as an appellation for a variety of practices, and then increasingly became perceived as a distinct entity in its own right. Finally it shows how the fate of the word ‘psychotherapy’ enables Freud’s invention of ‘psychoanalysis’ to be located.</p></abstract><textClass><keywords scheme="keyword"><list><head>keywords</head><item><term>Bernheim</term></item><item><term>Freud</term></item><item><term>hypnosis</term></item><item><term>psychoanalysis</term></item><item><term>psychotherapy</term></item><item><term>Tuke</term></item></list></keywords></textClass></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="2005-02">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/06371F0A7E756050281F3D38FD58448F4C334D6A/fulltext/txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus sage not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="2.3" xml:lang="EN"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">sphhs</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">HHS</journal-id><journal-title>History of the Human Sciences</journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">0952-6951</issn><publisher>
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<publisher-loc>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</publisher-loc>
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<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Shamdasani</surname><given-names>Sonu</given-names></name><aff>Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at University College London, <email xlink:type="simple">s.shamdasani@ucl.ac.uk</email>
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<pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>02</month><year>2005</year></pub-date><volume>18</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>1</fpage><lpage>22</lpage><abstract>
<p>This paper traces the manner in which the word ‘psychotherapy’ was invented and how it became taken up and disseminated in the English-, French- and German-speaking medical worlds at the end of the 19th century. It explores how it was used as an appellation for a variety of practices, and then increasingly became perceived as a distinct entity in its own right. Finally it shows how the fate of the word ‘psychotherapy’ enables Freud’s invention of ‘psychoanalysis’ to be located.</p>
</abstract><kwd-group>
<kwd>Bernheim</kwd>
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</kwd-group><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value> 'Psychotherapy': the invention of a word SONU SHAMDASANI ABSTRACT This paper traces the manner in which the word 'psychotherapy' was invented and how it became taken up and disseminated in the English-, French- and German-speaking medical worlds at the end of the 19th century. It explores how it was used as an appellation for a variety of practices, and then increasingly became perceived as a distinct entity in its own right. Finally it shows how the fate of the word 'psychotherapy' enables Freud's invention of 'psychoanalysis' to be located. Key words Bernheim, Freud, hypnosis, psychoanalysis, psychotherapy, Tuke It is enough to create new names and estimations and probabilities in order to create in the long run new 'things'. (Nietzsche, 1887)1 The end of the 19th century witnessed a plethora of new therapeutics, as fads and fashions spread throughout the medical world. Fin-de-siècle nervous patients had an extensive menu of dietic treatments, medications, remedies, air cures, water cures, bath cures, rest cures, electric treatments, psychic treatments, mental healing, massage, gymnastics, spas, and private and public institutions to choose from. New terms and neologisms abounded. While elec- trotherapy, balneotherapy, climatotherapy, metallotherapy, mechanotherapy and magnetotherapy did not survive, two which entered the vocabu-laries at this time and rapidly spread across Europe and America are still with us today. In this article, I plan to explore the genealogies of the word 'psychotherapy' HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES Vol. 18 No. 1 © 2005 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi) pp. 122 [18:1;122; DOI: 10.1177/0952695105051123] and trace how the manner in which it became taken up may serve as a window into the constitution of this discipline, and, finally, how this may enable Freud's nomination of psychoanalysis to be located.2 It was in 1872 that the word 'psycho-therapeutics' was coined by Daniel Hack Tuke in his work Illustrations of the Influence of the Mind upon the Body in Health and Disease designed to elucidate the Action of the Imagin- ation.3 Tuke was a psychiatrist and the great-grandson of William Tuke, the founder of the York Retreat. Tuke claimed that physicians had long known the healing power of the imagination, but that now it could be made rational. This would serve to distinguish them from quacks the latter being indi- viduals who healed without knowing how they did so. The penultimate chapter of his book was titled 'Psycho-Therapeutics Practical Applications of the Influence of the Mind on the Body to Medical Practice'. While dis- cussing animal magnetism, he argued: Assuming that the first French Commission on Animal Magnetism (1784) were correct in regarding the phenomena as fairly referable to Imagination and Imitation, we must agree with them that they consti- tute the groundwork of a NEW SCIENCE that of the Moral over the Physical.4 The commissioners, who included Benjamin Franklin and Lavoisier, rejected the claims of animal magnetism to be scientific, and argued that the results of Mesmer and his disciples should be 'ascribed solely to the influence of the imagination'.5 Tuke inverted their intention, and claimed that as their report showed that what animal magnetism 'really' demonstrated was the physical effects of the imagination, a new science and therapeutics could be founded upon their apparent denunciation of animal magnetism. For Tuke, mes- merism thus displayed how 'certain purely psychical agencies produce certain physical results'.6 While boldly proclaiming the new science of psycho-therapeutics, Tuke appears not to have made further use of the term. The fourth edition of his A Manual of Psychological Medicine of 1879, written with John Bucknill, does not mention the term, and nor indeed do the numerous articles which he wrote in the Journal of Mental Science.7 Thus the new science might well have been stillborn had it not been taken up by Hippolyte Bernheim. It was through the work of Bernheim and the Nancy school that the therapeutic practice of hypnosis and suggestion rapidly spread throughout Europe and America. Bernheim, a professor of medicine at Nancy, had become interested in the work of Auguste Ambroise Liébault, a country doctor who practised hypnosis. According to Bernheim, it was Liébault who established 'the doctrine of therapeutic suggestion'.8 He claimed that suggestion was as 'old as the world'.9 What was new was its systematic application to therapeutics. For Bernheim, the use of suggestions not only featured prominently in his HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)2 practice, it formed the theoretical key to understanding hypnosis and a general psychology of the mind. Hypnosis was understood as a state of heightened suggestibility, akin to sleep. He defined suggestion widely, as the act by which an idea is accepted in the brain. For Bernheim and the Nancy school, sugges- tive therapeutics consisted in the deliberate manipulation of credence, belief and expectation under the rubric of suggestion and autosuggestion in the treat- ment of a wide range of psychological and physical conditions. In addition to functional neuroses, Bernheim claimed that it was effective in cases of paraly- ses, contractures, insomnia, muscular pain, hemiplegia, paraplegia, rheumatism, anaesthesia, gastric disorders, neuralgia and sciatica. For Bernheim, the common factor active in religious healing as well as in many therapeutic prac- tices, was suggestion: In the waking state credence is increased by religious faith (religious suggestion, miraculous cures), and by faith in medicines or medical practices (cure by fictitious medicines, magnets, metals, electricity, hydrotherapeutics, the tractors of Perkins, massage, the system of Mattei, &c.). The idea of cure suggested by these practices may cause the psychical organ to act and obtain from it the curative effect, not that the sum total of these practices is suggestion, but that suggestion is a factor in every one of them.10 Thus 'suggestion' was presented as a modern rational scientific concept which both explained and unmasked prior and contemporary medical therapies and forms of religious healing. Individuals flocked to Nancy to visit Bernheim and Liébault and watch them at work, and gain instruction in hypnosis. Nancy became a 'medical Mecca'.11 A hypnotic movement spread rapidly through Europe. A controversy raged between the Nancy school and the Salpêtrière school, under the neurologist, Jean-Martin Charcot. For Charcot and his followers, hypnosis was a pathological condition, which was found only in cases of hysteria. What Charcot described as 'grand hypnotisme' followed three stages, each of which had distinct physiological characteristics: catalepsy, lethargy and somnambulism. At the Salpêtrière, Charcot used hypnosis to study the underlying architecture of hysteria; because he claimed it was a pathological state, he was not interested in its therapeutic applications. In 1886, Hack Tuke's Illustrations of the Influence of the Mind Upon the Body appeared in French translation.12 That year, the second expanded edition of Bernheim's work on suggestion appeared. Bernheim cited the French edition of Tuke's book and referred to what he termed the 'psycho- therapeutic action' ('l'action psycho-thérapeutique'). He wrote: 'to provoke this special psychic state by hypnotism and to exploit it with the aim of cure or of relief . . . this is the role of the hypnotic psycho-therapeutic [psycho- thérapeutique hypnotique]'.13 Thus Bernheim appropriated Tuke's terms as adjectival descriptions of his suggestive therapeutics. As the word was used 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 3 as a synonym, there was no need for a separate definition of psycho- therapeutics. In the second edition of his book, Bernheim expanded his historical reinterpretation of prior medical and religious therapeutics in terms of suggestion, drawing on Tuke's work and other sources. Tuke, meanwhile, took an active interest in the French developments which he reviewed and reported on in The Journal of Mental Science, but did not himself connect them with his new science of psycho-therapeutics.14 One may conjecture that if Tuke had pursued his new science, the keyword would have been imagin- ation, and not suggestion. In 1889, the word was taken up by an English physician, Charles Lloyd Tuckey, who published an exposition of the work of the Nancy school. Tuckey titled his work, Psycho-therapeutics, or Treatment by Hypnotism and Suggestion. This appears to have been the first work employing this word in its title. Following Bernheim's usage, psycho-therapeutics for Tuckey was a synonym for what was being practised by the Nancy school. Thus we find that no separate definition of 'psycho-therapeutics' was offered. Tuckey claimed that it was Liébault who had 'arrived at the truth of psycho- therapeutics'.15 In 1887, two Dutch physicians, Frederik van Eeden and Albert Willem van Renterghem, opened a clinic for suggestive therapy in Amsterdam.16 Interest in hypnosis in the Netherlands had been sparked through a tour by the stage hypnotist Hans Donato in 1887. Van Eeden and van Renterghem had visited Bernheim in his clinic, and were impressed by what they had witnessed. In 1889, they named their clinic the 'clinique de psycho-thérapeutique suggestive'.17 Their clinic appears to have been the first institution to employ the word 'psycho-therapeutic'. The term was contagious. By 1891, there was already a 'clinique de psycho-thérapeutique suggestive' in Brussels. Shortly after Tuckey's book, Robert Felkin published a long article in the Edinburgh Medical Journal which was republished as a book in 1890 under the title Hypnotism, or Psycho-therapeutics.18 Psycho-therapeutics features here in a titular sense Felkin did not discuss the word itself in his book. Already that same year, the term appeared in The Times, in a review of a play by Henry Arthur Jones, Judah. In the play, the materialist Professor Jopp unmasks the pretensions of a miracle worker, Vashti Dethic. At one juncture, he says to her: If you don't know the secret of this mysterious power of yours, I'll explain it to you. These good folks whom you cure are all suffering from different kinds of nervous diseases, where only volition is required to make them better. Their faith in you gives the necessary shock to their volition, and brings its powers into exercise. But in all cases of organic disease I assure you you are as helpless as any regular practitioner; and that's saying a good deal.19 HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)4 The reviewer in The Times noted that Vashti Dethic's performances . . . are purely the result of that moral influence which is now beginning to be recognized by medical men under the title of psycho-therapeutics the probable secret of many so-called miracle-cures effected by the touching of holy relics, the visiting of shrines, the laying on of hands, and other quasi-spiritual methods.20 We see here the view of psycho-therapeutics as a modern rationalistic expla- nation of prior forms of healing entering into public debate. In 1891, Bernheim himself took up the word 'psychotherapy' as the title of his work, Hypnotisme, suggestion, psychothérapie: études nouvelles [Hyp- notism, Suggestion, Psychotherapy: New Studies]. Here, 'psychothérapie' was employed without a hyphen. One may conjecture that it was through translation that psychotherapists became unhyphenated. Bernheim argued that: It is enough to recall the considerable action of the moral on the psychical, of the spirit on the body, of the psychic function of the brain on all the organic functions. It is this action which the doctor must utilise to obtain acts useful for the cure. To make the mind intervene to cure the body, this is the role of suggestion applied to the therapeutic, this is the aim of the psycho-therapeutic.21 The making of psycho-therapeutics synonymous with hypnosis and sugges- tion meant that the word became widely disseminated. 'Psycho-therapeutics' rode on the back of the burgeoning hypnotic movement. For Bernheim, the word 'psychothérapie' took on the same rational, modern, scientific connotations as 'suggestion'. Initially, there was no need to create a separate designation of 'psychotherapist', as it was quite clear that psychotherapy was practised by physicians. During this period, there was great controversy concerning the use of hypnosis by individuals who weren't physicians. Ironically, a great deal of the interest in hypnosis had been brought about by the tours of accomplished stage hypnotists such as Hansen and Donato.22 At the 1889 international congress for experimental and therapeutic hypnotism in Paris, a motion was proposed to ban the use of hypnosis by non-medical practitioners. The rights of the latter were strongly defended by Joseph Delboeuf, a Belgian philosopher who practised hypnosis.23 The interest in hypnosis was not restricted to the medical profession. Others who took it up included the psychical researchers Edmund Gurney and Frederick Myers in England. By helping to open a legitimate space for the practice of hypnosis and sugges- tion outside of the medical profession, such figures played an important role in the development of 'lay' psychotherapy in Europe and the subsequent separation of psychotherapy from medicine. 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 5 In 1889, psychotherapy featured as the title of a work by a French author, Maurice Barrès. His work was titled Trois stations de Psychothérapie [Three Stations of Psychotherapy] and consisted of three chapters: 'A Visit to Leonardo da Vinci (Homage to Analysts of the Self [Moi])'; 'A Visit to Latour de Saint-Quentin (Homage to Psychologists)'; and 'The Legend of a Cosmo- politan (Homage to Neocatholics)'. Barrès described his essays as 'Treatises of the culture of the self (moi)'. He wrote: 'these small essays, in my view, are for moderns, consolations in the manner in which the most precious of our masters, Seneca, addressed, with an extreme elegance, the refined people of his time who were so weary.'24 Barrès utilized the word in a quite different sense than the psychologists here, and it did not refer to any particular practice. For him, psychotherapy was a form of literature, a 'reading cure', which consisted in stoical consolations for weary refined individuals. Van Eeden and van Renterghem presented the work of their clinic at the second congress of experimental psychology in London, held in 1892, which created a great deal of interest. In retrospect, van Eeden credited himself for coining the term 'psychotherapy'.25 In his presentation, van Eeden indicated the rationale behind the choice of the term: In 1889 we chose psychotherapy as a collective name to refer to this treatment, and we thus name all therapy which cures by the inter- mediary of the psychic functions of the patient. The priority of the term goes back to Hack Tuke. We add the word 'suggestive' because suggestion understood in the sense of Bernheim plays the principal role in our therapy. We avoid the words 'hypnotism' or 'hypnosis' deliberately. As for myself, I would prefer that one did not use these words when con- cerning psychotherapy. The unreasonable use of these words ha[s] given rise to preconceptions, to confusion and misunderstandings.26 He claimed that the association of hypnosis with psychotherapy had done the latter much harm. Thus we see that for van Eeden, the use of the word psychotherapy offered a neat escape from the controversies concerning hypnosis. While the word came from Hack Tuke, the specific connotation with which it was being employed stemmed from Bernheim. But could the simple substitution of one word for another clear up the 'preconceptions, confusions and misunderstandings'? Van Eeden offered the following defi- nition: 'I call psychotherapy all curative methods which use psychic agents to combat illness through the intervention of psychic functions.'27 This was a pretty wide definition! What 'psychic agents' were was left unspecified. Over the following years, the word became rapidly taken up and widely dis- seminated. Part of the reason for this was that in contrast to hypnosis or suggestion therapy, the word itself was not closely to tied to a particular practice or theoretical conception. As a prefix, 'psycho-' presented itself as HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)6 sufficiently vague to be filled in however one chose. The rise of psycho- therapy was not predicated upon any particular psychology or psycho- pathology, or on specific conceptions of the relation of the mind to the body. Indeed, one may ask to what extent the technical considerations of psycho- therapeutic practices contributed to the promulgation and dissemination of modern concepts of the psyche and mind. In 1892, there was a debate concerning 'Psycho-therapeutics' in The Lancet. George Robertson, a physician in Edinburgh, distinguished the rational and scientific use of psycho-therapeutics by figures such as Bernheim from the 'unconscious and indirect' use on a daily basis by family physicians. He advocated its study, but noted that it was likely to have an uphill struggle to gain recognition, as it was 'unconventional and different from orthodox practice'.28 During this period, controversies raged concerning hypnosis, which con- tributed to its decline. The Salpêtrière school attacked the therapeutic pre- tensions of the Nancy school. In 1887, Gilles de la Tourette argued that while hypnosis had some therapeutic utility in treating the symptoms of hysteria, its use in other cases could develop symptoms far worse than what one was initially presented with.29 By contrast, Henrik Petersen claimed that: . . . the hypnotism of the Salpêtrière has been the greatest enemy of psycho-therapeutics by frightening both sick and well, and in this fact is to be found the only valid excuse for doctors making such remarks to patients as follows: 'Do as you like, but never allow anyone to hyp- notize you!' Or, whenever a patient has been successfully treated by psycho-therapeutics: 'Well, well, the cure, as you call it, is only apparent, as you will find out at your cost later!'30 Bernheim and the Nancy school had stressed that hypnosis consisted in heightened suggestibility, and not in a separate state. In the early 1890s, Delboeuf drew the radical conclusion that hypnosis did not exist, or, in other words, that 'the power of hypnotism consists above all in the very word of hypnotism, because [the subject] does not understand it well'.31 The dissolution of hypnosis had the effect of promoting the word 'psycho- therapy'. Delbouef noted 'from the point of view of scientific exactness, the term psychotherapy, or better still, of psychodynamic, is much preferable'.32 With the word 'hypnosis' falling into disrepute, psychotherapy offered itself as a ready alternative. Unlike hypnosis, it was free of controversial conno- tations. Having come to prominence due to the rise of the hypnotic movement, the word 'psychotherapy' now benefited from the decline of hypnosis, and through its capacity to be dissociated from it. But could one say that subjects understood the word 'psychotherapy' any better? Was the power of psychotherapy similarly bound up with the suggestive effect of the word itself? 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 7 In 1896, the Zeitschrift für Hypnotismus, Suggestionstherapie, Suggestions- lehre und verwandte psychologische Forschungen ['Journal for Hypnotism, Suggestion Therapy, the Theory of Suggestion and Related Psychological Researches'] changed its name to Zeitschrift für Hypnotismus, Psychothera- pie sowie andere psychophysiologische und psychopathologische Forschungen [Journal for Hypnotism, Psychotherapy as well as Other Psychophysiolog- ical and Psychopathological Researches].33 This appears to be the first journal to employ the term. 'Psychotherapy' had taken the place of 'Suggestion therapy' and the 'theory of suggestion'.34 In the following year, Leopold Löwenfeld, an Austrian physician, published a Lehrbuch der Gesammten Psychotherapie ['Textbook of General Psychotherapy']. What he had been content to describe in 1894 as 'psychic treatment [Psychische Behandlung] in a wider sense' was now described as psychotherapy.35 Löwenfeld commenced by complaining that the works which had been put forward to the medical public under the title 'Psychotherapy' had unfortunately been exclusively concerned with hypnosis and hypnotic treatment.36 This gave the impression 'that there was no other form of psychic treatment than the hypnotic'.37 He differentiated hypnosis, as one psychotherapeutic method, from psycho- therapy in general. For Bernheim and his followers, as psychotherapy was identified with hypnotic and suggestive therapies, the history of psycho- therapy was identical with that of the latter. In differentiating the two, it was time to give psychotherapy a history. Löwenfeld argued that Psychotherapy is no achievement of the modern age. If we look in history towards the first beginnings of our art, it is clear as an un- mistakable fact that among the different methods of healing which were used at that time, psychotherapy is the oldest, and that it represents the first and original form in which the practical art of healing was exercised.38 He divided the history of psychotherapy into four periods: religious psycho- therapy, Greco-Roman psychic therapy in medicine, the rational and profane psychotherapy since the middle ages, and the era of hypnosis and suggestion, commencing in the 1880s with Liébault and Charcot. In his retroactive history of psychotherapy, what Löwenfeld classed as psychotherapy would previ- ously simply be regarded as medicine. His long history of psychotherapy could be said to have taken its cue from the manner in which Bernheim reinterpreted prior medical and religious therapeutics in terms of suggestion.39 The question of the relation of psychotherapy to medicine raised by its nomination as a distinct entity unto itself was henceforth a subject of debate within medicine. In 1901, an editorial in The Lancet noted that a 'London Psycho-therapeutic society' had been formed at the Frascati Restaurant (which used to be in Oxford Street). This was possibly the first society bearing this designation. The editorial expressed disapproval: HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)8 . . . we cannot help thinking that the gentleman responsible for the first meeting having been held on April 1st was singularly happy in his choice of a date. The idea of medical men, or of any other body of men capable of exercising common sense, meeting on a common platform with the so-called Christian Scientists, with the exponents of the Viavi system, or with osteopathists is too ridiculous for words.40 Allowing that hypnotic treatment could have a value when carried out by medical practitioners, the editor contended that he saw no need for a separate 'psycho-therapeutic' society, which would 'open the door to fraud'.41 The meeting's president was Arthur Lovell, and those present passed a motion stating that 'the time has arrived when a society for the systematic study and investigation of the psychic and mental forces (such as Psycho- Magnetics, Mesmerism, Hypnotism, etc.) should be established in London'.42 The society established a monthly organ, the Psycho-therapeutic Journal, which carried its proceedings. The opening editorial stated that the society was 'the result of a few interested persons to promote the study and consideration of psychic and mental therapeutics in an enlightened scientific spirit'.43 It noted that a distinctive aspect of the society would be the use of Psycho- Magnetics, Mesmerism and Hypnotism, for 'remedial purposes'. The editorial regretted the fact that medical journals were critical of the movement, due to the fact that it was not established by orthodox medical practitioners. In a paper the following year entitled 'Psycho-therapeutics and Science', Arthur Lovell proclaimed that 'Psycho-Therapeutic ideas are not new to the world; on the contrary, they are coeval with the human race'.44 While Mesmer had put them on a scientific basis, he gave especial importance to the work of John Elliotson, whose researches formed the 'basis of the science'.45 Lovell placed importance on experimentation, and contended that Baron von Reichenbach's experiments on the 'odic force' 'are the very foundation on which the future science of Psycho-Therapeutics will be based'.46 He concluded that 'Just as the nineteenth century was the age of electricity, so I believe the twentieth century willbetheageofPsycho-Therapeutics'.47 In1903,thesocietychangeditsname to 'the Psycho-Therapeutic Society'. It held lectures, meetings, free treatment days and courses in practical instruction, together with theoretical and practical examinations. The following describes the instruction offered: Practical Instruction: Members may attend when free treatments to the poor are given. Those who desire instruction are given assistance in this direction, and opportunities are afforded them, when capable, of helping in the practical work of the Society under experienced guidance.48 The classes offered covered medical clairvoyance, electro-therapeutics, massage, and psycho-therapeutics. Initially, the society flourished, and by 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 9 1906, it had 176 subscribers. The society appears to be the first non-medical society offering formalized training in 'psycho-therapeutics'.49 The disidentification of psychotherapy from hypnosis and suggestion reached its apogee with the work of Paul Dubois, a physician in Berne. In 1904, he published Les Psychonévroses et leur traitement moral ['Psycho- neuroses and their Moral Treatment'], which was a very popular work. Dubois launched a critique of suggestion, claiming that it only increased the state of servitude of patients. Psychoneurotics needed to be immunized from suggestion, so that they would accept 'nothing but the councils of reason'.50 Patients needed to regain their self-mastery. In place of suggestion, he spoke of moral persuasion. In his preface to the 1909 American edition of his book, he referred to 'Suggestive therapeutics, erroneously termed psycho- therapeutics'.51 According to Dubois, it was Pinel who 'first introduced psychotherapy in the treatment of mental diseases'.52 Liébault and Bernheim, and the whole magnetic and hypnotic tradition, were displaced. The impli- cations were clear: psychotherapy was simply the modern form of moral treatment.53 While Bernheim had stressed the application of suggestion and hence psychotherapy to physical and what would today be classed as psycho- somatic disorders, the purview of psychotherapy became increasingly restricted to the 'psychoneuroses'. Dubois argued that Having eliminated the neuroses where somatic origin is probable, I only conserve in this group of psychoneuroses the conditions where psychic influence predominates, those which are more or less under the jurisdiction of psychotherapy; these are neurasthenia, hysteria, hystero-neurasthenia, the light forms of hypochondria and melancholy; finally, one can include certain more serious states of disequilibrium, such as vesania.54 The conditions noted by Dubois do not feature in contemporary diagnostic manuals. Part of the longevity of psychotherapy as a profession has resided in its effectiveness in ever formulating and catering for new disorders.55 This differentiation of psychotherapy from hypnosis and suggestion was to prove extremely fortuitous for the fate of the word, as the latter went into a rapid decline. Psychotherapy narrowly avoided going down with the ship. In 1895, Jules Déjerine had instituted a method of treatment based on iso- lation (the Weir Mitchell rest cure) and psychotherapy (understood as moral treatment) in his service at the Salpêtrière. In 1904, two of his students, Jean Camus and Philippe Pagniez, wrote up the results of this work. Significantly enough, they commenced with an 80-page history of isolation and psycho- therapy, which seems to be the lengthiest that had been undertaken up to this point. Concerning psychotherapy, they wrote that it was difficult to give a definition of a subject which 'everyone understands but which seems HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)10 indefinable by nature'.56 Nevertheless, they put forward the following defi- nition: 'one should consider psychotherapy (medicine of the mind), as the ensemble of means by which we act with the aim of cure on the sick mind or on the sick body through the intervention of the mind'.57 If psychotherapy was hard to define, they noted that it was harder to fix historically. Hence they differentiated between the conscious manifestations of psychotherapy and its unconscious use. They argued that both modalities went back to antiquity, and arranged their history thematically under four headings: psychotherapy by remedies, by which they meant 'suggestion by medicinal therapeutics', psychotherapy by 'the marvellous' (understood as the inter- vention of supernatural beings), psychotherapy by hypnotism and sugges- tion, and psychotherapy by persuasion. If psychotherapy was nothing new, the value of the present was one of 'determining its mechanism of action, of making its usage precise and of grouping together all the scattered rules and indications'.58 In Camus and Pagniez's work, the terms 'psychotherapist' [psycho- thérapeute] and 'psychotherapist doctor' [médecin psychothérapeute] featured prominently. They indicated the requirements necessary for being a psychotherapist. First of all, they argued that one had to be a doctor to make the necessary diagnostic discriminations. In addition, one needed to be patient, good, to love one's art, to be profoundly convinced of the efficacity of one's method, to be an observer, to know how to analyse a character, to have had a wide worldly experience and to be a good judge of character.59 As to the significance of this new figure of the psychotherapist, they wrote: Today, psychotherapy in going back to the methods employed by philosophers and by religious persons, speaks to reason and makes an appeal to the collaboration of the patient. It no longer demands that the doctor be a sort of priest of a science of initiates, but simply a gentle- man, in the elevated sense which the eighteenth century gave to this word.60 Thus the new science was to be art practised by gentlemen doctors possess- ing 18th-century virtues. These developments in Europe intersected with those in the United States, where certain specific parameters came into play. The second half of the 19th century saw the rise of the Mind-Cure movement in America. The instigator of this was Phineas Parkhurst Quimby. From 1838, Quimby took up the practice of mesmerism. From this, he developed his own conception that all diseases were mental delusions, and that they could be mentally healed. In the 1860s mental healing schools spread throughout New England. Quimby's most well-known pupil was Mary Baker Eddy, who elaborated the doctrine of Christian Science. In 1875, she published her bestselling work Science and Health. As Eric Caplan notes, while Christian Scientists stressed the 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 11 necessity of adopting their doctrine for mental healing to be effective, pro- ponents of New Thought rejected this, and drew instead on the work of Bernheim.61 In the United States, the rise of psychotherapy was made possible through the Mind-Cure movement. Indications of this are given in James Mark Baldwin's Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology from 1901: the entry on 'Mind-Cure' gives 'psychotherapie' as the equivalent German term.62 In 1906, a collaboration of clergymen and doctors arose at the Emmanuel Church in Boston, which gave rise to the 'Emmanuel Movement'. As Caplan argues, this movement 'was the primary agent responsible for the efflor- escence of psychotherapy in the United States during the first decade of the twentieth century'.63 In 1908, W. B. Parker published a multi-volume work entitled Psychotherapy: A Course of Reading combining Sound Psychology, Sound Medicine and Sound Religion.64 The title implied that psychotherapy consisted of a combination of sound psychology, medicine and religion. Richard Cabot, who played a prominent role in promoting psychotherapy, wrote an article on the 'American type of psychotherapy'. Cabot noted that 'Mind cure is the English for psychotherapy', oblivious to the English origins of the word, and attesting to its prominence in the French- and German- speaking worlds.65 For Cabot, it was the translation of Dubois's work which showed the American medical public that there was such a thing as 'scientific mind cure'. He presented the following definition and justification of the term psychotherapy: Psychotherapy means the attempt to help the sick through mental, moral and spiritual methods. It is a most terrifying word, but we are forced to use it because there is no other which serves to distinguish us from the Christian Scientists, the New Thought people, the Faith Healers, and the thousand and one other schools and all of the accumulative knowledge of the past.66 Cabot saw the linkage with religion as the specifically American form of psychotherapy. By the beginning of the 20th century, the word 'psychotherapy' had become firmly established, but it was not the exclusive preserve of any one figure or school. It was viewed as ancient and resolutely modern. It was variously adopted to refer to a variety of procedures, ranging from mes- merism, hypnosis, suggestive therapy, moral therapy, Mind-Cure, mental healing, strengthening of the will, re-education, the cathartic method, rational persuasion, to general medical practice or the 'art' of medicine. Through association with each of these, the word 'psychotherapy' was able to gain circulation and prominence, and yet at the same time, it was able to be perceived increasingly as a distinct profession. This set the pattern for how it would come to be used in the 20th century. The use of the word gave an HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)12 appearance of novelty and innovation and brought a scientific aura Tuke's new science yet whether this actually reflected any far-going transformation in practice is another question. The heterogenous configuration of practices which sported the name psychotherapy foreshadows the plethora of psycho- therapies which flourished in the 20th century. To grasp the significance of Freud's nomination of psychoanalysis, it is important to set it in the wider context of the nomination of psychotherapy. Freud's word enabled the differentiation of his practice from a wider psycho- therapeutic movement. Furthermore, through the elaboration of the Freudian legend, Freud was figured as the founder of modern psychotherapy: and much of what should be ascribed to the psychotherapeutic movement became solely ascribed to Freud. In the 20th century, Freudian apologists rescripted the history of psychotherapy as if it began and ended with Freud.67 After a period practising electrotherapy as a neurologist in private practice, Freud took up the practice of suggestion and hypnosis. He initially utilized the terms psychotherapy and psychic treatment to designate his activities. He translated the second edition of Bernheim's De la Suggestion et de ses appli- cations à la thérapeutique in 1888 and the first edition of Bernheim's Hypno- tisme, suggestion, psychothérapie; études nouvelles in 1892. In so doing, he contributed to the dissemination of the word 'psychotherapie' in the German-speaking world. In 1893, Breuer and Freud announced a supposedly new psychotherapeutic procedure, the cathartic method. In 1895, Freud's theoretical contribution to their Studien über Hysterie [Studies on Hysteria] was titled 'the psychotherapy of hysteria'. It was in the following year that Freud first employed the word 'psychoanalysis' in the course of his ill-fated papers on the seduction theory. Contrary to general opinion, the word 'psycho-analytical' had been employed prior to Freud. In 1979, Kathleen Coburn noted that the term had been used by Coleridge in his notebooks. He had written about the need for a 'psycho-analytical understanding'.68 As Erling Eng noted, Coleridge understood this as what was 'needed to recover the presence of Greek myth hidden with Renaissance epic verse, this for the sake of realizing a purified Christian Faith'.69 While Coleridge's diaries were not published till the 20th century, the OED also notes a published use of the word in 1857 in Russell's Magazine: '[Poe] chose . . . the psycho-analytical. His heroes are monstrous reflections of his own heart in its despair, not in its peace.' Whether the word may have been in wider circulation has not yet been established. Freud's first use of the word 'psychoanalysis' was in a paper in the Revue Neurologique. His French neologism, 'psychoanalyse', appears to have been directly modelled on the word 'psychotherapy'. He wrote: I owe my results to a new method of psychoanalysis [d'une nouvelle méthode de psychoanalyse], Josef Breuer's exploratory procedure . . . 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 13 By means of that procedure this is not the place to describe it hys- terical symptoms are traced back to their origin, which is always found in some event of the subject's sexual life appropriate for the production of a distressing emotion.70 Curiously, Freud provides no definition, justification or extended description of the term, but simply retroactively applies it to what he had been content to describe in the previous year as a method of psychotherapy. Pierre Janet was later to complain that Freud had simply appropriated his work and the name of his procedure: They spoke of 'psychoanalysis' where I had spoken of 'psychological analysis'. They invented the name 'complex', whereas I had used the term 'psychological system' . . . They spoke of 'catharsis' where I had spoken of the 'dissociation of fixed ideas' or of 'moral disinfection'. The names differed, but the essential ideas I had put forward . . . were accepted without modification.71 Thus for Janet, 'psychoanalysis' was nothing but a copycat name for his own 'psychological analysis'. In 1894, Leopold Löwenfeld had noted that 'a third hypnotherapeutic method was recommended in recent times by Breuer and Freud'.72 Rather than simply being a method of psychotherapy among others, or a 'third hypnotherapeutic method', the simple stroke of a neologism served to differentiate Freud's procedure at a linguistic level, if not on any other. However, in calling his discipline 'psychoanalyse' Freud had contravened German grammatical rules for forming compounds from Greek terms. The correct form would have been 'psychanalyse'. This grammatical howler was not lost on Freud's audience, and a number of figures such as Dumeng Bezzola, Eugen Bleuler, August Forel, Ludwig Frank, C. G. Jung, Oskar Pfister and Herbert Silberer referred to 'psychanalyse'.73 Others, such as Emil Kraepelin and Wilhelm Wundt, used 'psychoanalyse' in quotation marks.74 As Horst Gündlach notes, 'Freud's contemporaries, friends and foes alike, perceived the extra "o" in "psychoanalysis" as a trademark of ignor- ance'.75 In 1910 Ludwig Frank titled his book, Die Psychanalyse.76 Bleuler published a work under the title: Die Psychanalyse Freuds. Verteidigung und kritische Bemerkungen ['Freud's Psychanalysis: Defence and Critical Remarks'].77 In the 1912 edition of his Hypnotismus, Forel commenced his chapter on 'Psychanalyse' by noting: 'I write "psychanalysis" [psychanalyse] like Bezzola, Frank and Bleuler, and not "psychoanalysis" [psychoanalyse] like Freud, because of the rational, euphonic derivation. Bezzola quite rightly draws attention to the fact that one also writes "psychiatry" [psychiatrie] and not "psychoiatry" [psychoiatrie].'78 In the face of the linguistic correction by colleagues and critics, Freud obstinately stuck to his original formulation. HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)14 The early history of the psychoanalytic movement can in part be written in terms of how 'psychoanalysis' triumphed over 'psychanalyse'. In subsequent years, Freud would dissolve the initial linkage of psycho- analysis with Breuer's 'exploratory procedure', and periodically resignify the term, 'psychoanalysis'. For Freud, psychoanalysis was a word to be defined and redefined as he alone saw fit. Its nomination preceded the determination of its essence. His polemical history of the psychoanalytic movement had the aim of policing the use of the word: Psycho-analysis is my creation . . . no one can know better than I do what psycho-analysis is, how it differs from other ways of investigating the life of the mind, and precisely what would better be described by some other name.79 As Freud saw it, the very survival of psychoanalysis depended upon main- taining this singular power of nomination. For him, it was essential that the word 'psychoanalysis' did not circulate freely, like the word 'psychotherapy'. Meanwhile, in 1917, Bernheim complained of the number of works that used the word 'psychotherapy' that did not even mention his name.80 Paradoxi- cally, it was the very success of the psychotherapy movement and the open manner in which it developed that made psychoanalysis possible. The former opened up a practical, theoretical, social and linguistic space without which the latter would not have arisen. One may conclude by asking, how much of the rise of the psychothera- peutic and psychoanalytic movements was actually due to the success of these neologisms? In the case of psychotherapy, the word enabled a heterogenous cluster of therapeutic practices to be grouped together under one term, and identified as a modern, rational, scientific discipline. Henceforth, an inver- sion occurred by which these practices were regarded as forms or techniques of psychotherapy. This conception was to prove extremely influential in the 20th century. Unlike the case of modern psychology, the formation of modern psychotherapy was not accompanied by programmatic statements and fervent debate concerning its rationale, aims and methods. The identification of these disparate practices as constituting psycho- therapy led to the rescripting of prior medical history in terms of this desig- nation, and to the view that something like psychotherapy had always existed under different guises. At the same time, it was maintained that the modern form of it could be differentiated from prior practices as something superior. Thus historiography came to play a critical role in the constitution of the identity of modern psychotherapy. As we have seen, this led to competing historical genealogies concerning its supposed founders. In the 20th century, several of these have found their adherents, among practitioners and historians. The popularity of the term 'psychotherapy' led to the nomination of a new 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 15 classofpractitioner,overlappingwith,butdistinctfrom,thephysician:thepsy- chotherapist, with lists of desired attributes and requirements. It also led to the rise of specific forms of training and instruction necessary to obtain them. In contrast to the predominantly 'open source code' of the psycho- therapeutic movement, psychoanalysis was a 'proprietary' development, which, moreover, went on to claim for itself much of the legacy of the former. Freud's nomination of psychoanalysis, initially to describe Breuer's cathartic method, and then his own evolving practice and theories, enabled his work to be looked upon as something quite distinct from the wider psychotherapeutic movement, and indeed, as founded by himself. To what extent this impression accurately reflected the relation and indebt- edness of his practice to other contemporaneous practices is another question. There is a conventional view of nomination which would suggest that one has new 'names' for new 'things'. The trajectories surveyed here suggest that such a perspective does not do justice to the rise of 'psychotherapy' and 'psychoanalysis', and obscures the work done by these neologisms in foster- ing precisely such an impression. NOTES 1 Nietzsche (1974: §58). 2 Jacqueline Carroy has presented interesting reflections on the adoption of the word 'psychotherapy' in the French context and raised significant issues not pursued here (Carroy, 2000). The approach presented here is modelled after the linguistic trajectories traced by Jean Starobinski. Unless otherwise noted, trans- lations are my own. 3 Prior to this, the OED notes one reference to 'Psychotherapeia' in 1853. 4 Tuke (1872: 405). 5 Report of Dr Benjamin Franklin and other commissioners charged by the king of France with the examination of the animal magnetism, as now practised at Paris. 6 ibid., p. 5. 7 Bucknill and Tuke (1879). Tuke likewise made no mention of it in his chapter 'Progress of Psychological Medicine during the Last Forty Years: 18411881', in his Chapters in the History of the Insane in the British Isles (Tuke, 1882). 8 Bernheim (1980[1891]: 16). 9 ibid., p. 18. 10 Bernheim, in Tuke (1892: 1214). 11 Petersen (1897: 126). 12 Tuke (1886). 13 Bernheim (1886: 218). Alan Gauld notes that in Italy, Enrico Morselli referred in 1886 to the 'efficacia psico-terapica' of hypnotism in his work, Il magnetismo animale: la fascinazio e gli stati affini (Turin: Roux and Favele, 1886). See Gauld (1995: 359). HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)16 14 Tuke (18801). Tuke reviewed the second edition of Bernheim's book in the Journal of Mental Science and did not comment on Bernheim's appropriation of his term. 15 Tuckey (1889: xi). Tuckey's book was translated into German in 1895, losing the hyphen in the process: Psychotherapie oder Behandlung mittelst Hypnotismus und Suggestion ['Psychotherapy, or Treatment by means of Hypnosis and Sugges- tion']. In the fourth English edition of his book in 1900, psycho-therapeutics was relegated to the subtitle: Treatment by Hypnotism and Suggestion, or Psycho- therapeutics. 16 See Ilse Bulhof (1981). 17 Van Eeden (1893: 97). 18 Felkin (1890). 19 Jones (1894: 59). 20 The Times, 22 May 1890, p. 6. 21 Bernheim (1903[1891]: 50). 22 On the significance of Hansen for understanding the case of Anna O., see Borch- Jacobsen (1996). 23 See Duyckaerts (1990) and my 'Hypnose, médecine et droit: la correspondence entre Joseph Delboeuf et George Croom Robertson' (Shamdasani, 1997). 24 Barrès (1891: xviiixix). On Barrès's conception of psychotherapy, see Carroy (2000: 203). 25 Noted in Ellenberger (1970: 330). 26 van Eeden (1893: 978). 27 ibid., p. 99. In 1893, van Eeden himself vacated the field of psychotherapy. He continued with his literary activities, and later became a spiritualist. 28 Robertson (1892: 6578). As late as the 1920s, the hyphenated form, 'psycho- therapy', was in use in The Lancet. At the end of the 19th century, the practice of medicine was undergoing a transformation. See Bynum (1994). 29 De la Tourette (1887). 30 Petersen (1897: 142). 31 Delboeuf (1993[1893]: 421). 32 ibid. 33 Noted by Terry Tanner (Tanner, 2003: 81). 34 In a similar manner in 1910, the Revue de l'hypnotisme changed its name in 1910 to the Revue de psychothérapie et de psychologie appliquée ['Review of Psycho- therapy and Applied Psychology']. 35 Löwenfeld (1894). 36 Löwenfeld (1897: ix). 37 ibid., p. 10. 38 ibid., p. 1. 39 In the 20th century, there have been quite a number of such long histories of psychotherapy. On the problems with such an approach, see my review of Stanley Jackson, A History of Psychological Healing (Shamdasani, 2003). 40 The Lancet, 4 May 1901, p. 4292. 41 Collective organization seemed to be in the air: the same page bore the news of the formation of a register for plumbers. 42 Introductory Notes, The Psycho-Therapeutic Journal 1 (1901): 2. 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 17 43 ibid., p. 1. On the place of this society within the larger context of popular psychology in Britain, see Thomson (2001). 44 Lovell (1902: 2). 45 ibid., p. 3. In subsequent issues of the journal, the work of James Braid also featured prominently. 46 ibid., p. 4. 47 ibid. 48 The Psycho-Therapeutic Journal 22 (1903): 64. 49 By 1912, the society was in decline, and the journal, which had changed its name in 1907 to The Health Record, was independently carried on by the editor, Arthur Hallam. At the 11th annual meeting in 1912, the paradox was noted that the very success of the society had led to a widespread growth in psycho-therapeutics, which had led to the society losing its raison d'être: 'Many who have been trained by the society have gone to practise and spread the truths of Psycho-Therapeu- tics elsewhere, it naturally follows that treatment by our methods is not as difficult to obtain as it was before' (The Health Record 11(128) (1912): 74). When the London Psycho-Analytical Society was established in the following year, it by no means entered into a vacuum. 50 Dubois (1909[1904]: 221). 51 ibid., p. xiii. 52 ibid., p. 96. 53 A similar perspective was presented by Déjerine and Glaucker (1918[1911]). On this question, see Gauchet and Swain (1994). 54 Dubois (1905: 19). 55 On this question, see Borch-Jacobsen (2002) and my 'Claire, Lise, Jean, Nadia, and Gisèle: Preliminary Notes towards a Characterisation of Pierre Janet's Psychasthenia' (Shamdasani, 2001). 56 Camus and Pagniez (1904: 25). 57 ibid. 58 ibid., p. 26. 59 ibid., pp. 17780. 60 ibid., p. 82. 61 Caplan (2001: 80). See also Taylor (1999). 62 http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/Baldwin/Dictionary/defs/M3defs.htm#Mind%20Cure. In 1903, Richard Ebbard noted that 'Thought-Cure' was also used as a synonym for 'Psycho-Therapy' (Ebbard, 1903). 'Thought-Cure' evidently did not catch on. 63 Caplan (2001: 199). 64 Parker (1908). 65 Cabot (1908: 1). 66 ibid. 67 A recent example of this is Joseph Schwartz, Cassandra's Daughter: A History of Psychoanalysis in Europe and America (1999). On Schwartz, see Anthony Stadlen's review in Arc de Cercle (Stadlen, 2003). On the constitution and main- tenance of the Freud legend, see Borch-Jacobsen and Shamdasani (2001). 68 Cited in Eng (1984: 463). 69 ibid., p. 465. 70 Freud (1896: 151). HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)18 71 Janet (1925: 6012). Janet appears to have taken up the word 'psychotherapy' rela- tively late: it does not feature in his États mentales des hystériques (18924) nor in his Névroses et idées fixes (1898). 72 Löwenfeld (1894: 688). 73 The significance of this issue was brought to light by Horst Gündlach in 'Psycho- analysis & the Story of "O": an Embarrassment' (Gündlach, 2002). 74 Noted by Gündlach, ibid., p. 4. 75 ibid., p. 5. 76 Frank (1910). 77 Bleuler (1911). 78 Forel (1911: 189). 79 Freud (1914) 'On the History of the Psycho-analytic Movement', p. 7. Psycho- analysis was hyphenated in translation by James Strachey. 80 Bernheim (1917). BIBLIOGRAPHY Barrès, M. (1891) Trois stations de psychothérapie. Paris: Perrin. Bernheim, H. 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(1909[1904]) Psychic Treatment of Nervous Disorders [Les Psychonévroses et leur traitement moral], trans S. E. Jeliffe and W. A. White, New York: Funk & Wagnalls. Duyckaerts, F. (1990) 'Delboeuf-Ladame: un conflit paradigmatique!', Revue inter- nationale d'histoire de la psychanalyse 3: 2537. Ebbard, R. (1903) How to Restore Life-Giving Energy to Sufferers from Sexual Neurasthenia and Kindred Brain and Nervous Disorders (Neurosis, Hysteria, etc.). London: Medical Publishing. Ellenberger, H. (1970) The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of the Dynamic Psychiatry. New York: Basic Books. Eng, E. (1984) 'Coleridge's "Psycho-analytical Understanding" and Freud's Psycho- analysis', International Review of Psycho-analysis 11. Felkin, R. (1890) Hypnotism, or Psycho-therapeutics. Edinburgh: Pentland. Forel, A. (1911) Der Hypnotismus oder die Suggestion und die Psychotherapie, 6th edn. Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke. Frank, L. (1910) Die Psychanalyse. Munich: E. Reinhardt. Freud, S. (1896) 'Heredity and the Aetiology of the Neuroses', in the Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, ed. James Strachey, Vol. 3. London: Hogarth. Freud, S. (1914) 'On the History of the Psycho-analytic Movement', in the Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, ed. James Strachey, Vol. 14. London: Hogarth. Gauld, A. (1995) The History of Hypnotism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gauchet, M. and Swain, G. (1994) 'Du traitement moral aux psychothérapies: remarque sur la formation de l'idée contemporaine de psychothérapie', in G. Swain, Dialogues avec l'insensé. Paris: Gallimard, pp. 23762. Gündlach, H. (2002) 'Psychoanalysis & the Story of "O": an Embarrassment', The Semiotic Review of Books 13(1): 45. Janet, P. (18924) États mentales des hystériques. Paris: Rueff. Janet, P. (1898) Névroses et idées fixes. Paris: Alcan. HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)20 Janet, P. (1925) Psychological Healing: A Historical and Clinical Study, trans. E. and C. Paul, 2 vols. London: Allen & Unwin. Jones, H. A. (1894) Judah. New York: Macmillan. Lovell, A. (1902) 'Psycho-therapeutics and Science', The Psycho-Therapeutic Journal 2(1): 2. Löwenfeld, L. (1894) Pathologie und Therapie der Neurasthenie und Hysterie. Wiesbaden: J. F. Bergmann. Löwenfeld, L. (1897) Lehrbuch der Gesammten Psychotherapie, mit einer einleiten- den Darstellung der Hauptthatsachen der Medizinischen Psychologie. Wiesbaden: J. F. Bergmann. Nietzsche, F. (1974) The Gay Science, trans. W. Kaufman. New York: Vintage. Parker, W. B. (1908) Psychotherapy: A Course of Reading Combining Sound Psychol- ogy, Sound Medicine and Sound Religion. New York: Center Publishing. Petersen, H. (1897) 'Hypno-suggestion, etc., Medical Letters', in O. Wetterstrand, Hypnotism and its Application to Practical Medicine, trans. H. Petersen. New York: G. P. Putnam. Robertson, G. C. (1892) 'Psycho-therapeutic: Another Fragment', The Lancet, 17 September, pp. 6578. Schwartz, J. (1999) Cassandra's Daughter: A History of Psychoanalysis in Europe and America. London: Allen Lane. Shamdasani, S. (1997) 'Hypnose, médecine et droit: la correspondence entre Joseph Delboeuf et George Croom Robertson', Corpus: Revue de philosophie 31: 7188. Shamdasani, S. (2001) 'Claire, Lise, Jean, Nadia, and Gisèle: Preliminary Notes towards a Characterisation of Pierre Janet's Psychasthenia', in M. Gijswijt- Hofstra and R. Porter (eds) Cultures of Neurasthenia: From Beard to the First World War. Amsterdam: Rodopi, pp. 36285. Shamdasani, S. (2003) review of S. Jackson, A History of Psychological Healing, Medical History 47(1): 11517. Stadlen, A. (2003) review of J. Schwartz, Cassandra's Daughter: A History of Psycho- analysis in Europe and America, Arc de Cercle 1: 14676. Tanner, T. (2003) 'Sigmund Freud and the Zeitschrift für Hypnotismus', Arc de Cercle 1: 81. Taylor, E. (1999) Shadow Culture: Spirituality and Psychology in America. New York: Counterpoint. Thomson, M. (2001) 'The Popular, the Practical and the Professional: Psychological Identities in Britain, 19011950', in G. C. Bunn, A. D. Lovie and G. D. Richards (eds) Psychology in Britain: Historical Essays and Personal Reflections. Leicester: BPS Books. Tuckey, C. L. (1889) Psycho-therapeutics, or Treatment by Hypnotism and Suggestion. London: Baillière, Tindall & Cox. Tuke, D. H. (1872) Illustrations of the Influence of Mind upon the Body in Health and Disease designed to Elucidate the Action of the Imagination. London: Churchill. Tuke, D. H. (18801) 'Hypnosis Redivivus', Journal of Mental Science 26: 53151. Tuke, D. H. (1882) 'Progress of Psychological Medicine during the Last Forty Years: 18411881', in Chapters in the History of the Insane in the British Isles. London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, pp. 443501. 'PSYCHOTHERAPY' 21 Tuke, D. H. (1886) Le corps et l'esprit. Action du moral et de l'imagination sur le physique, trans. V. Parent. Paris: J.-B. Baillière. Tuke, D. H., ed. (1892) A Dictionary of Psychological Medicine: giving the Definition, Etymology and Synonyms of the Terms used in Medical Psychology with the Symptoms, Treatment, and Pathology of Insanity and the Law of Lunacy in Great Britain and Ireland. London: Churchill. Van Eeden, F. (1893?) 'Les principes de la psychothérapie', Revue de l'hypnotisme 7: 97119. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE SONU SHAMDASANI is a research associate at the Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at University College London. He works on the history of psychiatry, psychology and the human sciences, in the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. He has edited several volumes and is the author of Cult Fictions: C. G. Jung and the Founding of Analytical Psychology. His Jung and the Making of Modern Psychology: The Dream of a Science was published by Cambridge University Press in 2003. Address: The Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine, University College London, 210 Euston Road, London NW1 2BE. Tel: 020 7679 8100. Fax: 020 7679 8194. [email: s.shamdasani@ucl.ac.uk] HISTORY OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES 18(1)22</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes>
<p>
<list list-type="order">
<list-item>
<p>1 Nietzsche (1974: §58).</p>
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<list-item>
<p>2 Jacqueline Carroy has presented interesting reflections on the adoption of the word ‘psychotherapy’ in the French context and raised significant issues not pursued here (Carroy, 2000). The approach presented here is modelled after the linguistic trajectories traced by Jean Starobinski. Unless otherwise noted, translations are my own.</p>
</list-item>
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<p>3 Prior to this, the <italic>OED</italic> notes one reference to ‘Psychotherapeia’ in 1853.</p>
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<p>4 Tuke (1872: 405).</p>
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<p>5 Report of Dr Benjamin Franklin and other commissioners charged by the king of France with the examination of the animal magnetism, as now practised at Paris.</p>
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<p>6 ibid., p. 5.</p>
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<p>7 Bucknill and Tuke (1879). Tuke likewise made no mention of it in his chapter ‘Progress of Psychological Medicine during the Last Forty Years: 1841-1881’, in his <italic>Chapters in the History of the Insane in the British Isles</italic> (Tuke, 1882).</p>
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<p>8 Bernheim (1980[1891]: 16).</p>
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<p>9 ibid., p. 18.</p>
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<p>10 Bernheim, in Tuke (1892: 1214).</p>
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<p>11 Petersen (1897: 126).</p>
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<p>12 Tuke (1886).</p>
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<p>13 Bernheim (1886: 218). Alan Gauld notes that in Italy, Enrico Morselli referred in 1886 to the ‘<italic>efficacia psico-terapica</italic>’ of hypnotism in his work, <italic>Il magnetismo animale: la fascinazio e gli stati affini</italic> (Turin: Roux and Favele, 1886). See Gauld (1995: 359).</p>
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<p>14 Tuke (1880-1). Tuke reviewed the second edition of Bernheim’s book in the <italic>Journal of Mental Science</italic> and did not comment on Bernheim’s appropriation of his term.</p>
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<p>15 Tuckey (1889: xi). Tuckey’s book was translated into German in 1895, losing the hyphen in the process: <italic>Psychotherapie oder Behandlung mittelst Hypnotismus und Suggestion</italic> [‘Psychotherapy, or Treatment by means of Hypnosis and Suggestion’]. In the fourth English edition of his book in 1900, psycho-therapeutics was relegated to the subtitle: <italic>Treatment by Hypnotism and Suggestion, or Psychotherapeutics</italic>.</p>
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<p>16 See Ilse Bulhof (1981).</p>
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<p>17 Van Eeden (1893: 97).</p>
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<p>18 Felkin (1890).</p>
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<p>19 Jones (1894: 59).</p>
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<p>20 <italic>The Times</italic>, 22 May 1890, p. 6.</p>
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<p>21 Bernheim (1903[1891]: 50).</p>
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<p>22 On the significance of Hansen for understanding the case of Anna O., see Borch-Jacobsen (1996).</p>
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<p>23 See Duyckaerts (1990) and my ‘Hypnose, médecine et droit: la correspondence entre Joseph Delboeuf et George Croom Robertson’ (Shamdasani, 1997).</p>
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<p>24 Barrès (1891: xviii-xix). On Barrès’s conception of psychotherapy, see Carroy (2000: 20-3).</p>
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<p>25 Noted in Ellenberger (1970: 330).</p>
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<p>26 van Eeden (1893: 97-8).</p>
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<p>27 ibid., p. 99. In 1893, van Eeden himself vacated the field of psychotherapy. He continued with his literary activities, and later became a spiritualist.</p>
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<p>28 Robertson (1892: 657-8). As late as the 1920s, the hyphenated form, ‘psychotherapy’, was in use in <italic>The Lancet</italic>. At the end of the 19th century, the practice of medicine was undergoing a transformation. See Bynum (1994).</p>
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<p>29 De la Tourette (1887).</p>
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<p>30 Petersen (1897: 142).</p>
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<p>31 Delboeuf (1993[1893]: 421).</p>
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<p>32 ibid.</p>
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<p>33 Noted by Terry Tanner (Tanner, 2003: 81).</p>
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<p>34 In a similar manner in 1910, the <italic>Revue de l’hypnotisme</italic> changed its name in 1910 to the <italic>Revue de psychothérapie et de psychologie appliquée</italic> [‘Review of Psychotherapy and Applied Psychology’].</p>
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<p>35 Löwenfeld (1894).</p>
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<p>36 Löwenfeld (1897: ix).</p>
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<p>37 ibid., p. 10.</p>
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<p>38 ibid., p. 1.</p>
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<p>39 In the 20th century, there have been quite a number of such long histories of psychotherapy. On the problems with such an approach, see my review of Stanley Jackson, <italic>A History of Psychological Healing</italic> (Shamdasani, 2003).</p>
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<p>40 <italic>The Lancet</italic>, 4 May 1901, p. 4292.</p>
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<p>41 Collective organization seemed to be in the air: the same page bore the news of the formation of a register for plumbers.</p>
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<p>42 Introductory Notes, <italic>The Psycho-Therapeutic Journal</italic> 1 (1901): 2.</p>
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<p>43 ibid., p. 1. On the place of this society within the larger context of popular psychology in Britain, see Thomson (2001).</p>
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<p>44 Lovell (1902: 2).</p>
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<p>45 ibid., p. 3. In subsequent issues of the journal, the work of James Braid also featured prominently.</p>
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<p>46 ibid., p. 4.</p>
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<p>47 ibid.</p>
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<p>48 <italic>The Psycho-Therapeutic Journal</italic> 22 (1903): 64.</p>
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<p>49 By 1912, the society was in decline, and the journal, which had changed its name in 1907 to <italic>The Health Record</italic>, was independently carried on by the editor, Arthur Hallam. At the 11th annual meeting in 1912, the paradox was noted that the very success of the society had led to a widespread growth in psycho-therapeutics, which had led to the society losing its <italic>raison d’être</italic>: ‘Many who have been trained by the society have gone to practise and spread the truths of Psycho-Therapeutics elsewhere, it naturally follows that treatment by our methods is not as difficult to obtain as it was before’ (<italic>The Health Record</italic> 11(128) (1912): 74). When the London Psycho-Analytical Society was established in the following year, it by no means entered into a vacuum.</p>
</list-item>
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<p>50 Dubois (1909[1904]: 221).</p>
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<p>51 ibid., p. xiii.</p>
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<p>52 ibid., p. 96.</p>
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<p>53 A similar perspective was presented by Déjerine and Glaucker (1918[1911]). On this question, see Gauchet and Swain (1994).</p>
</list-item>
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<p>54 Dubois (1905: 19).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>55 On this question, see Borch-Jacobsen (2002) and my ‘Claire, Lise, Jean, Nadia, and Gisèle: Preliminary Notes towards a Characterisation of Pierre Janet’s Psychasthenia’ (Shamdasani, 2001).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>56 Camus and Pagniez (1904: 25).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>57 ibid.</p>
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<p>58 ibid., p. 26.</p>
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<p>59 ibid., pp. 177-80.</p>
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<p>60 ibid., p. 82.</p>
</list-item>
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<p>61 Caplan (2001: 80). See also Taylor (1999).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>62 http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/Baldwin/Dictionary/defs/M3defs.htm#Mind%20Cure. In 1903, Richard Ebbard noted that ‘Thought-Cure’ was also used as a synonym for ‘Psycho-Therapy’ (Ebbard, 1903). ‘Thought-Cure’ evidently did not catch on.</p>
</list-item>
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<p>63 Caplan (2001: 199).</p>
</list-item>
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<p>64 Parker (1908).</p>
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<p>65 Cabot (1908: 1).</p>
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<p>66 ibid.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>67 A recent example of this is Joseph Schwartz, <italic>Cassandra’s Daughter: A History of Psychoanalysis in Europe and America</italic> (1999). On Schwartz, see Anthony Stadlen’s review in <italic>Arc de Cercle</italic> (Stadlen, 2003). On the constitution and maintenance of the Freud legend, see Borch-Jacobsen and Shamdasani (2001).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>68 Cited in Eng (1984: 463).</p>
</list-item>
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<p>69 ibid., p. 465.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>70 Freud (1896: 151).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>71 Janet (1925: 601-2). Janet appears to have taken up the word ‘psychotherapy’ relatively late: it does not feature in his <italic>États mentales des hystériques</italic> (1892-4) nor in his <italic>Névroses et idées fixes</italic> (1898).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>72 Löwenfeld (1894: 688).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>73 The significance of this issue was brought to light by Horst Gündlach in ‘Psychoanalysis & the Story of “O”: an Embarrassment’ (Gündlach, 2002).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>74 Noted by Gündlach, ibid., p. 4.</p>
</list-item>
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<p>75 ibid., p. 5.</p>
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<p>76 Frank (1910).</p>
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<p>77 Bleuler (1911).</p>
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<p>78 Forel (1911: 189).</p>
</list-item>
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<p>79 Freud (1914) ‘On the History of the Psycho-analytic Movement’, p. 7. Psychoanalysis was hyphenated in translation by James Strachey.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item>
<p>80 Bernheim (1917).</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>
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</ref-list></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>‘Psychotherapy’: the invention of a word</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>‘Psychotherapy’: the invention of a word</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Sonu</namePart><namePart type="family">Shamdasani</namePart><affiliation>Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at University College London,</affiliation><affiliation>E-mail: s.shamdasani@ucl.ac.uk</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2005-02</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2005</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><abstract lang="en">This paper traces the manner in which the word ‘psychotherapy’ was invented and how it became taken up and disseminated in the English-, French- and German-speaking medical worlds at the end of the 19th century. It explores how it was used as an appellation for a variety of practices, and then increasingly became perceived as a distinct entity in its own right. Finally it shows how the fate of the word ‘psychotherapy’ enables Freud’s invention of ‘psychoanalysis’ to be located.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>Bernheim</topic><topic>Freud</topic><topic>hypnosis</topic><topic>psychoanalysis</topic><topic>psychotherapy</topic><topic>Tuke</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>History of the human sciences</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0952-6951</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1461-720X</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">HHS</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">sphhs</identifier><part><date>2005</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>18</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>1</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>1</start><end>22</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">06371F0A7E756050281F3D38FD58448F4C334D6A</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-CZX1X0JH-X</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/0952695105051123</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_0952695105051123</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/06371F0A7E756050281F3D38FD58448F4C334D6A/metadata/json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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