Partition if You Must: Evidence for a No Extra Times Principle
Identifieur interne : 000171 ( Pmc/Checkpoint ); précédent : 000170; suivant : 000172Partition if You Must: Evidence for a No Extra Times Principle
Auteurs : Charles Clifton ; Lyn FrazierSource :
- Discourse processes [ 0163-853X ] ; 2013.
Abstract
Plural phrases are open to many interpretations in English, where cumulative interpretations of noun and verb phrases are possible without any disambiguating morphology. A sentence like
Url:
DOI: 10.1080/0163853X.2013.850604
PubMed: 24415815
PubMed Central: 3885248
Affiliations:
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<series><title level="j">Discourse processes</title>
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<front><div type="abstract" xml:lang="en"><p id="P1">Plural phrases are open to many interpretations in English, where cumulative interpretations of noun and verb phrases are possible without any disambiguating morphology. A sentence like <italic>Every week, the high school kids went to the movies or the ballgame</italic>
might involve quantifying over multiple occurrences of a single scenario, in which subsets of the kids do different things, or it might involve quantifying over distinct scenarios, in which all of the kids do one thing or all of them do the other. In the present work and related earlier work (Harris et al., 2013), we pursue the No Extra Times principle that favors interpretations where a phrase is construed as describing a single event taking place during a given time period. In two written interpretation studies, we found that participants more often interpret indeterminate sentences with disjunctive predicates by partitioning the set of individuals rather than partitioning the predicate to denote distinct scenarios or times. We conclude by offering some speculations about why partitioning the eventuality denoted by the verb phrase into multiple times is more costly than partitioning the entities denoted by its subject noun phrase into multiple sets.</p>
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<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name><surname>Clifton</surname>
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<contrib contrib-type="author"><name><surname>Frazier</surname>
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<aff id="A1">University of Massachusetts Amherst</aff>
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<author-notes><corresp id="cor1">Address correspondence to: Charles Clifton, Jr., Department of Psychology, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA 01003 USA. <email>cec@psych.umass.edu</email>
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<pub-date pub-type="nihms-submitted"><day>11</day>
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<pub-date pub-type="pmc-release"><day>08</day>
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<volume>50</volume>
<issue>8</issue>
<elocation-id>10.1080/0163853X.2013.850604</elocation-id>
<abstract><p id="P1">Plural phrases are open to many interpretations in English, where cumulative interpretations of noun and verb phrases are possible without any disambiguating morphology. A sentence like <italic>Every week, the high school kids went to the movies or the ballgame</italic>
might involve quantifying over multiple occurrences of a single scenario, in which subsets of the kids do different things, or it might involve quantifying over distinct scenarios, in which all of the kids do one thing or all of them do the other. In the present work and related earlier work (Harris et al., 2013), we pursue the No Extra Times principle that favors interpretations where a phrase is construed as describing a single event taking place during a given time period. In two written interpretation studies, we found that participants more often interpret indeterminate sentences with disjunctive predicates by partitioning the set of individuals rather than partitioning the predicate to denote distinct scenarios or times. We conclude by offering some speculations about why partitioning the eventuality denoted by the verb phrase into multiple times is more costly than partitioning the entities denoted by its subject noun phrase into multiple sets.</p>
</abstract>
<kwd-group><kwd>No Extra Times principle</kwd>
<kwd>processing plurals</kwd>
<kwd>partitioning sets</kwd>
<kwd>quantification</kwd>
<kwd>language comprehension</kwd>
<kwd>conceptual defaults</kwd>
</kwd-group>
<funding-group><award-group><funding-source country="United States">National Institute of Child Health & Human Development : NICHD</funding-source>
<award-id>R01 HD018708 || HD</award-id>
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