WilliamByrdV1, Main, Corpus, bibRecord, 000800

AArecord

‘Nice maps, shame about the theory’? Thinking geographically about the economic

Identifieur interne : 000800 ( Main/Corpus ); précédent : 000799; suivant : 000801

‘Nice maps, shame about the theory’? Thinking geographically about the economic

Auteurs : Roger Lee

Source :

Progress in Human Geography [ 0309-1325 ] ; 2002-06.

RBID : ISTEX:2CDC2092D18257C521BC6D661F721B3B4DCB6AA4

English descriptors

Entity :
- org : Commission of the European Union, In Spain, Scarlatti, Local Exchange and Trading Systems, South Korea and Argentina, UK Abstract, University of London, World Bank.
- pers : Adam Smith, Allen Scott, Andrew Leyshon, Anthony Harris, Charles Avison, David Landes, Domenico Scarlatti, Doreen Massey, Ed Oliver, Eric Hobsbawm, European Communities, Francis Fukuyama, Giovanni Tufarelli, Gustav Mahler, Henry Ford, If, John Brewer, Karl Marx, Larry Elliott, Malcolm Boyd, Manuel de Falla, Margaret Thatcher, Maurice Greene, Michael Watts, Miles Ogborn, Nigel Thrift, Norman Tebbitt, Orlando Gibbons, Paul Krugman, Peter Dicken, Peter Martin, Philip Coggan, Queen Mary, Ralph Kirkpatrick, Richard O’Brien, Robert Layton, Ron Martin, Samuel Brittan, Steven Graham, Thomas Arne, Thomas Tallis, William Boyce, William Byrd.
- place : DC, Detroit, England, Europe, Helsinki, Hungary, India, Italy, Japan, London, Nice, Pakistan, Palermo, Portugal, Rome, Tokyo, UK, United Kingdom, Venice, Washington, York.
Teeft :
- Adam smith, Ambivalent geographers, Backyard capitalism, British geographers, Coffee houses, Cultural production, Disciplinary, Domenico, Domenico scarlatti, Eastern europe, Economic activity, Economic geographers, Economic geographies, Economic geography, Economic life, Economic practices, Eighteenth century, European communities, European production, Final triumph, Financial times, Formative, Geographer, Geographical differentiation, Geographical economics, Geographical imagination, Geographical terms, Geography, Geography matters, Global, Global capitalism, Gustav mahler, Historical geographies, Historical geography, Human geography, Investment fashion, Jean sibelius, John brewer, Landes, Liberal capitalism, Local exchange, Material life, Material reproduction, Narrow confines, Nice maps, Norman tebbitt, Other words, Oxford handbook, Oxford university press, Perfect competition, Productive power, Queen mary, Relational, Relational geographies, Relational nature, Relational notions, Reproduction, Robert layton, Same time, Scarlatti, Sibelius, Social construction, Social geographies, Social life, Social relations, Social reproduction, Spatial concentration, Spatial separation, Such thing, Supply curves, Supply schedules, Trivial pursuit, Uneven geography, World bank, World history.

Abstract

What can geography tell us about the economy other than drawing maps of it? The spatiality of economic activity points towards the practical and performative complexity of the economic as well as to the complexity of geography in its embedding of the economic. While the synthetic nature of geography – its raison d'être is the relationships between, rather than the separation of, processes and things – disrupts economy in profound ways, its treatment by nonpractitioners is weak and over-narrowly interpreted. At the same time, a tendency for geographers to sidestep certain economic imperatives undermines more culturally and socially inflected interpretations of economy. What is at issue here, however, is not simply an attempt to reconcile two disciplines or to reclaim either one of them but a need to embed the one relationally in the other in mutually formative ways. This involves a transcendence of disciplinary perspectives by stressing the complex practices of social reproduction operating at all scales from the ultralocal to the hyperglobal. It is this stress on practice and instance, rather than a determinative claim for place or space, that makes geography matter in the construction of understandings of the economy.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-9BXWH56C-Z/fulltext.pdf

DOI: 10.1191/0309132502ph373ra

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:2CDC2092D18257C521BC6D661F721B3B4DCB6AA4

Le document en format XML

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<json:string>Fujita et al., 1999</json:string>
<json:string>Lebrecht, 1987: 218</json:string>
<json:string>Peet, 1997</json:string>
<json:string>Wolf, 2000: 19</json:string>
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<json:string>here recorded by Blaukopf and Blaukopf, 1976: 204</json:string>
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<abstract xml:lang="en"><p>What can geography tell us about the economy other than drawing maps of it? The spatiality of economic activity points towards the practical and performative complexity of the economic as well as to the complexity of geography in its embedding of the economic. While the synthetic nature of geography – its raison d'être is the relationships between, rather than the separation of, processes and things – disrupts economy in profound ways, its treatment by nonpractitioners is weak and over-narrowly interpreted. At the same time, a tendency for geographers to sidestep certain economic imperatives undermines more culturally and socially inflected interpretations of economy. What is at issue here, however, is not simply an attempt to reconcile two disciplines or to reclaim either one of them but a need to embed the one relationally in the other in mutually formative ways. This involves a transcendence of disciplinary perspectives by stressing the complex practices of social reproduction operating at all scales from the ultralocal to the hyperglobal. It is this stress on practice and instance, rather than a determinative claim for place or space, that makes geography matter in the construction of understandings of the economy.</p>
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            <p>What can geography tell us about the economy other than drawing maps of it? The spatiality of economic activity points towards the practical and performative complexity of the economic as well as to the complexity of geography in its embedding of the economic. While the synthetic nature of geography – its raison d'être is the relationships between, rather than the separation of, processes and things – disrupts economy in profound ways, its treatment by nonpractitioners is weak and over-narrowly interpreted. At the same time, a tendency for geographers to sidestep certain economic imperatives undermines more culturally and socially inflected interpretations of economy. What is at issue here, however, is not simply an attempt to reconcile two disciplines or to reclaim either one of them but a need to embed the one relationally in the other in mutually formative ways. This involves a transcendence of disciplinary perspectives by stressing the complex practices of social reproduction operating at all scales from the ultralocal to the hyperglobal. It is this stress on practice and instance, rather than a determinative claim for place or space, that makes geography matter in the construction of understandings of the economy.</p> 
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<meta-value> 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? Thinking geographically about the economic Roger Lee Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of London, Mile End Road, London E1 4NS, UK Abstract: What can geography tell us about the economy other than drawing maps of it? The spatiality of economic activity points towards the practical and performative complexity of the economic as well as to the complexity of geography in its embedding of the economic. While the synthetic nature of geography  its raison d'être is the relationships between, rather than the separation of, processes and things  disrupts economy in profound ways, its treatment by non- practitioners is weak and over-narrowly interpreted. At the same time, a tendency for geographers to sidestep certain economic imperatives undermines more culturally and socially inflected interpretations of economy. What is at issue here, however, is not simply an attempt to reconcile two disciplines or to reclaim either one of them but a need to embed the one relation- ally in the other in mutually formative ways. This involves a transcendence of disciplinary per- spectives by stressing the complex practices of social reproduction operating at all scales from the ultralocal to the hyperglobal. It is this stress on practice and instance, rather than a determinative claim for place or space, that makes geography matter in the construction of understandings of the economy. Key words: economic geography, economics, emerging markets, LETS, Mahler, post- disciplinarity, Scarlatti, Sibelius, social reproduction, revalued geographies. I Introduction In November 1907 a remarkable series of meetings took place in Helsinki between Jean Sibelius and Gustav Mahler. The careers of these contemporaries are often compared (by, for example, Robert Layton, 1992), although they approached the meaning and realization of their music-making in diametrically opposite ways. For Mahler, in a celebrated phrase, 'the symphony must be like the world. It must embrace everything', whereas, for Sibelius, 'the essence of the symphony [is] its severity and style and the Progress in Human Geography 26,3 (2002) pp. 333355 © Arnold 2002 10.1191/0309132502ph373ra 334 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? profound logic that create[s] an inner connection between all the motifs'. The conversations (here recorded by Blaukopf and Blaukopf, 1976: 204) between the two composers would have been fascinating to witness, not least because Mahler had earlier described Sibelius' music as 'kitsch served up with nordic harmonizations as a national dish' (Lebrecht, 1987: 218). Yet, by 1911 in New York, Mahler programmed two works by Sibelius although he fell ill before he could conduct them. Conversely, in 1909 Sibelius composed In Memoriam (Opus 59) with echoes of Mahler's fifth symphony. For Robert Layton, the convergence between the two composers was remarkable. Both continued to travel, if not in the direction of the other, then certainly in ways suggested, but undoubtedly individually heard and interpreted, by the other  Mahler, it has to be said, rather more obviously so than Sibelius. Each, in other words, offered the other a further relational influence incorporated into, but transformed through, their own productive work. While Mahler's symphonies are clearly Mahler's, they are also Sibelius's. Although distinct and clearly identifiable, and despite their production by a single mind working largely alone, they cannot be isolated. Outside creative influence is ever-present. Production  even the greatest of artistic production  is, like all other aspects of economic life, itself produced through relational influence. It is this kind of relationality with which this paper is concerned. Its argument is that debates about geography and economics miss the point: what matters is geography in economics. Although attention will be focused on the spatiality of economic activity (the paper deals primarily with the two disciplines of geography and economics; see also Perrons, 2001 and Ettlinger, 2001), this is not intended as a disciplinary claim. That geography  context, specificity, differentiation, spatiality, distance, proximity, boundedness, movement  matters (Massey, 1984) is beyond dispute; but what these disruptions do to spaceless concepts and theories is less to establish a separate sphere of intellectual endeavour than to illustrate the more general principle that practice and instance are always and everywhere disruptive. Geography matters because, in short, it is disruptive of disciplinary ways of thinking. Thus the claim in this paper is, rather, a claim for post-disciplinarity (see, for example, Schoenberger, 2001 on interdisciplinar- ity; Sayer, 2000). The justification for trying to establish such a claim is that, whatever insights disciplines or combinations of disciplines may provide as takes on knowledge, they are always relationally constructed and  an associated point  they are always exceeded by the complexities of practice and instance (see McDowell, 1997, for a sustained exemplification of what it means to do this kind of economic geography). There are four major sections in the paper and an extended conclusion in the form of a story. After a brief first section which reviews some recent debates about geography and economics, the second section raises the possibility and implications of geographies in economies. The argument here is that economies are doubly geograph- ical  in terms of both space and of social relations. The third section tries to demonstrate something of the complex and relational nature of spatialities and the geo- graphical imagination. At the same time, it looks at the ambivalent stance adopted towards geography by others working in related fields. The fourth part of the paper tries to demonstrate the thesis that conversations of the Mahler/Sibelius kind might bear fruit not so much in academic thought but, like theirs, in day-to-day practice. II Geography and economics The alternative understandings of the symphony promulgated by Mahler and Sibelius are paralleled by the distinction between what we might call a Sibelian economics of logic and a Mahlerian geography of the world: Whether by instinct or training, economists have tended to operate at higher spatial and theoretical levels of abstraction whereas geographers have tended to emphasize the rich texture of contemporary circumstances. (Clark et al., 2000a: 9) In recognizing and responding to the Mahlerian urge to embrace the world, economic geographers have tended to resist the kind of bold but simplifying abstractions so readily used by economists1 and have become increasingly aware of the complex cultural and social construction of the geographies which they strive to understand (see, for example, Amin and Thrift, 2000; Lee, 1989). A serious and possibly self- defeating consequence of this response may be the subordinate role played by economic geographers in policy-related research  a role reduced to implementa- tion/evaluation rather than formulation (Peck, 1999), or even the startling absence of economic geographers from policy making altogether (Martin, 1999b). Yet if geography and geographers are the subject of critical appraisal  not least by themselves  economists, too, are not much appreciated by contemporary commenta- tors. For Samuel Brittan (2000: 21), for example, the practical contribution of learned academic papers in economics is 'elusive and intangible' because 'professional competence' is more significant for success in the academic market place than economic literacy. '[W]hat has gone wrong with economics', he argues, 'is the overemphasis on techniques at the expense of underlying ideas'. While it most certainly cannot be the case that the problem for economic geographers is a lack of ideas (see, for example, Hudson, 2001; Sheppard and Barnes, 2000; Clark et al., 2000b; Bryson et al., 1999; Dicken, 1998; Lee and Wills, 1997), it may be that, as Ron Martin (1999a) has suggested, Paul Krugman's criticisms of their methodologies (see, for example, Fujita et al., 1999) do need to be acted upon. However, the problem for economic geographers lies much deeper than that. Certainly, the questions raised by Ash Amin's and Nigel Thrift's (2000: 8) advocacy of 'new areas of economic study' and the turn to 'evidence-based economic research and to social, cultural, and institutional understandings of the economy' go well beyond the economics  economic geography axis (economics and geography) explored in Clark et al. (2000b). As the ensuing debate demonstrates (Antipode 2001), the economic is about far more than mere mechanics; its purposes necessarily embrace the world  a verity recognized long ago by Adam Smith (see, for example, Lee, 2000a). The question is not whether to rediscover economics or to go with the cultural, it is how to do both at the same time in ways that recognize the political significance of these intersections and provide a critical purchase on prevailing economic processes. III Economics is geography/geography in economics The claim here is that economics is geography  or, put another way, it is that economic activity is influentially embedded in and disrupted by the geographies through which Roger Lee 335 336 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? it takes place. In their attempts to understand economic geographies, economic geographers have to be able to cope with the intersections of three mutually influential sets of imperatives:2 materialities, socialities and spatialities. Sure, multiple forms of economic life are not only possible (Gibson-Graham, 1996) but practised (e.g., Smith, 2000; Lee, 2000a). To say this, however, does not mean that the notion of economic imperatives is misconceived. It is, rather, to suggest that, despite the less than promising conditions for making their own geographies and histories, people manage, still, to do just that. It is precisely the fact of these imperatives that makes the continued transformation of geographies and histories such a remarkably constructive political process involving nothing less than the reconstruction of political economy and the material and social bases of day-to-day life  even if only locally and for a moment. For, as Allen Scott (2000: 14) reminds us (and I hope I read him  following Adam Smith  as he intended) economic geography deals with 'immensely real substantive issues and purposive human practices'. Economic geographies cannot, therefore, be non-essentialist; these material and social practices matter. They embrace ways of living, of making sense of the environmental, social and material circumstances (the geographies) in and through which life proceeds and of the possibilities of the transformation of these geographies. 1 Materialities Economies are more than mere moments of consumption, production and exchange or even a sequence of such moments: they are circuits of material reproduction3 involving the continuous flow of values and energy from consumption via exchange to production, via exchange to consumption and so on (Figure 1). Thus the critical test of economies is their sustainability across space and through time.4 Economies must entail the possibilities of drawing value from there and then as well as from here and now, and of projecting from past into future spaces and times. Rather like the meaningless- ness of individual notes or even phrases in music, the significance of any single moment of economic activity begins to make sense in material terms only in the context of circuits of material reproduction. The conditions which facilitate such possibilities and Figure 1 A circuit of reproduction meanings also go well beyond the individual, time- and space-free mechanisms of consumption, production and exchange. They involve the construction of economic geographies  the material, social and political landscapes of material reproduction. But the geographies of material reproduction are more than merely facilitative. Geography shapes the conception, construction and practice of economies. To argue this point, I stick my neck firmly on the chopping-block by plundering one of the icons of neoclassical economic analysis  the equilibrium market of perfect competition.5 The assumption here is of instant knowledge, instant reaction and a world of no distance. In this unreal world, people must, presumably, adopt the form of angels dancing on the heads of pins, and are assumed to be able to react rationally. Given these assumptions, demand and supply curves intersect at an equilibrium price (Figure 2) which satisfies, it seems, both producers and consumers. The conditions for the maintenance of material reproduction are met. What happens when we insert geography, in the simple form of geometrical space or distance, into this framework? For one thing, all the assumptions of perfect competition are shattered and so any policy which assumes such conditions, explicitly or implicitly, is flawed. There are other more direct consequences too. I will mention just four here (Figure 3). First, demand and supply for certain commodities may be separated by distance and this gives an opportunity for merchants to earn a crust by acting as the go- between  and hence integrating  demand and supply (Figure 3a). This spatial separation led, according to some commentators, to the emergence of an economic geography based upon what Marx (1976/1867: 1021) called the real rather than the merely formal subsumption of labour to capital. A more immediate example of the effects of the spatial separation of demand and supply curves concerns the case of BMW's messily abandoned intended investment in Rover in the UK. A not inconsiderable influence on the company's decision to disinvest during 2000 was the threat from the Commission of the European Union to challenge the investment subsidy offered by the UK government for BMW's expansion plans at Longbridge. This challenge rested in no small measure on the Commission's under- standing of the relationship between the geography of production and the identity of the product in consumption: 'The Commission . . . notes that Rover's image is strongly Roger Lee 337 Figure 2 Angels on pins: demand, supply and market equilibrium 338 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? based on the fact that it [produces] a British car' (European Communities, 2000: C62/10), that is, the identity of Rover cars as a commodity is closely linked to the location of their production. [The] Commission therefore has some doubts about whether making an exception to this established principle by locating production in Hungary [a strategy said to have been seriously suggested by BMW] instead of [the] United Kingdom was really a seriously considered alternative, [given] the additional risk for the image of the Rover brand. In short, because of the coincidence of the identity of the place of production with the identity of the commodity in consumption, the Commission suspected that the location of production was not truly mobile, as BMW and the UK government had argued, and so fell foul of EU regulations on investment aid. A second consequence of the insertion of distance into demand and supply schedules is that apparently singular demand and supply curves are, in fact, highly differentiated (Figure 3b). A good example here would be the UK housing market and the sheer futility of trying to dampen down housing demand in the southeast of the UK merely by altering the price at which money may be borrowed through the level of nationally applied interest rates. The impact on household disposable income in the southeast, especially in those dominant parts of the market that really are creating inflationary excesses, is minimal; but the impact of high interest rates elsewhere in the economic geography of the UK is real and substantial. What might cruelly be called the Nick Figure 3 Demand, supply/place, space (D = demand; S = supply; p = price; q = quantity) Leeson effect is a third consequence of spatial separation on the operation of markets. Here, even tiny differences in price for the same commodity in different markets may be exploited, through a process known as arbitrage, to buy cheaply in one market and sell dearly in the other (Figure 3c). A final example of the effect of distance on demand and supply schedules is the possibility of the construction of local economic geographies (Figure 3d)  what some have called 'backyard capitalism' (Fujita et al., 1999: 2). These economic geographies (to which the paper will return) operate at a small scale in both spatial and quantity terms outside the influence of conditions in the wider economic geography. Such arguments suggest that the geographies in and through which material processes of material reproduction take place are constitutive of economies. Economics is/is in geographies. So, what of the claim around the socialities of economy? 2 Socialities The market is a remarkable device for ordering the exchanges between consumption and production but this does not necessarily mean merely that the freer the market the more effective economies and economic geographies become. Nor is it the case that the market cannot be bucked. Markets are located and regulated according to all sorts of place- or context-dependent social norms. There is no such thing as a market of pure exchange unfettered by any rule, norm or tradition. This is just as true of electronic mar- ketplaces, which, it might be assumed, facilitate the emergence of perfect competition, as it is of the royal granting of a market charter under feudal forms of absolute sovereignty. These observations are merely illustrative of a more general principle. We cannot understand economic geographies outside a set of formative, if perpetually changing and challenged, social relations. Notwithstanding what was, perhaps, the most crass remark of which even Margaret Thatcher (1987) was capable  that 'there is no such thing as society'  social relations, in which we are all involved at a variety of scales and in a variety of forms, are formatively crucial in everything that we do as people. What is missing from the view of economic geographies as mere circuits of material repro- duction is a sense either of any kind of normative evaluation  whereby judgements may be made about the desired trajectories in which economies should go  or of a mechanism whereby these evaluations may be implemented. What is missing, in short, is an indication of how participants in economic geographies understand the criteria by which they function and how they are supposed  or may wish  to respond to these criteria. The social relations constructed, contested, transformed and reproduced to guide and structure economic lives and livelihood are crucial in this regard (Lee, 1989). They provide both the discursive means and the material objectives for organizing participation in economic geographies. This is one reason why the notion of the third way  as a form of conflict-free politics  is so vacuous (see, for example, Mouffe, 1998): real and conflict-ridden social choices have to be made in engaging in material reproduction. Thus economic geographies are social not merely because they depend upon more, or less, developed social divisions of labour or practices of social interaction but, far more fundamentally, because circuits of material reproduction are shaped by social relations Roger Lee 339 340 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? and so are always circuits of social reproduction. Social relations provide the contested means of communication and understanding necessary for economic life to proceed: they offer purpose and direction to circuits of social reproduction (e.g., Brenner, 1977). Central to this process within capitalist circuits of social reproduction are the socially constructed financial norms and evaluative criteria which define the constraints within which human and non-human life may be conducted. Social relations, however, are not merely given; they are made in and through the historical and social geographies of socially reproductive life. People are born and socialized into a particular set of social relations which script the norms through which they relate to each other and shape the ways in which they conduct their economic activity. Individuals and groups may merely accept, or, alternatively, challenge, celebrate or reject the social relations in which they find themselves. Thus, social relations are social constructs. They are products of the historical geographies of social struggle and discourse (Peet, 1997) through which they come to be formed, sustained, challenged and transformed. The directive significance of social relations in social reproduction may be exemplified by the historical geography of eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union over the past 12 years. However provoked, the dramatic transformation of social relations in the region has, entirely predictably, led to all sorts of harrowing pathologies as people suddenly find themselves adrift trying to learn  and earn  a new way of living and working in an unknown set of social relations. In such ways, social relations and economies, and geographies and social relations are inextricably and formatively intertwined.6 Economics is/is in geography. So, what do the geographies of social relations do to economic, social and political practices? IV Spatialities: relational geographies, social relations and ambivalent geographers One of the great advantages of disciplinary thinking is that advocates can and do spend a great deal of time thinking about their 'take' on knowledge and their construction of the world. This has enormous advantages in that there is a clear self-interest in trying to explore the fullest extent of the significance of these 'takes'. Its great disadvantage, of course, is either that the world becomes constructed in a highly blinkered fashion or a process of disciplinary imperialism is set in motion. Perhaps, also, these two tendencies are positively related. In this part of the paper, some of the insights emanating from a geographical view of the world are contrasted with some rather more ambivalent responses of such views from beyond geography. 1 Relational geographies Most geographers would wish to claim that their subject is a bit more complicated, intellectually challenging and publically relevant than a catalogue of where things are, a fascination with geographical curiosities, a belief in environmental determinism, or an exercise in the differentiation of areas on the ground and their translation into colours on maps. However, it is dangerously easy both to dismiss the 'trivial pursuit' view of geography and, at the other extreme, to accept it unthinkingly as an unquestioned  possibly even unquestionable  definition of the subject. A dismissal of catalogues of place knowledge would be wrong, especially if they contribute to understandings of relational notions of difference. Relational thinking insists that identities  geographical or otherwise  are not given essentials but are constantly formed and reformed as a consequence of a variety of both internal and external influences. Further, it also insists on the possibility of real difference. This is the possibility that social life is differentiat- ed not merely in temporal terms but, as Doreen Massey (1999a; 1999b) has recently argued, in spatial or geographical terms too. To use her example (1999a), there is a tendency to mere temporality in the ways in which we think of difference  between, for example, 'north' and 'south' in the world economic geography. Thus we contrast developed/lesser developed, advanced/backward, developed/developing and, in geographical terms, core/periphery. In this way of thinking, there is only one story to be told: that of convergence over time from the second towards the first element of each of these couplets. Difference is manifest only in the stage that a place has reached in its development. Stories not connected to this teleology are simply ruled out of court. The consequence is an inability to see anything other than a closed future and a singular space. This is profoundly disturbing. Many contemporary political and social problems ricocheting around the world  including most obviously, just now, questions of group identity and, at a larger geographical scale, of migration and refugees in a context of economic globalization  may be traced back to an impoverished and inward-looking geographical imagination and the bereft and evil politics constructed out of such limited imaginations. Yet it is increasingly clear that, despite all too many attempts to close futures and enforce singular spaces, both the past and the future of space and time is a past and future of hybridity. Places are meeting places  intersections of dynamic influence  not closed or bounded essentialized spaces. Similarly, economies are not universal, spaceless or timeless, but constantly changing economic geographies of internal and external influence. Thus identity  Englishness, for example  is not merely something that the likes of Norman Tebbitt7 and his ilk claim is either possessed or impossible to possess  but is itself a constructed 'other'. It is produced by all of its formative others. England and empire are products of each other. Englishness is as much a product of empire as a producer of it. Ethnicities are social constructs based on relativities in a spatially connected world  a world often especially well connected along economic lines  such as the carefully constructed networks of imperialism, for example. From such a perspective, multiculturalism misses the point that difference is not merely to be celebrated and tolerated but that it is indivisible. We are all produced out of difference in a world in which the influence of difference becomes ever more apparent as a result of what geographers and others sometimes refer to as 'space-time compression'. Thus the identity of places and economies is always in between rather than given; always marginal rather than central; always hybrid rather than somehow pure; always becoming rather than complete. The relatively widespread usage in contemporary London of over 300 languages may be seen in one way simply as an economic resource facilitating the continued development of the city as an increasingly global financial centre; but, in another interpretation, it demonstrates the point that London is what Ash Roger Lee 341 342 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? Amin and Steven Graham (1997) call a multiplex city, the increasingly hybrid trajectory of which is open-ended and leading to greater local differentiation rather than global conformity. Under these circumstances it is, surely, even more obscene to acquiesce in the assertion of the 'purity' of places faced with refugees, 'economic' migrants and displaced peoples. Indeed, what is happening in such stand-offs is that the thoroughly impure attempt to represent what they see as threatening others, as pure forms of misfit. The impure try to identify unacceptable forms of purity. So the critical point about geography as a catalogue or project of classification is not that it is hardly the basis of a worthwhile intellectual project but that, without relational notions of difference and the formative power of spatial scale, it stands in danger of essentializing people and places as sets merely of internal relations rather than as complex and never-completed products of difference. As argued earlier (pp. 33739), without such a disruptive geographical imagination, non-geographical accounts of the economic and social world are woefully lacking. It is for this reason that it is vital (politically as well as for the continuing vitality and contribution of the geographical imagination) that accounts of the economy (or any other aspect of human practice) reflect the complex notions of relationality and power central to their practice. Thus, in commenting more generally on the 'worrisome way' (p. 374) in which some 'very serious players indeed' (p. 379) 'have suddenly become very geography-minded' (p. 374), Erica Schoenberger (2001) argues that geographers need to defend their 'epistemological and ontological commitments . . . in part through defending the social value and cultural existence of the discipline' (p. 379). For me, this relates to the need to recognize the geography of capitalism for what it is: a socially constructed, powerfully directed, highly effective but highly exploitative, highly con- tradictory and uneven circuit of social reproduction. It is far from the mechanistic process simply assumed (naïve, I suspect, to say 'simply' and 'assumed') not only by academic practitioners but by their rather more powerful colleagues in the financial media (Lee, 1999). Thus, paradoxically, disciplinarity is essential for post-disciplinarity. The avoidance of disciplinary reductionism on the part of 'others' by means of a rigorous defence of the contribution to understanding of a particular discipline becomes a crucial element of a post-disciplinary world. It prevents the incorporation of simplistic notions from one discipline into another. Unfortunately, however, we seem currently to be some way from this position. It is as if Mahler and Sibelius can continue to claim complete mutual independence. 2 Ambivalent geographers So, if geography is so significant, why is it that it stands in ambivalent relation to related disciplines such as economics? Part of the reason is the widespread acceptance of a 'trivial pursuit' view of geography as unproblematic container. Geography is seldom unproblematic, however. The thesis in Richard O'Brien's (1992) now (in)famous text on the transformation of financial centres, subtitled The end of geography, was that electronic communication removes the need for spatial clustering of financial services. Yet, as it turns out  in practice as well as in the book  what is actually going on is a complex transformation, Roger Lee 343 not the end, of geographical relationships in the production of finance. Similarly, the then FT columnist, Anthony Harris (1990), wrote a piece entitled 'The day they abolished geography', in which, however, he pointed out that American financial markets foolishly took a bounded and static view of place in their decision-making while needing a much more complex and open view of the relational nature of place in financial determination. Similarly, Peter Martin (1996: 20) refers to 'The death of geography'. His argument is that distance has been assassinated by electronic commu- nications and so has consequently changed what were formerly geographically proximate producer-consumer relationships. This is hardly a new argument  Karl Marx pointed long ago to the assassination of space by time  but Martin went on to contradict his own argument. For the so-called 'death' of geography actually requires 'a much greater degree of attention to what the customers' location or nationality is likely to mean about their expectations, legal entitlements, tastes and requirements'. This seems to me to imply not a funeral wake for geography but a celebration of the need for a much more lively and sophisticated geographical imagination. It certainly requires a rather more sophisticated geographical imagination than that revealed in the tilt at geography by the social historian David Landes (1998) in his recent book The wealth and poverty of nations. The first words of the first chapter of Landes' book are 'Geography has fallen on hard times'. He goes on to refer to the 'intel- lectual weakness of the field: the lack of a theoretical basis, the all-embracing opportunism ... the special ''easiness'' of human geography' (p. 4). Quite what this latter phrase means is not clear to me, and I am not convinced that Landes knows either  certainly if the evidence of scare quotes with which he surrounds it is anything to go by. However, it is all too clear just how restricted is Landes' geographical imagination. 'Here', he says, 'we have a discipline that, confining itself to the influence of environment, talks about anything but group-generated characteristics (p. 4; italics added). This is, as I hope is clear from the foregoing, both rubbish and also a form of lazy and quite disgraceful pseudo-scholarship. Yet, even here, there is some ambivalence. Landes' point is that, because it is not supposed to be interested in what he calls 'group- generated characteristics' (p. 4), there can be few disciplines less racist than geography. Again, however, the evidence is rather less than clear. There are within geography, as within history and many other disciplines of the social sciences and humanities, widely documented instances of overtly and, much more frequently, unthought racism. And this, again, reveals Landes' shallow reading of geography. If unquestioned notions of geography  as static, bounded but unproblematically determinative context  lie behind these critiques, it is equally alarming to find that what a number of eminent economists have recently called the 'new economic geography' is itself depleted in its geographical imagination  this notwithstanding (or, more to the point, because of) the narrowly geometrically relational concept of space that they employ. What these self-styled 'new economic geographers' (Fujita et al. 1999: 1, 2) are interested in are the processes that lead to the uneven geographical concentrations of population and economic activity that are, they claim, characteristic of 'every economy'. They want to know 'why the economy is not characterized' by 'backyard capitalism' in which each household or small group produces most items for itself. Two questions inform their work (p. 9). First, 'whether the economy can support something other than backyard capitalism, whether backyard capitalism is a necessary outcome', and, second, 'whether backyard capitalism automatically unravels, whether 344 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? it is a possible outcome'. Their answers to both questions are that it depends on the balance between centripetal forces and centrifugal forces. The authors locate this answer not in terms of geographical differentiation but in terms of 'some set of cumulative processes, necessarily involving some form of increasing returns . . .'. The phenomenon of increasing returns refers, within capitalist economies, to the increasing profitability that may be generated by adding to levels of activity. This is a socially driven process resting on the construction of a context-specific set of social geographies. Yet the concern of the new economic geographers is merely with 'increasing returns to spatial concentration' (p. 4), the growth of cities and the spatial concentration of people and activities as a more efficient organization of productive life. Their interest is, therefore, less in the social and economic relations involved in the making of economic geographies, than in the dynamic physics and geometry of space as a context in which to explore the consequences of increasing returns as a basis for establishing a 'general theory of geographical economics' (Schoenberger, 2001: 379, citing Storper, 1999). Their concern is not with economic geography, new or otherwise, but with the extension of economics by way of a fascinating but highly limited (see Ron Martin's, 1999a, incisive and direct critique8) geometrical reduction of what they call 'geography'. Their stress on 'modelling tricks' (p. 6), however sophisticated, cannot get at the social relations of power and exploitation which govern economic practice. Indeed, the reductionism implicit in this technical approach to economic geography obscures these underlying social drivers of economies. Perhaps what we should conclude from this selective review of ambivalent but highly influential stances towards geography from the outside is that, in practice, the world is too complex for disciplines which wish to reduce its complexity. The grounds for post-disciplinary conversations are, clearly, less to do with making one discipline's obsessions and norms compatible with another. Rather, they derive from the realization that the day-to-day practices  in this case of economics and geography  undertaken by people going about their daily lives incorporate multiple influences that cannot be dismissed or downgraded merely because they do not fit within prevailing disciplinary norms of analysis or understanding. On the contrary, it is precisely these misfits that should, perhaps, be the focus of our attention. V Economic geographies of economic practices Economic geographies must, as has been argued above, be socially understood and organized, but they may be so understood and organized in a variety of ways. However, the economic does have one very pronounced singularity: it is involved in the material reproduction of human life which, if it is to be successful, has to take place within the fairly narrow confines of sustainable and reproducible circuits of the production, exchange and consumption of appropriate values. In this part of the paper, some of these tensions between the possibilities of social autonomy and material constraint are exemplified by reference to the construction by financial capital of so- called emerging markets and to what may be called revalued economic geographies in the form of 'geographies of regard', and Local Exchange and Trading Systems/Schemes (LETS). Roger Lee 345 1 Continuing historical geographies of economic life Recently, we have been told, the world has witnessed the end of history. Francis Fukuyama (1992) has argued that the collapse of communism in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union represents the final triumph of liberal capitalism in the sense that we have now reached the best of all possible economic-geographical worlds. Yet the empirical starting-point for at least my own interest in economic geography suggests that history  and, indeed, geography  are far from ended. The economic geography in which we live is, in historical terms relatively young (Figure 4). It is only in the last 200 years or so that we have lived in a world of rapid and almost continuous economic growth (Maddison, 2001). The turning-point was the Industrial Revolution which, for Eric Hobsbawm (1962: 29), represented: probably the most important event in world history. . . . Some time in the 1780s and for the first time in human history . . . the shackles were taken off the productive power of human societies, which henceforth became capable of constant, rapid and, up to the present, limitless multiplication of men [and, presumably, women too], goods and services. Quite clearly, we now live in a dramatically different and highly dynamic world.9 This transformation of the very nature and dynamics of economic geographies has not only been highly uneven (Table 1) but has introduced uneven development where little existed before (cf. Bairoch, 1982; 1993; Figure 5). Thirty-five percent of the national populations of the world live on less than a dollar a day and a further 49% live on just over $5 a day (Table 1)  ironically, the rate set by Henry Ford more than 80 years ago to reduce labour turnover on his moving assembly lines in Detroit, Michigan. If these figures were based on individuals rather than national aggregates, the levels of inequality would be far greater  and this is in a world of massive productive power Figure 4 Global material production in the second millennium Source: Drawn from De Long (http://econ161.berkeley.EDU/ TCEH/1998_Draft/worldGDP/Estimating_World_GDP.html; accessed 8 September 1999); Financial Times 8 September 1999, 16 346 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? and in which history is purported to have come to an end. Furthermore, along with the dramatic growth of world productive power has come an even more dramatic growth of inequality. The gap between the richest and poorest nations has grown twentyfold with only a few  here Japan and, to a lesser extent, South Korea and Argentina  that were left behind, able to make the jump from poor to rich (Figure 5). Even then, as the continuing crisis of emerging markets reverberates around the globe, this displacement Table 1 Global population, GNP per capita and growth rates Countries Population GNP per capita Growth 1997 (%) 1997 ($) 199697 (%) Low income 35 350 2.8 Middle income 49 1890 3.8 East Asia and Pacific 30 970 5.6 World 100 5130 1.8 High income 16 25 700 2.2 Source: Data drawn from The World Bank 1999, World Development Report 1998/99, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Figure 5 Global uneven development 18291992 Source: Drawn from UN 1998 Human Development Report; Financial Times World Economy and Finance, 24 September 1999, 20 Roger Lee 347 may be no more than temporary. No wonder, therefore, that the final triumph of liberal capitalism is open to question. As Andrew Leyshon (1998: 435) argues, global capitalism is less 'a ubiquitous entity, which reaches out in all directions', than a 'network which is stronger in some places than in others and which needs to be constantly worked at to remain coherent over time and through space'. Here is a circuit of social reproduction, the reproduction of which is itself a continuous process of social construction. History  or, more accurately, historical geography, and especially the historical geography of capitalism  goes on. Liberal capitalism is challenged in at least two ways by its dynamic but characteristically uneven geography. On the one hand, there is the possibility of the establishment of alternative practices of social reproduction  some of which are considered below  and, on the other, there are threats to social reproduction emanating from extreme levels of global and local uneven development. 2 Emerging markets Such threats are, at present, largely  but not entirely  indirect. But, at the macro- economic level, the need to sustain profitable accumulation in the materially affluent world is frequently stymied by relatively low levels of return associated with overac- cumulation. Such restrictions have further effects in terms, for example, of financing pension provision based increasingly on investment in securities for an ageing population. These are some of the circumstances in which the concern for portfolio investment in, and private flows of capital to, so-called 'emerging markets' became, according to Philip Coggan (1993: vi), 'the investment fashion of the 1990s'. It is for reasons like this (i.e., the conditions of accumulation in centres of capital accumulation and levels of risk in the emerging markets themselves) that makes their fashionability fluctuate so wildly (see, for example, Tudor, 2000) among the global financial decision- makers working within major financial centres such as Tokyo, New York and London. For such decision-makers, 'emerging markets' are merely an investment category devised as a means through which investment portfolios may be diversified for the benefit of their, largely western, owners. As a result, the developmental trajectories of emerging markets are shaped even more directly by the needs and desires of western investors. The disruptive fluctuation in the investment fashionability of emerging markets (Table 2) reflects the power of financial evaluation to construct and define economic geographies; but it also demonstrates both the vulnerability of an apparently global capitalism to the need to sustain profitability and to balance portfolios of risk and reward. The decision-makers involved in the specialized investment houses and in banks all too ready to shift hot money around the globe are, I would suggest (more than a little regretfully) applied economic geographers. They are engaged in monitoring the past performance of the global circuits of capital and in assessing future potential. They thereby construct geographies through the intersection of their assessments of internal conditions in emerging markets and their power to engage with them through switching capital from the outside in response to their assessment of current portfolios of risk and reward (Figure 6). 348 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? 3 Revalued economic geographies If applied economic geographers are operative at a global level in the face of the vul- nerability of capitalism, they also resist its global extension at a much more local scale and so, again, suggest the end of history is still hardly nigh. An example of resistance within circuits of capital is the ability of financially suboptimal business to trade on 'regard' and so to reproduce themselves through the exchange of knowledge and status embodied and priced (valued) in the commodities being bought and sold (see, for example, Lee, 2000b). Resistance from without circuits of capital may be exemplified by the creation of alternative and autonomous local currencies as the basis of local economic geographies in the form of local exchange and trading schemes/systems (see, for example, Bowring, 1998). LETS allow the local construction of value and so facilitate norms of evaluation and the associated sets of interpersonal relations which may be mutually agreed (though not without struggle, contestation and politically ambivalent outcomes) by participants in them. They are examples of 'backyard capitalisms'. Although LETS are small in economic scale (see, for example, Williams et al., 2001), they are profoundly radical acts. They are founded in local economic geographies but are, as Peter North (1999) has argued, micropolitical practices which cannot be reduced either to such geographies or to their participants' responses to social exclusion. They say, simply, that resistance is possible, that dominant truths may be reconstituted and that alternatives might not only be envisioned but that they are accessible and may be practised in day-to-day geographies, even when they are structurally 'impossible'. They begin to tell a different story and to reveal the possibilities of alternatives (cf. Gibson-Graham, 1996). In this, they are profoundly different from 'time banks', for example, which remain a means of supporting existing social relations and institutions and even of commodifying personal relations. By contrast, LETS are, potentially at least, autonomous responses to unacceptable features of established circuits of social reproduction. Applied economic geographers, working this time in a quite different way within a closely local context, are once again engaged in effective action in Table 2 Net long-term capital flows to emerging markets 199099 Capital flows Variability of growth rates (%) Contribution to total (%) low (year) high (year) low (year) high (year) Total 8.7 (98/9) 42.6 (92/3) 100 100 Official 31.0 (96) 62.3 (90/91) 9.9 (96) 56.8 (90) Private 11.9 (97/8) 66.3 (91/2) 43.2 (90) 90.1 (96) Bank lending 125.6 (98/9) 228.0 (91/2) 3.9 (99) 15.0 (97) Bond finance 37.0 (98/9) 808.3 (90/91) 1.2 990) 19.9 (96) Equity flows 48.3 (97/8) 261.7 (92/3) 2.8 (90) 23.3 (93) FDI 0.4 (97/8) 46.5 (90/91) 24.5 (90) 66.0 (99) Source: Calculated from data in World Bank 2000, Global development finance, Washington, DC: World Bank, Table 2.1, p. 36. Roger Lee 349 important places. Conditionality and contingency  practice and instance  are, once more, exemplified. VI Reflections: Domenico Scarlatti and the productive power of geographical displacement The conclusion of this exploration of post-disciplinarity takes the form of a story: a historical geography of European production. This is an economic geography of the Figure 6 Capital switching: the (re)construction and destruction of global economic geographies (P = production; C = commodity; M = money capital; LP = labour power; MP = means of production; S = surplus) 350 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? flows of value involved in consumption, exchange and production  so sustaining material life  and the formative/disruptive spatial and social contexts within and through which such flows take place. It is, in short, a story which incorporates the complex relational influences outlined above. It also reveals the significance of 'doing' and 'performance'  of, in other words, practice and instance, in constraining and trans- forming the apparent hegemony of economy, culture and the law. Although continuing to use the specific examples of economics and geography, the story tries to illustrate the significance of disciplinary non-reductionism as well as the need to go beyond disciplines to understand the complex performance that is the world that we try to understand. Here geography  or geographical displacement  matters as it disrupts the constraints of tradition and obeisance. Domenico Scarlatti is a great role model for an ageing, greying, male European academic. At the advanced age of 53  and three-quarters of the way through his life  the first of the 550-odd keyboard sonatas that he composed was published in London. This is late development with a vengeance. Yet it is the remarkably inventive quality of his sonatas, rather than their mere quantity, on which Scarlatti's posthumous reputation as a composer rests.10 This remarkable late transformation in Scarlatti's music-making is made the more remarkable with the realization that, until at least his mid- to late 30s, Domenico had been primarily involved, like his father, Alessandro, in composing operas, oratorios, chamber cantatas, serenatas and church music. This pattern of work reflected the twin domination of Domenico, by his father and by the geography of employment and patronage  focused on Naples, Rome and Venice, especially  that was manipulated by Alessandro to try to provide his son with regular and respectable work. These geographies of domination were executed not merely by the pulling of strings in high places but also by the father's prior or copresence in each of the places to which Domenico was sent, or in which he sought work. They finally induced an extraordinary reaction. In January 1717, when Domenico was 31, his father was summoned to appear before the Neapolitan notary Giovanni Tufarelli to grant Domenico emancipation from all 'paternal control and obligations'  emancipation, in other words, from the Sicilian patria potestas (Alessandro was born in Palermo, Sicily)  which extended in law until a father's death. What made the productive difference to Domenico, however, was not this legal emancipation but his decision to leave the paternally constrictive geographies of Italy. He travelled first to Portugal and thence to Spain, following the marriage of his pupil  the king's daughter  to the Crown Prince of Spain in 1729. It was his consequent exposure to the folk music of these countries which unleashed his remarkably productive energies. In Spain, Scarlatti remained distant from court music-making even after the succession of his pupil's husband to the throne. Not surprisingly, he was not attracted by the Italian musical influence there in vogue and from which he had escaped 20 or more years earlier. Rather, he devoted himself to the composition of the sonatas for which he is now universally remembered. Thus it was that a somewhat ineffectual musical identity, formed in the close internal relationships of his fathers' geographies and places, was transformed by displacement and by the subsequent intersection of new, external musical influences with those already formed within Scarlatti's musical imagination. Ralph Kirkpatrick (1953: 11415) suggests that: Roger Lee 351 there is hardly an aspect of Spanish life, of Spanish popular music and dance, that has not found itself a place in the microcosm that Scarlatti created with his sonatas. No Spanish composer, not even Manuel de Falla, has expressed the essence of his (sic) native land as completely as did the foreigner Scarlatti. He has captured the click of castanets, the strumming of guitars, the thud of muffled drums, the harsh bitter wail of gypsy lament, the overwhelming gaiety of the village band, and above all the wiry tension of the Spanish dance. Kirkpatrick's chronology of the writing of the sonatas on which he bases this conclusion is open to challenge. This is a dispute that may be resolved only by further geographi- cal research on the musical origins of the sonatas in Spanish folk music and by analysis of the circuits of influence through which particular musical knowledges began to transform Scarlatti's identity, work and musical consciousness. Nevertheless, it is difficult to think of a better example of the formative and constitutive power of movement and recentring, or of the complex influence of place and geographically dif- ferentiated and intersecting social relations, than this. Here we see production produc- tively disrupted through the relational nature of places. Yet the production of music  like that of knowledge more generally  is pointless without its consumption and, in the case of music, perhaps above all other forms of aesthetic expression and production, its reproduction through performance. Here, too, the excess of place and instance plays a crucially formative role. The place of publication and consumption, in London, of the sonatas  written by an Italian, working in Spain, and based on Iberian musical influences  is not incidental. Eighteenth-century London was already a globalizing city, but it was a city with a number of distinctive musical and commercial characteristics. Two worth mentioning here are associated, first, with the social relations through which the means of production of music  not least sheet music  were themselves produced and, second, with the geography of musical production itself. John Brewer (1997: 3) has argued11 that a pronounced geographical shift in cultural production and consumption occurred in eighteenth-century London: . . . high culture moved out of the narrow confines of the court and into diverse spaces in London. It slipped out of palaces and into coffee houses, reading societies, debating clubs, assembly rooms, galleries and concert halls; ceasing to be the handmaiden of royal politics, it became the partner of commerce . . . art, literature, music and the theatre were transformed into thriving commercial enterprises. These looked not to the court but to coffee houses, key places in creating the new cultural communities [what has changed in Blair's new Britain?!], and to the clubs and associations which were among London's leading cultural patrons. The first published edition of Scarlatti sonatas which appeared in London was pirated, but it attracted no less than 95 subscriptions, including those of Thomas Arne, Charles Avison, William Boyce and Maurice Greene, all of whom are mentioned by John Brewer despite his rather skimpy treatment of music in eighteenth-century England. But perhaps music was skimpy at this time and place. Brewer (1997: 531) suggests that: English composers of the eighteenth century . . . are best known for their obscurity, remembered only as the shadowy inhabitants of a penumbra between the dazzling achievement of the great seventeenth century Italians and the brilliance of the Germans and the Austrians  Mozart, Haydn and Beethoven  who shaped music as we now know it. English music had suffered from religious intolerance; the music of William Byrd, Thomas Tallis and Orlando Gibbons all felt the effects of the hostility of the Puritans and, indeed, much of their music was lost. 352 'Nice maps, shame about the theory'? So, in an environment characterized by the increased commercialization of the dis- semination of music, and its performance by what Brewer (1997: 53334) calls 'a het- erogeneous band of amateurs, woven out of the fabric of provincial social life', commercial antennae in London were no doubt finely tuned to the availability of new European music. Malcolm Boyd (1986: 213) comments that Scarlatti's sonatas 'enjoyed immense popularity in England throughout the eighteenth century'. Once again, it is the relationships between the inside and the outsides of places  that is, their formative relational geographies, articulated in this case by cultural and commercial exchanges  that shape events and so help to constitute economic geographies. Now this tale may be dismissed as a merely additive account of creativity. The geography is merely added on. Yet, in one sense, that is exactly its point and, in another, is exactly not the point. The preceding argument has been that geography cannot just be added on. It is intrinsically a part of social practice and it is intrinsically disruptive as it necessarily brings context and instance properly to bear. It is there all the time (albeit constantly changing in form and influence from place to place and from time to time). However, the claim is not that geography matters because of some intrinsic qualities of place, space or the geographical imagination which define a separate and defensible field of study. It is, rather, that these influences cannot be ignored and that perhaps the most significant formative influence of geography on social life is that it cannot but stress instance, particularity and practice. Thus the argument is not that the music of Domenico Scarlatti, Gustav Mahler or Jean Sibelius can be understood properly only through a geographical perspective, but that only by recognizing and incorporating geography and its disruptive influences can it properly be understood. To return, finally, to that other story of European production told above  the rather more prosaic case of BMW's disinvestment from the UK. This is not just a story about the geopolitics of sovereignty in Europe and the exceptionalism of the British position; nor is it a story solely of the uneven geography of currency valuations or corporate restructuring. It is, also, a tale of the significance of the location of production in one part of Europe rather than another for the identity of the product. In this sense, it is an identical story to that of Scarlatti's sonatas: it has to embrace notions of place, identity, meaning and being, all embedded disruptively and excessively within the otherwise narrowly conceived economic. In this sense too, despite the immense attractions of pared-down, logical, economical Sibelius, it is Mahler's disruptive embracing of the world  of everything  that continues to inspire. Acknowledgements This paper was conceived as an inaugural lecture given on 3 May 2000 at Queen Mary, University of London. Thanks to the ESRC for funding a collaborative research project (R000237208) on LETS. Michael Watts stimulated the title. Ed Oliver responded to my endless requests for modifications to the diagrams with all the patience, tolerance, and sheer talent that define him and his work. Above all, thank you, again, to friends and colleagues, near and far  and especially to Peter Dicken who both encouraged the author and read the paper in its various previous manifestations  whose work and support are, as always and far more than they know, embedded in this paper. Roger Lee 353 Notes 1. However, both Martin (1999b) and Clark et al. (2000), for example, recognize the continuing overlap between the disciplines in this regard. 2. The use of the word 'imperatives' is deliberate, but is so out of fashion as to be either provocative or, simply, a reason for dismissal of what follows. 3. In which may be embedded chains of value. Circuits of material reproduction, however, embrace the whole economy rather than abstracting from it as do chains of value. 4. This set of relations is analogous to that implied in the development of monetary networks (Dodd, 1994). The point about money operating through a network of exchange is that it displaces the need for information about individual transactions (information which is so essential to bartering) with information about the spatial and temporal extent of the network. 5. This is not to imply that I would accept the neoclassical formulation of such markets which, while coping with change by enforcing equilibrium, are remarkably static. Rather, the role of markets is more correctly understood as a device to enable the collection and processing of information, emanating from the countless decisions and actions continuously being made in the process of material reproduction, as a means of coordinating and stimulating further actions and decisions. Markets are, in short, a means of enabling material reproduction to reproduce. 6. This is hardly a universally agreed position, however. Consider, for example the following quotes: '. . . the economic is not and cannot be autonomous. It is always socially and culturally constituted' (Lee, 1997: xiv): 'Economists do not like culture. This does not mean that they all detest the opera. That depends on the economist. It means that they look on cultural explanations for economic outcomes as the last refuge of the professional scoundrel' (Wolf, 2000: 19); 'Rational economic man (sic) dies out because no one much wants to mate with him' (Kay, 2000: 1) 7. Norman Tebbitt  a senior cabinet member of the Thatcher governments  once suggested that a good test of 'Englishness' was the cricket test based on the question 'Which team do you support?' when England play cricket against, for example, India or Pakistan. 8. Ron Martin (1999a), among others (see, for example, Boddy, 1999), has made a number of criticisms of this 'new economic geography' on the grounds that it is not new, that it is geographical- ly bereft and that it takes us not very far forward in comparison with the more geographically, histor- ically, socially, institutionally and, I would add, disruptively nuanced work of contemporary economic geography. Geographers abandoned this so-called 'new' approach years ago, not because its models were 'intractable' (Fujita et al., 1999: 2) but because they say little that is new other than in their formal mathematical representation. Further, they do not lend themselves to empirical estimation and abstraction, they involve an unacceptable philosophical and epistemological stance, they do not allow for temporal or geographical differentiation between agglomerating locations, they exclude the influence of cultural, social and institutional factors (there are, clearly, economists who really do not like culture!), and they conceive of history and geography not in terms of real (disruptive) places and events but in terms merely of the achievement of a state of equilibrium. The new economic geography is, Ron Martin concludes, a case of mistaken identity and there are, it would seem, precious few grounds for some mutually beneficial conversation here. 9. A recent restatement of this thesis in the context of the apparently 'new economy' of electronics and telecommunications has been made by Larry Elliott (2000). 10. This section draws heavily on Malcolm Boyd's (1986) biography of Scarlatti. 11. 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<back><notes> 
         <p>1. However, both Martin (1999b) and Clark et al. (2000), for example, recognize the continuing overlap between the disciplines in this regard.</p> 
         <p>2. The use of the word ‘imperatives’ is deliberate, but is so out of fashion as to be either provocative or, simply, a reason for dismissal of what follows.</p> 
         <p>3. In which may be embedded chains of value. Circuits of material reproduction, however, embrace the whole economy rather than abstracting from it as do chains of value.</p> 
         <p>4. This set of relations is analogous to that implied in the development of monetary networks (Dodd, 1994). The point about money operating through a network of exchange is that it displaces the need for information about individual transactions (information which is so essential to bartering) with information about the spatial and temporal extent of the network.</p> 
         <p>5. This is not to imply that I would accept the neoclassical formulation of such markets which, while coping with change by enforcing equilibrium, are remarkably static. Rather, the role of markets is more correctly understood as a device to enable the collection and processing of information, emanating from the countless decisions and actions continuously being made in the process of material reproduction, as a means of coordinating and stimulating further actions and decisions. Markets are, in short, a means of enabling material reproduction to reproduce.</p> 
         <p>6. This is hardly a universally agreed position, however. Consider, for example the following quotes: ‘... the economic is not and cannot be autonomous. It is always socially and culturally constituted’ (Lee, 1997: xiv): ‘Economists do not like culture. This does not mean that they all detest the opera. That depends on the economist. It means that they look on cultural explanations for economic outcomes as the last refuge of the professional scoundrel’ (Wolf, 2000: 19); ‘Rational economic man (sic) dies out because no one much wants to mate with him’ (Kay, 2000: 1)</p> 
         <p>7. Norman Tebbitt – a senior cabinet member of the Thatcher governments – once suggested that a good test of ‘Englishness’ was the cricket test based on the question ‘Which team do you support?’ when England play cricket against, for example, India or Pakistan.</p> 
         <p>8. Ron Martin (1999a), among others (see, for example, Boddy, 1999), has made a number of criticisms of this ‘new economic geography’ on the grounds that it is not new, that it is geographically bereft and that it takes us not very far forward in comparison with the more geographically, historically, socially, institutionally and, I would add, disruptively nuanced work of contemporary economic geography. Geographers abandoned this so-called ‘new’ approach years ago, not because its models were ‘intractable’ (Fujita et al., 1999: 2) but because they say little that is new other than in their formal mathematical representation. Further, they do not lend themselves to empirical estimation and abstraction, they involve an unacceptable philosophical and epistemological stance, they do not allow for temporal or geographical differentiation between agglomerating locations, they exclude the influence of cultural, social and institutional factors (there are, clearly, economists who really do not like culture!), and they conceive of history and geography not in terms of real (disruptive) places and events but in terms merely of the achievement of a state of equilibrium. The new economic geography is, Ron Martin concludes, a case of mistaken identity and there are, it would seem, precious few grounds for some mutually beneficial conversation here.</p> 
         <p>9. A recent restatement of this thesis in the context of the apparently ‘new economy’ of electronics and telecommunications has been made by Larry Elliott (2000).</p> 
         <p>10. This section draws heavily on Malcolm Boyd's (1986) biography of Scarlatti.</p> 
         <p>11. I am grateful to Miles Ogborn for drawing my attention to these arguments.</p> 
      </notes>
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<name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Roger</namePart>
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<affiliation>Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of London, Mile End Road, London E1 4NS, UK</affiliation>
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<abstract lang="en">What can geography tell us about the economy other than drawing maps of it? The spatiality of economic activity points towards the practical and performative complexity of the economic as well as to the complexity of geography in its embedding of the economic. While the synthetic nature of geography – its raison d'être is the relationships between, rather than the separation of, processes and things – disrupts economy in profound ways, its treatment by nonpractitioners is weak and over-narrowly interpreted. At the same time, a tendency for geographers to sidestep certain economic imperatives undermines more culturally and socially inflected interpretations of economy. What is at issue here, however, is not simply an attempt to reconcile two disciplines or to reclaim either one of them but a need to embed the one relationally in the other in mutually formative ways. This involves a transcendence of disciplinary perspectives by stressing the complex practices of social reproduction operating at all scales from the ultralocal to the hyperglobal. It is this stress on practice and instance, rather than a determinative claim for place or space, that makes geography matter in the construction of understandings of the economy.</abstract>
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<topic>economic geography</topic>
<topic>economics</topic>
<topic>emerging markets</topic>
<topic>LETS</topic>
<topic>Mahler</topic>
<topic>post-disciplinarity</topic>
<topic>Scarlatti</topic>
<topic>Sibelius</topic>
<topic>social reproduction</topic>
<topic>revalued geographies</topic>
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<number>26</number>
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‘Nice maps, shame about the theory’? Thinking geographically about the economic

‘Nice maps, shame about the theory’? Thinking geographically about the economic

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