Performing tourism, staging tourism
Identifieur interne : 001680 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001679; suivant : 001681Performing tourism, staging tourism
Auteurs : Tim EdensorSource :
- Tourist studies [ 1468-7976 ] ; 2001-06.
English descriptors
- KwdEn :
- Backpacker, Bannockburn heritage centre, Braveheart, Common sense, Contingent process, Cultural intermediaries, Cultural power, Cultural studies, Edensor, Enactions, Everyday life, Habitual performance, Heritage sites, Improvisation, Improvisational performances, Involuntary performances, John urry, Leisure activities, Mahal, Manor house, Mediatized spaces, Much tourism, National identity, Normative, Package tourists, Particular contexts, Particular roles, Particular stages, Performative, Planet hollywood, Prime site, Public space, Reflexive, Reflexive awareness, Rock circus, Rojek, Rough guide, Routledge, Same stage, Sensual qualities, Social life, Social performance, Staffordshire university, Such spaces, Sugar beach, Television dramas, Theatrical spaces, Tourism, Tourism research, Tourist, Tourist gaze, Tourist performance, Tourist performances, Tourist practices, Tourist product, Tourist roles, Tourist sites, Tourist space, Tourist stages, Tourist studies, Tourist workers, Unreflexive, Unreflexive assumptions, Unreflexive ways, Western tourists.
- Teeft :
- Backpacker, Bannockburn heritage centre, Braveheart, Common sense, Contingent process, Cultural intermediaries, Cultural power, Cultural studies, Edensor, Enactions, Everyday life, Habitual performance, Heritage sites, Improvisation, Improvisational performances, Involuntary performances, John urry, Leisure activities, Mahal, Manor house, Mediatized spaces, Much tourism, National identity, Normative, Package tourists, Particular contexts, Particular roles, Particular stages, Performative, Planet hollywood, Prime site, Public space, Reflexive, Reflexive awareness, Rock circus, Rojek, Rough guide, Routledge, Same stage, Sensual qualities, Social life, Social performance, Staffordshire university, Such spaces, Sugar beach, Television dramas, Theatrical spaces, Tourism, Tourism research, Tourist, Tourist gaze, Tourist performance, Tourist performances, Tourist practices, Tourist product, Tourist roles, Tourist sites, Tourist space, Tourist stages, Tourist studies, Tourist workers, Unreflexive, Unreflexive assumptions, Unreflexive ways, Western tourists.
Abstract
This article explores the metaphor of performance to investigate how tourism can be conceived as a set of activities, imbricated with the everyday, whereby conventions are reinforced and broken. By looking at the contexts in which tourism is regulated, directed and choreographed or, alternatively, is a realm of improvisation and contestation, I will consider the constraints and opportunities which shape the ways in which tourist space (here considered as ‘stages’) and performance are reproduced, challenged, transformed and bypassed. A range of examples will be used to exemplify the ways in which tourism is staged and performed. I will also focus on how the global proliferation of tourist practices and attractions acts to theme tourist space in highly commodified ways and simultaneously decentre normative modes of performing tourism.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/146879760100100104
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:B82750D8ABBF96E5A4114B7CCFAE005CF80704E7Le document en format XML
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xml:lang="en">This article explores the metaphor of performance to investigate how tourism can be conceived as a set of activities, imbricated with the everyday, whereby conventions are reinforced and broken. By looking at the contexts in which tourism is regulated, directed and choreographed or, alternatively, is a realm of improvisation and contestation, I will consider the constraints and opportunities which shape the ways in which tourist space (here considered as ‘stages’) and performance are reproduced, challenged, transformed and bypassed. A range of examples will be used to exemplify the ways in which tourism is staged and performed. I will also focus on how the global proliferation of tourist practices and attractions acts to theme tourist space in highly commodified ways and simultaneously decentre normative modes of performing tourism.</div></front></TEI><istex><corpusName>sage</corpusName><keywords><teeft><json:string>tourism</json:string><json:string>edensor</json:string><json:string>routledge</json:string><json:string>performative</json:string><json:string>unreflexive</json:string><json:string>rojek</json:string><json:string>enactions</json:string><json:string>backpacker</json:string><json:string>reflexive</json:string><json:string>mahal</json:string><json:string>braveheart</json:string><json:string>tourist studies</json:string><json:string>everyday life</json:string><json:string>tourist performance</json:string><json:string>tourist space</json:string><json:string>improvisation</json:string><json:string>tourist</json:string><json:string>tourist performances</json:string><json:string>normative</json:string><json:string>such spaces</json:string><json:string>staffordshire university</json:string><json:string>tourist stages</json:string><json:string>western tourists</json:string><json:string>tourism research</json:string><json:string>reflexive awareness</json:string><json:string>tourist product</json:string><json:string>tourist gaze</json:string><json:string>unreflexive assumptions</json:string><json:string>social performance</json:string><json:string>tourist roles</json:string><json:string>planet hollywood</json:string><json:string>much tourism</json:string><json:string>involuntary performances</json:string><json:string>common sense</json:string><json:string>particular stages</json:string><json:string>heritage sites</json:string><json:string>habitual performance</json:string><json:string>sensual qualities</json:string><json:string>contingent process</json:string><json:string>leisure activities</json:string><json:string>bannockburn heritage centre</json:string><json:string>mediatized spaces</json:string><json:string>john urry</json:string><json:string>manor house</json:string><json:string>sugar beach</json:string><json:string>particular roles</json:string><json:string>rock circus</json:string><json:string>prime site</json:string><json:string>theatrical spaces</json:string><json:string>television dramas</json:string><json:string>social life</json:string><json:string>tourist workers</json:string><json:string>particular contexts</json:string><json:string>unreflexive ways</json:string><json:string>cultural intermediaries</json:string><json:string>cultural power</json:string><json:string>tourist sites</json:string><json:string>rough guide</json:string><json:string>package tourists</json:string><json:string>public space</json:string><json:string>improvisational performances</json:string><json:string>same stage</json:string><json:string>tourist practices</json:string><json:string>national identity</json:string><json:string>cultural studies</json:string></teeft></keywords><author><json:item><name>Tim Edensor</name><affiliations><json:string>Staffordshire University, UK,</json:string><json:string>E-mail: artte@staff.ac.uk</json:string></affiliations></json:item></author><subject><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>contestation</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>direction</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>embodiment</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>everyday</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>habitus</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>improvisation</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>performance</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>reflexivity</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>regulation</value></json:item><json:item><lang><json:string>eng</json:string></lang><value>stage</value></json:item></subject><articleId><json:string>10.1177_146879760100100104</json:string></articleId><arkIstex>ark:/67375/M70-7WP2XF4Q-P</arkIstex><language><json:string>eng</json:string></language><originalGenre><json:string>research-article</json:string></originalGenre><abstract>This article explores the metaphor of performance to investigate how tourism can be conceived as a set of activities, imbricated with the everyday, whereby conventions are reinforced and broken. 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Robins</json:string><json:string>W. Jankowiak</json:string><json:string>T. Skelton</json:string><json:string>Paul Connerton</json:string><json:string>J. Frykman</json:string><json:string>K. Robins</json:string><json:string>M. Featherstone</json:string><json:string>Rock Circus</json:string><json:string>John Urry</json:string><json:string>Scott Lash</json:string><json:string>A. Haddour</json:string><json:string>An Analysis</json:string><json:string>Clifford</json:string><json:string>Mark Neumann</json:string><json:string>D. Bell</json:string><json:string>Phil Crang</json:string><json:string>Christian Culture</json:string><json:string>E. Turner</json:string><json:string>G.Valentine</json:string><json:string>M. Ellingham</json:string><json:string>Taj Mahal</json:string><json:string>T. Jepson</json:string><json:string>Martinus Nijhoff</json:string><json:string>Michel de Certeau</json:string><json:string>A. Liska</json:string><json:string>O. Löfgren</json:string><json:string>Gardiner</json:string><json:string>Judith Butler</json:string><json:string>J. Urry</json:string><json:string>C. Rojek</json:string><json:string>E.Turner</json:string><json:string>F. HughesFreeland</json:string><json:string>Wallace Monument</json:string><json:string>William Wallace</json:string><json:string>Judith Adler</json:string><json:string>T. Ranger</json:string><json:string>Summer Wine</json:string></persName><placeName><json:string>Lund</json:string><json:string>Cheshire</json:string><json:string>UK</json:string><json:string>Harlow</json:string><json:string>Ethnicity</json:string><json:string>Edinburgh</json:string><json:string>Morocco</json:string><json:string>London</json:string><json:string>Stoke-on-Trent</json:string><json:string>Mauritius</json:string><json:string>India</json:string><json:string>Los Angeles</json:string><json:string>America</json:string><json:string>Manchester</json:string><json:string>Berkeley</json:string><json:string>Yorkshire</json:string><json:string>York</json:string><json:string>Agra</json:string><json:string>Hollywood</json:string><json:string>MA</json:string><json:string>Cambridge</json:string><json:string>Granada</json:string><json:string>Stirling</json:string></placeName><ref_url><json:string>http://www.quarrybankmill.org.uk</json:string><json:string>http://www.planet-hollywood.demon.co.uk</json:string><json:string>http://www.tropical.co.uk/mauritus/ sugarbe.html</json:string><json:string>http://www.rainforestcafé.com</json:string><json:string>http://www/celticdragonpubco.com</json:string></ref_url><ref_bibl><json:string>Edensor, 1998a, 2000a</json:string><json:string>Carlson, 1996: 16</json:string><json:string>Gottdiener, 1997</json:string><json:string>1990, 1992</json:string><json:string>Edensor, 2000b</json:string><json:string>Crang, 1997: 143</json:string><json:string>Pountain and Robins, 2000</json:string><json:string>see Fullagar, 2000</json:string><json:string>Rojek, 1995: 62</json:string><json:string>Harrison, 2000: 503</json:string><json:string>Morley and Robins (1995: 90)</json:string><json:string>Chaney, 1993: 86</json:string><json:string>MacDonald, 1997: 153</json:string><json:string>Cohen, 1979</json:string><json:string>cited in Carlson, 1996: 192</json:string><json:string>Edensor, 1998b</json:string><json:string>Geertz, 1993</json:string><json:string>Harrison, 2000: 502</json:string><json:string>Rojek, 2000: 17</json:string><json:string>Gottdiener, 1997: 73</json:string><json:string>Freitag, 1994: 541</json:string><json:string>Rojek, 2000: 9</json:string><json:string>Smith, 1989</json:string><json:string>Ritzer and Liska, 1997: 106</json:string><json:string>Rojek, 2000: 152</json:string><json:string>Wood, 1998</json:string><json:string>Mitchell, 1995: 119</json:string><json:string>Desforges, 1998</json:string><json:string>Edensor, 1998a</json:string><json:string>Carlson, 1996: 24</json:string><json:string>Munt, 1994</json:string><json:string>Clifford, 1988: 15</json:string><json:string>Buckley et al., 1991: 43</json:string><json:string>Edensor, 1998a: 133</json:string><json:string>Appadurai, 1990</json:string><json:string>Bourdieu, 1984</json:string><json:string>Hobsbawm and Ranger, 1983</json:string><json:string>Turner and Turner (1973)</json:string><json:string>Palmer and Jankowiak, 1996: 236</json:string><json:string>Gottdiener, 1997: 112</json:string><json:string>Frykman and Löfgren, 1996: 10</json:string><json:string>Frykman and Löfgren, 1996: 9</json:string><json:string>Crang, 1997</json:string><json:string>Tulloch, 1999: 3</json:string><json:string>see Bhattacharyya, 1997</json:string></ref_bibl><bibl></bibl></unitex></namedEntities><ark><json:string>ark:/67375/M70-7WP2XF4Q-P</json:string></ark><categories><wos><json:string>1 - 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By looking at the contexts in which tourism is regulated, directed and choreographed or, alternatively, is a realm of improvisation and contestation, I will consider the constraints and opportunities which shape the ways in which tourist space (here considered as ‘stages’) and performance are reproduced, challenged, transformed and bypassed. A range of examples will be used to exemplify the ways in which tourism is staged and performed. 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By looking at the contexts in which tourism is regulated, directed and choreographed or, alternatively, is a realm of improvisation and contestation, I will consider the constraints and opportunities which shape the ways in which tourist space (here considered as ‘stages’) and performance are reproduced, challenged, transformed and bypassed. A range of examples will be used to exemplify the ways in which tourism is staged and performed. 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59
Performing tourism, staging
tourism
(Re)producing tourist space and practice
Tim Edensor
Staffordshire University, UK
abstract This article explores the metaphor of performance to investigate how
tourism can be conceived as a set of activities, imbricated with the everyday,
whereby conventions are reinforced and broken. By looking at the contexts in which
tourism is regulated, directed and choreographed or, alternatively, is a realm of
improvisation and contestation, I will consider the constraints and opportunities
which shape the ways in which tourist space (here considered as 'stages') and
performance are reproduced, challenged, transformed and bypassed. A range of
examples will be used to exemplify the ways in which tourism is staged and
performed. I will also focus on how the global proliferation of tourist practices and
attractions acts to theme tourist space in highly commodified ways and
simultaneously decentre normative modes of performing tourism.
keywords contestation direction embodiment everyday habitus improvisation per-
formance reflexivity regulation stage
Introduction
In this article, I want to draw on a series of associations, examples and theoret-
ical perspectives to explore the possibilities opened up by considering tourism
as a form of performance.This approach aims to suggest ways in which tourist
studies might escape from the theoretical straitjacket which has bounded them
for so long, and to further propose that tourism should be understood by its
imbrication in the everyday rather than as a special, separate field of activity and
enquiry.
By using the metaphor of performance, we can explore why we carry out
particular habits and practices and, consequently, reproduce and challenge the
social world.I will highlight the multiple,ever-changing structures of the tourist
industry and the dynamic agency of tourists which continually (re)produce
diverse forms of tourism and space.Typologies (Cohen, 1979; Smith, 1989) can
identify regularities, but should be conceived as describing different tourist
tourist studies
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sage publications
London,
Thousand Oaks and
New Delhi
vol 1(1) 5981
[1468-7984
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practice rather than types of people, as roles adopted rather than social
categories made manifest. For the theoretical fixings that such delineations
perpetrate deny the subjective reconstitution of tourism by tourists.Tourism is
a process which involves the ongoing (re)construction of praxis and space in
shared contexts. But this (re)production is never assured, for despite the preva-
lence of codes and norms, tourist conventions can be destabilized by rebellious
performances, or by multiple, simultaneous enactions on the same stage. I will
explore the production of tourism, as a series of staged events and spaces, and as
an array of performative techniques and dispositions. But first, I will discuss
some issues raised by exploring notions about performance, the everyday and
reflexivity.
Culturally coded patterns of tourist behaviour partly emerge out of disposi-
tions that evolve around class, gender, ethnicity and sexuality, for instance.These
praxes are grounded in the specific habitus of tourists, distinct,'common-sense',
unreflexive ways of being (Bourdieu, 1984). But besides these identity-oriented
dispositions, particular tourist contexts generate a shared set of conventions
about what should be seen, what should be done and which actions are
inappropriate. Such shared norms instantiate a way of being a backpacker, a
participant on a tour-bus or a member of a Club 1830 holiday.Thus forms of
tourist habitus are also determined by unreflexive, embodied, shared assump-
tions about appropriate behaviour in particular contexts.
To further explore this habitual, dispositional dimension of performance, the
still influential work of Erving Goffman is useful. For Goffman (1959), the
inherently dramatic nature of social life ensures that we invariably play particu-
lar roles in 'front-stage' social contexts, driven by an urge for 'impression man-
agement', removing our mask only in informal,'backstage' regions. In order that
such performances are convincing that they transmit the meanings we intend
Goffman suggests that we acquire the competence to reproduce recognizable
performative conventions.This insistence on the instrumentality of role-playing
certainly captures many areas of social performance and some tourist roles
but it conjures up a continually self-reflexive individual, intentionally commu-
nicating values to an audience. However, I want to also consider the unreflex-
ive, habitual, unintentional enactions of tourists.
Tourism is represented as removed from the quotidian, as a common-sense
understanding, but also as a theoretical way of marking tourism as a separate
scholarly field of enquiry.These understandings imply that tourism is extraordi-
nary rather than mundane, that it concerns 'play' rather than 'work'. Also
implied, as MacCannell (1976) indicates, is that tourism permits the release of
more 'authentic' selves, where everyday masks are discarded. It offers opportu-
nities to explore different identities, to take on 'new' roles.These notions about
'getting away from it all' and 'letting go' through a temporary emotional and
bodily release, suggest the ludic aspects of tourism described by Turner
and Turner (1973). Now while decisions to embark on tourist activities are
informed by the anticipation that one will carry out specific roles and mobilize
tourist studies 1:160
a particular disposition, tourism is also replete with unconsidered habits. Rather
than transcending the mundane, most forms of tourism are fashioned by cul-
turally coded escape attempts. Moreover, although suffused with notions of
escape from normativity, tourists carry quotidian habits and responses with
them; they are part of their baggage.Tourism thus involves unreflexive, habitu-
al and practical enactions which reflect common-sense understandings of how
to be a tourist.
As John Urry (1990) points out, we are tourists much of the time whether
we like it or not. In a spectacular society, bombarded by signs and mediatized
spaces, tourism is increasingly part of everyday worlds.The breaking down of
separate areas of social life, what Scott Lash (1990) terms 'de-differentiation',
means that we can be tourists in our everyday travels, whether actual or virtual.
And the fragmentation of tourist specialisms into niche markets entails a pro-
liferation of stages, activities and identities. The growing social and economic
importance of leisure and a blurring between work and leisure in post-Fordist
economies further obscures the distinction between tourism and the everyday.
For instance, like work, leisure activities can be rewarding, productive and
exhausting. Leisure is culturally informed by particular notions, such as 'free-
dom', relaxation' and 'restoration', is not a self-evident sphere of activity but is
subjectively defined by the disposition and meaning which people bring
(Edensor, 2000b). Moreover, ideas about which endeavours, times and spaces are
suitably characterized as leisure are continually contested and transformed.
The everyday can partly be captured by unreflexive habit, inscribed on the
body, a normative unquestioned way of being in the world:'from the embodi-
ment of habit a consistency is given to the self which allows for the end of
doubt' (Harrison, 2000: 503). The repetition of daily, weekly and annual rou-
tines, how and when to eat, wash, move, work and play, constitutes a realm of
'common-sense', habitual performance which offers a deep understanding of
the link between culture and identity.Thus 'interspersed with cultural quota-
tions and imitations of other people' (Frykman and Lfgren, 1996: 9), habit is
internalized, ingrained through interaction with others. Habits organize life for
individuals, linking them to groups so that 'cultural community is often estab-
lished by people together tackling the world around them with familiar
manoeuvres' (Frykman and Lfgren, 1996: 1011).These shared habits strength-
en affective and cognitive links, constitute a habitus consisting of acquired skills
which minimize unnecessary reflection every time a decision is required. As I
have stressed, tourist practices abound with their own habitual enactments, and
tourism is never entirely separate from the habits of everyday life, since they are
unreflexively embodied in the tourist.
The everyday is thus the realm of repetition, where cultural norms get played
out, where common sense provides a bulwark against questioning convention.
Yet this is not all it is.While changing habits is not always easy given that they
are pre-cognitive and affective where they are over-prescriptive they are
potentially subject to challenge. As Frykman and Lfgren declare, 'regulation
Edensor Performing tourism 61
calls incessantly for freedom' (1996: 12). Habits provide an identifiable code
against which to react, as younger generations often do.
Everyday life is not merely full of robotic and rigid praxis but contains a mul-
titude of other potentialities. The everyday is also 'polydimensional: fluid,
ambivalent and labile', according to Gardiner (2000: 6). Using the works of
writers such as Lefebvre, Bakhtin and de Certeau, and the actions and mani-
festos of surrealists and situationists, Gardiner shows that the everyday contains
'redemptive moments that point towards transfigured and liberated social exis-
tence', and it possesses 'transgressive, sensual and incandescent qualities' (2000:
208). Likewise, Harrison says that 'in the everyday enactment of the world there
is always immanent potential for new possibilities of life' (2000: 498).This emer-
gent quotidian process is open-ended, fluid and generative, concerns becoming
rather than being, is a sensual experiencing and understanding that is 'constant-
ly attaching, weaving and disconnecting; constantly mutating and creating'
(Harrison, 2000: 502). Thus the immanent experience of the everyday the
daydreams, disruptions and sensual intrusions constantly threatens to under-
mine the structure laid down by habit. Later, I will identify various tourist
performances which disrupt the habitual by considering cynical subversion,
rebellion, limit experience and involuntary performances.
In addition, globalization increasingly penetrates everyday life 'through the
objects we use, the activities and routines we enact, the places we inhabit,
the relations we have and/or seek'.As Frykman and Lfgren assert,
. . . in a mobile culture where people constantly meet otherness, habits are brought
to the surface, becoming manifest and thereby challenged. It is precisely because peo-
ple in their everyday lives meet different habits that they are forced to verbalize and
make conscious the things that are otherwise taken for granted and thus invisible.
Once a habit has been described, it has also become something on which one must
take up a stance, whether to kick the habit or to stick tenaciously to it. (1996: 14)
Tourism seems a prime site for such confrontations, adding to the process
whereby 'patterns of performance are becoming more varied, differentiated and
de-differentiated' (Rojek, 2000: 9), whereby 'performative and counter perfor-
mative cultures abound' (Rojek, 2000: 17) and attractions multiply, incorporat-
ing a plethora of 'mundane' sites.
Performative norms need to be continually enacted to retain their power, and
the prescriptive conventions and values that inhere in them are rarely disrupted
if they are performed unreflexively. An unreflexive disposition characterizes
much tourism and where this is not the case, where reflexive improvisation and
a critical disposition are mobilized, the resultant ambiguity can threaten the
sense of well-being that is one of the main aims of tourism to relax and let
go. Self-surveillance engenders a froth of self-doubt, not conducive to having a
good time. However, as we will see, forms of tourism which purport to disavow
'conventional', 'unindividualistic' tourists are imbued with their own conven-
tions, their own unreflexive assumptions about what distinguishes them from
tourist studies 1:162
the 'others'. Nevertheless, the degree of reflexive awareness mobilized by the
performer, their level of detachment or involvement, influences the range of an
actor's repertoire and the scope for improvisation.Thus, one of the sources of
tension and contestation in tourist performance is that between unreflexive and
reflexive dispositions: between 'deep play' (Carlson, 1996: 24), where tourists
share conventions in unchallenging contexts often as strategies to minimize
disorientation in unfamiliar settings and enactions which endeavour to test
conventions.
Staging tourism, producing dramas
Tourism takes place within meaningful spatial contexts. In the next section, I
investigate modes of tourist performance on these stages, but first I will look at
how particular tourist stages are produced, how they are regulated, represented
and maintained.
Different tourist ventures are carried out upon particular stages on beaches
and mountains, in cities, heritage sites, museums and theme parks.These settings
are distinguished by boundedness, whether physical or symbolic, and are often
organized or stage-managed to provide and sustain common-sense under-
standings about what activities should take place. Indeed, the coherence of most
tourist performances depends on their being performed in specific 'theatres'.
While such stagings cannot determine the kinds of performance which
occur, the processes of commodification, regulation and representation that
reproduce performative conventions ensure that distinctive performance can be
identified at most sites.Nevertheless,competing ideas about what particular sites
symbolize may generate contrasting performances.
Tourist performance is socially and spatially regulated to varying extents.The
nature of the tourist stage contextualizes performance: whether it is carefully
managed, facilitates transit and contains discretely situated objects (props)
around which performance is organized; or whether its boundaries are blurred,
it is cluttered with other actors playing different roles, is full of shifting scenes
and random events or juxtapositions, and can be crossed from a range of angles.
Put another way, the organization, materiality and aesthetic and sensual qualities
of tourist space influence but do not determine the kinds of performances
that tourists undertake.To explore these stagings, I have written elsewhere of
the distinction between 'enclavic' and 'heterogeneous' space (Edensor, 1998a,
2000a).
Enclavic tourist space is akin to Sibley's 'purified' spaces, which are strongly
circumscribed and framed, wherein conformity to rules and adherence to cen-
tralized regulation hold sway (1988: 412), or may be typified as 'single-purpose
spaces'. Carefully planned and managed to provide specific standards of cleanli-
ness, service, dcor and 'ambience', the continual upkeep of enclavic spaces is
crucial to minimize underlying ambiguity and contradiction.Tourists are sub-
Edensor Performing tourism 63
ject to a 'soft control' (Ritzer and Liska, 1997: 106) guards, guides and CCTV
cameras that monitor their behaviour whereas in order to maintain a clear
spatial boundary, local workers are excluded. Shielded from potentially offensive
sights, sounds and smells, these 'environmental bubbles' provide in-house recre-
ational facilities, including displays of local culture.
Heterogeneous tourist space, by contrast, is 'weakly classified', with blurred
boundaries, and is a multi-purpose space in which a wide range of activities and
people co-exist. Tourist facilities coincide with businesses, public and private
institutions and domestic housing, and tourists mingle with locals, including
touts. Generally, tourism has often emerged in an unplanned and contingent
process and an unplanned bricolage of structures and designs provides a con-
trasting aesthetic context. In some ways, heterogeneous tourist spaces provide
stages where transitional identities may be performed alongside the everyday
enactions of residents, passers-by and workers.
This schematic division is designed to draw attention to the material and
symbolic context in which tourism is performed yet equally, the nature of the
stage is dependent on the kinds of performance enacted upon it. For carefully
stage-managed spaces may be transformed by the presence of tourists who
adhere to different norms.Thus stages can continually change, can expand and
contract. For most stages are ambiguous, sites for different performances.A par-
adox of the production of tourist space concerns the intensification of attempts
to design and theme space, and the increasingly promiscuous nature of tourism,
whereby tourist stages proliferate.
I now focus on the diverse ways in which tourism is staged by humdrum and
spectacular rituals, by the production of themed and designed spaces, through
the nexus between tourism and film, in the commodification of cultures, and
through the work of diverse workers.
1) Rituals and dramas staged for tourists
Incorporating rituals Grand traditional rituals such as the Trooping of the
Colour and the Edinburgh MilitaryTattoo,and various Independence Day cele-
brations, religious rituals and historical commemorations often articulate a
'meta-social commentary'(Geertz,1993) which celebrates and reproduces social
ideals and conventions. In these 'invented' ceremonies (Hobsbawm and Ranger,
1983), the transmission of state ideologies is typically achieved through grandil-
oquent pageantry and solemn, precise movements.These nationalist ceremonial
dramas have the effect of inculcating specifiable forms of conduct and com-
portment, akin to what Paul Connerton (1989) describes as 'incorporating rit-
uals'(contrasted to'inscriptive'rituals such as photography and writing) through
which groups transmit ideals and reproduce memory by mapping them on to
symbolic and familiar spaces. Organized to minimize ambiguity, such dramas
demand stylized and repetitive performances which conform to temporal and
bodily conventions, forming part of 'social habit memory'.The organization of
tourist studies 1:164
the stage and the framework for performance is designed to minimize improvi-
sation, questioning, contestation and mockery, although such subversions must
be continually held at bay.
A recent example of an invented ceremony (devised in 1982) to imprint a
relationship between site and group, and broadcast this nexus by promoting the
event as a tourist attraction, is the ritual of the KnightsTemplar at Bannockburn
Heritage Centre, near Stirling.This occurs on the anniversary of the Battle of
Bannockburn of 1312, where Robert Bruce's Scottish army defeated a larger
English force and paved the way for political independence.The group's disci-
plined and stately manoeuvres around the site are characterized by dramatic
costumes, specified, militaristic movements, a script and rigorous timing
(Edensor, 1997).The play derives its coherence from the willingness of the audi-
ence to respectfully record the proceedings and consent to the masculinist,
military ideals being presented.
Pleasurable carnivals Connerton (1989) argues that such rituals are most effi-
cacious in their attempts to fix the meaning of sites and inscribe identity into
the habit-body of the actors. His account usefully draws attention to the somat-
ic involvement in disciplined performances, but such embodied action is also
apparent in more carnivalesque ceremonies, for more convivial, sensual,
improvisational and playful ceremonies can be equally powerful as memorable
and significant events. Fixing performance does not always preserve it against
staleness and irrelevance. Flexible and contingent performances, which promote
affective and expressive performances, are equally successful in proving
memorable tourist experiences.
For instance, at Bannockburn Heritage Centre, on the same day, Nationalist
Scots descend in their hundreds at the culmination of a procession from Stirling,
including pipe bands, banners, and participants clothed in the kind of designer-
Celt garb that featured in the movie Braveheart. While the sober rituals of
wreath-laying and the speeches of politicians observe the formalities, the occa-
sion is permeated by a party atmosphere where old friends meet up, kids play
on the grass, literature is sold and people drink alcohol.The chance to imprint
identity on the site in more emotional, convivial fashion, contrasts with the
sober playlet performed earlier in the day.
Dramas bringing workers and tourists together Besides these established fes-
tivals, many tourist attractions now use the site as a theatrical setting. Employing
actors to take on both situated and roving roles, these small dramas frequently
coerce visitors into performing with the paid actors. They range from the
sophisticated dramas staged at Universal Studios in Los Angeles to the short his-
torical playlets staged on Stirling's medieval streets.
At Granada Studios in Manchester, visitors are encouraged to enter a simu-
lacrum of the interior of the House of Commons. They are channelled into
opposition and government benches whereupon a humorous parliamentary
Edensor Performing tourism 65
debate is staged by professional actors, who undertake antagonistic stances with
regard to a pre-selected, topical issue.The orotund enunciations of these actors
are supplemented by visitors who are cajoled into taking on roles in support of
particular political positions. Indeed, the success of the occasion partly depends
on the degree to which the tourist participants are able to immerse themselves
in the role.
An 18th-century cotton mill, Quarry Bank Mill, is a popular heritage attrac-
tion in Cheshire. Besides the displays of social conditions and the working
looms that visitors inspect, several costumed actors wander around the site,
approach visitors and entangle them in dramas and role-play. One such charac-
ter is the recruitment officer of the mill, dressed in tweeds and with authorita-
tive demeanour, who demands of parents that they encourage their children to
work in the factory.The actors imaginatively dramatize the historical prevalence
of child labour by encouraging parents to take up a playful make-believe role
towards their child.By imploring that they take up the offer of work,or encour-
aging their hostility towards the labour hirer, parents in turn embroil the child
in the drama. Likewise, at The Apprentice House,
. . . a team of museum interpreters bring the house to life. Dressed in costume, they
engage visitors in conversation . . . often in-role as one of the real characters who
lived at the house. . . .Visitors are encouraged to touch all the objects; test the straw
filled beds, stir the porridge in the kitchen,and pump water from the well in the yard.
(http://www.quarrybankmill.org.uk)
Of course, provoking tourists to perform in these ways may backfire: they may
feel uncomfortable and embarrassed at such intrusions.
These examples show the range of staged dramas provided in tourist contexts,
from large rituals, to festive, playful engagements.They are distinguished by the
kind of performative participation expected of tourists, by the level of stage-
management, and whether they encourage or restrict improvisation and play.
2) Sceneography and stage-design
Besides these actual performances in distinct tourist settings, there is an ongo-
ing proliferation of what Gottdiener calls'themed'spaces.Perhaps Chaney exag-
gerates in claiming that as tourists 'we are above all else performers in our own
dramas on stages the industry has provided' (1993: 64), but there is nevertheless
a profusion of such spaces in specialized tourist enclaves and in more quotidian
spaces. Highly encoded shopping malls, festival marketplaces, heritage sites, cul-
tural quarters and waterfront attractions comprise an expanding sector of tourist
space. The extension of these themed spaces into shopping centres and high
streets include themed pubs and cafs.The Rainforest Caf, it is claimed,
. . . is unlike any other dining experience you'll encounter.Your adventure begins as
soon as you check in at the elephant. Enter the dining area and it's like stepping into
tourist studies 1:166
the jungle with a canopy of lush foliage overhead, wildlife along the way, and even a
thunderstorm in the distance. (http://www.rainforestcaf.com)
The Celtic Dragon Pub Company offer three 'Irish' themed design packages,
namely, an 'Irish country look', the 'city pub' and the upmarket 'castle and
manor house' theme where 'all guests will feel like lords and ladies'
(http://www/celticdragonpubco.com).
Sugar Beach in Mauritius, an exclusive tourist enclave, reconstructs elements
of an imaginary luxurious colonial past:'built in the style of a Creole plantation,
complete with manor house' (http://www.tropical.co.uk/mauritus/
sugarbe.html). Incorporating extensively landscaped lawns and hundreds of
palm trees, the performances of 'native' cultures can be sampled in staged shows.
In tourist enclaves like Sugar Beach, stage-managers attempt to 'create and
control a cultural as well as a physical environment' (Freitag, 1994: 541), where
strict environmental and aesthetic monitoring produces a landscape encoded
with clear visual cues and codes. Through the use of such 'sceneography'
(Gottdiener, 1997: 73), the tourist gaze is directed to particular attractions and
commodities and away from 'extraneous chaotic elements', reducing 'visual and
functional forms to a few key images' (Rojek, 1995: 62). A limited range of
mediatized motifs or a few key exoticisms are featured which, like many
commodity-landscapes, promise infinite variety and difference while delivering
a controlled, stereotyped 'otherness' (Mitchell, 1995: 119). Here, carnival imagery
and ambience the different, erotic and chaotic are co-opted by designers.
An area saturated with themed spaces, mixing the everyday and the extraor-
dinary, lies between Piccadilly Circus and Leicester Square in London, where
the Fashion Cafe, Sega World (containing six virtual reality rides), The Rock
Circus and Planet Hollywood attract legions of young tourists. Epitomizing a
highly commodified and mediatized youth culture, with associations of fashion,
media, pop music and computer games, such spaces provide stages for the per-
formance of a species of 'cool' (Pountain and Robins, 2000). Linked themati-
cally and spatially, these theatres present glamour, fame and beauty, projecting
fantasies of power and desire. Moreover, there is a blurring of activities in the
syncretic provision of 'infotainment', 'eatertainment and 'shoppertainment'
(Gottdiener, 1997). Planet Hollywood is saturated with film clips, memorabilia
and costumes from movies, and we are asked to 'imagine Sly Stallone dropping
by your table to ask if you would like to try his mother's special pickle'
(http://www.planet-hollywood.demon.co.uk).At the Rock Circus, along with
other treats, we are invited 'by special invitation' to 'meet the stars at a pre-
concertVIP party. Rub shoulders with stars like Elvis and Bono', to 'step inside
an early recording studio . . . or hang with Bob Marley in the modern mobile
studio' and 'strut your stuff on stage as a stadium gig' (http:/./www.madame-
tusssauds.com).
These new technologies of entertainment penetrate mundane settings as well
as touristic 'honeypots' as selling culture becomes part of growth strategies.The
Edensor Performing tourism 67
sheer intertextuality of these themed spaces, the innumerable links with com-
modities, media and other spaces, consolidate their effect with a string of asso-
ciations.As always, however, we must be aware of overdetermining the effect of
such powerful commercial strategies on tourists.
Much postmodernist thought, following Debord (1987), has maintained that
contemporary Western society is a 'society of the spectacle'. It is, to paraphrase
Baudrillard (1981), a society in which signs, disembedded from their cultural
context, detached from their referents, float freely, circulating everywhere to be
depthlessly consumed. Tourism, as Boorstin (1964) has argued, might be con-
ceived as a prime site of the production of such empty significations.Yet while
such analyses identify certain trends concerning the intensification of image
flows via global mediascapes (Appadurai,1990),an insistence on the passive con-
sumption of 'depthless signs' ignores the richer cultural meanings produced and
consumed, the ways in which such images are staged and the persistence of
other forms of performance.
3) Mediatized spaces
Another way in which sites can be dramatically contextualized, produced as
theatrical spaces, is through capitalizing on a nexus between media and place.
The production of film and television dramas in identifiable geographical set-
tings has given rise to a proliferation of tourist sights. Morley and Robins (1995:
90) argue that 'the "memory banks" of our time are in some part built out of
the materials supplied by the television and film industries'. Here the inter-
twining of everyday television drama and tourism reinforces a network that
constitutes a thoroughly dramatized landscape.
In Yorkshire alone, part of the North Yorkshire Moors has been branded
Heartbeat Country, being the location for the light comedy drama of that name;
Holmefirth village is familiar as the setting for the long-running series Last of
the Summer Wine; the area surrounding Thirsk has become known as Herriot
Country,the venue for the fictional adventures of a country vet,later turned into
the television series All Creatures Great and Small; and the popular soap,
Emmerdale, is filmed around the villages of Otley and Esholt.These television
dramas, mapped on to the distinctive landscapes in which they are set, produce
a theatrical signature through which the scenery can be familiarized, associated
with characters, episodes and props. As the series of televisual signifiers con-
denses, the network of associations between theatrical spaces provides extensive
opportunities for re-envisaging the dramatic conventions of these series.
Similarly,after the Hollywood film Braveheart,which depictsWilliamWallace's
14th-century struggle against the English for Scottish independence, the Loch
Lomond,Trossachs and StirlingTourist Board produced an advertisement which
read,'Where the Highlands met the Lowlands,step into the echoes of Rob Roy,
Robert the Bruce and William Wallace Braveheart Country'. In addition, it
designed an advert for international transmission in cinemas before the show-
ing of Braveheart. Combining scenes from the film with aerial views of the local
tourist studies 1:168
Wallace Monument and surrounding scenery, the advert ends with the exhor-
tation to 'experience the very heart of Scotland: Stirling is Braveheart Country'.
This explicit dramatic representation of Stirling was responsible for a massive
increase in tourist numbers in the years following the film. Subsequently, new
guided tours visited key sites of the conflict, and theatrical presentations and
exhibitions were promoted to consolidate interest in the story. Nevertheless, as
I have argued elsewhere (Edensor, 1998b), this Hollywood portrayal did not act
to empty out all meaning from the Wallace myth. On the contrary, the film and
the ensuing expansion of tourism led to a more intense, contested and reflexive
search for the contemporary political and cultural significance of Wallace.
4) Key workers
Phil Crang has examined how the tourist product is performed by tourist
workers, who are trained to enact roles that fit in with their institutional setting
and express attributes such as deference, eagerness to please and friendliness
(Crang, 1997). These 'cast members' as they are appositely termed at the
various Disneyworlds are often required to wear outfits and expressions that
harmonize with themed environments. Crucially, these environments are
'meaningful settings that tourists consume and tourism employees help pro-
duce' (Crang, 1997: 143). Here I want to discuss three kinds of workers who
produce staged tourism in different ways.
Directors and stage-managers The stage-management of tourist space, the
directing of tourists and the choreographing of their movement can reveal the
spatial and social controls that assist and regulate performance. For instance, at
the Taj Mahal, stage management is the work of a host of workers from clean-
ing teams, stone-masons and other artisans, gatekeepers, police, gardeners and
guides who maintain its upkeep.To retain its allure of perfection, the stage needs
to be kept uncluttered and pristine. Directors are most evident in guided tours
where guides directed tourists to look at particular features, suggest places for
photographic performances and provide scripted commentary. For instance,
large parties are directed to the seat where Princess Diana sat, and invited to
emulate the Royal photograph.These tour personnel also choreograph tourists'
movements, chaperoning them along prescribed paths and restraining those
who stray. Such tourist choreographies sequential, linear and purposive have
been compared to the patterns of migratory birds as 'they trace and retrace the
same restricted set of options' (MacDonald, 1997: 153). Thus, 'appropriate'
behaviour and performative procedures are regulated by these key personnel,
who by synthesizing meaning and action reinforce a common-sense praxis and
re-encode enactive norms.
Performing cultures, performing 'otherness' In collecting signs of local or
national distinctiveness, tourists feast on 'indigenous' 'folkloric' customs. Tour
companies and hotels often organize displays of 'native' dancing and music,
Edensor Performing tourism 69
selecting which cultural aspects are accessible and which should be edited out,
charting a course between 'exoticism' and comprehensibility. Performances are
typically devised to titillate tourists without alienating them by sticking too
closely to complicated cultural meanings.Where non-Western dramas are pro-
duced for Western tourists, the colonial origins of much tourism becomes
acutely highlighted as, for instance, smiling dancing girls posture for the cam-
era.This cultural staging inevitably raises controversies about the reproduction
of stereotypes associated with primitivism, exoticism and eroticism.
Paradoxically though, it may also replenish moribund local traditions (Wood,
1998).
The 'traditional' dance of the Creole population of the island of Mauritius,
sega dancing,accompanies a folk percussive music which has recently developed
to embrace an electronic pop musical form.The dance is widely performed on
beaches by Creole groups during holidays and at weekends, and is understood
as a symbolic form of resistance to the brutalities of the slave plantation system,
where East African and Madagascan people were enslaved and imported to
work on Mauritian sugar plantations.According to many Mauritians, the erotic
nature of the dance has been adapted so that instead of a celebration of virility
and vitality, the performance of sega has become a spectacle designed to titillate
spectators. Compressed into large hotel floor shows, glamorously aestheticized
and accompanied by Westernized versions of sega music, locals complain that
the meaning of the dance has become cheapened and diluted for tourists,so that
Mauritians are now sexualized objects rather than convivial participants in their
own dance. In fact, at the more select end of the tourist market in Mauritius,
this is virtually the only sign of Mauritian-ness consumed by tourists, who
largely remain in their plush tourist enclaves, consuming a simulacrum of trop-
ical paradise.The modern, multicultural, industrial Mauritius is invisible.
The roles of cultural intermediaries Finally, I want to suggest that not all the
roles of tourist workers are as rigid as they may seem. For example, they may
act as cultural intermediaries who oil the wheels of touristlocal interaction and
exchange. Ram, the owner of a small shop and caf in Agra, is a familiar figure
among the backpacker crowd. He continually tries to shift between two roles,
one that he deems appropriate when dealing withWestern tourists, and another
which conforms to local norms. Towards Western tourists, Ram is keen to
emphasize his hip credentials, his large drug intake, his knowledge of Western
pop music, his clothes sense and his sexual experiences.Yet his performance is
not entirely convincing for these youngWesterners who sense the effort to con-
vey 'coolness' is too forced, too aspirational, and the language and demeanour
required to transmit a credible act are beyond his ken, and more importantly, his
habitus.Likewise,his attempts to convey a worldliness to his local peers,through
his knowledge of Western dispositions, while transmitting a local authenticity
and embeddedness, fail largely because his (possibly imaginary) exploits are not
regarded as admirable.This shuttling between roles involves a good deal of trans-
tourist studies 1:170
lation of cultural meanings to the backpackers about 'Indian' culture and
Hinduism, and to Agrans, the characteristics of Western youth culture.The role
strain that such a Jekyll and Hyde performance engenders means that it is dif-
ficult to convincingly pull off.
The work of these people raises the complex negotiation of roles between
themselves and tourists, and the cultural power expressed by each in contexts of
interaction: whether there is scope for independent action or whether their
actions are institutionalized by the need to conform to tourist expectations and
managerial decisions about delivering the tourist product.
Tourists as performers
Besides the increasingly staged nature of tourism, tourist space is also (re)pro-
duced by tourists, who perform diverse meanings about symbolic places,
dramatizing their allegiance to places and kinds of action. For tourist perform-
ance maps out individual and group identities, and alludes to imagined geogra-
phies of which the stage may be part.
Below, I provide diverse examples to highlight distinct forms of tourist enac-
tion and the conventions which contextualize and inform them. I explore
directed and identity-oriented performances and then look at some enactions
which contest these norms.Tourist epistemologies are shaped by an orientation
towards the kinds of experiences that are available, how they can be achieved
and what is appropriate in their execution.To emphasize, these are unreflexive
assumptions and dispositions as often as they display calculated intentionality.
Tourism is constituted by an array of techniques and technologies which are
mobilized in distinct settings.Thus when tourists enter particular stages,they are
usually informed by pre-existing discursive, practical, embodied norms which
help to guide their performative orientations and achieve a working consensus
about what to do. Here then, performance is a 'discrete concretization of cul-
tural assumptions' (Carlson, 1996: 16) which mingle everyday and tourist codes
of action.
Accordingly, tourism constitutes a collection of commonly understood and
embodied practices and meanings which are reproduced by tourists through
their performances in alliance with tourist managers and workers.Judith Adler
(1989) describes tourist praxis by showing how travel programmes, brochures,
accounts and guidebooks are 'a means of preparation, aid, documentation and
vicarious participation' for tourists. By following the 'norms, technologies, insti-
tutional arrangements and mythologies' (1989: 1371) which are instantiated in
particular places and tours, tourists reconstruct tourism.This captures the 'work'
of tourism, the unreflexive and conscious enactions informed by shared 'com-
mon sense'.
The culturally bound technologies of tourism are enmeshed in diverse
embodied dispositions, organized for instance, around which clothes, styles of
Edensor Performing tourism 71
movement, modes of looking, photographing and recording, expressing delight,
communicating meaning and sharing experiences are appropriate in particular
contexts. Particular enactions need to be learnt so as to achieve a degree of
competence; the efficacy of the impression made may depend upon the level of
rehearsal and practice, self-monitoring and the acquisition of techniques.
Performers are also subject to the disciplinary gaze of co-participants and
onlookers, and the appropriateness of the performance is equally reliant upon
the ability of any audience to share the meaning the actor hopes to transmit.
This internal and external surveillance may restrict the scope of performances
and help to underscore communal conventions about 'appropriate' ways of
being a tourist. Social actors frequently aim for coherence, so that their qualities
can be understood as consistent and predictable and ambivalence and ambiguity
are banished.
However, rather than being fixed, performance is an interactive and contin-
gent process which succeeds according to the skill of the actors, the context
within which it is performed and the way in which it is interpreted by an audi-
ence. Even the most delineated social performance must be re-enacted in
different conditions and its reception may be unpredictable. Each performance
can never be exactly reproduced and fixity of meaning must be continually
strived for (Schieffelin, 1998: 1969). Moreover, Schutz maintains that while
social performance does have its codes,
. . . clear and distinct experiences are intermingled with vague conjectures; supposi-
tions and prejudices cross well-proven evidences; motives, means and ends, as well as
causes and effects, are strung together without clear understanding of their real con-
nections.There are everywhere, gaps, intermissions, discontinuities. (1964: 723)
This is increasingly the case as the global 'ethnoscapes' (Appadurai, 1990) of
which tourism is part engender a reflexivity fostered by confronting differ-
ence, by coming across people who carry out practices which contradict and
challenge one's own cherished, embodied and unreflexive ways of doing things.
James Clifford has written of how people increasingly produce creolized
practices through their use of an expanded range of cultural resources, they
'improvise local performances from (re)collected pasts, drawing on foreign
media, symbols and languages' (Clifford, 1988: 15). Besides these mergings, con-
testing performances take place on the same stage, perhaps expressing different
dispositions and identities informed by class, gender and ethnicity.And there are
multiple ways of carrying out particular kinds of action (for instance, see
Edensor, 2000c, 2000d for numerous, contested walking performances).
As John Urry has observed (1990, 1992), tourists gaze upon attractions in dis-
tinctive styles. It is evident that most Western visitors to the Taj Mahal mobilize
a romantic gaze, feasting their eyes upon the mausoleum for unbroken periods,
preferably in solitude. Such solitudinous gazing is marked by a shared under-
standing that one should gaze in meditative fashion upon buildings designated
as important. Other gazing performances are less intense but more collective.
tourist studies 1:172
For instance, most domestic tourists visit the site in groups and perform a
shared, appreciative form of gazing. The most intense gazing performance is
performed by many Muslim visitors to whom the Taj is a sacred venue rather
than a mere tourist attraction. Stopping at the Taj en route to pilgrimage cen-
tres, these visitors gaze reverentially at the mausoleum, the on-site mosque and
the Quranic calligraphy which adorns the walls. These performances are all
informed by the 'how to' of tourism, the common-sense, embodied under-
standings that constitute the varieties of touristic habitus. Moreover, such gaz-
ing practices inform how tourists use photography as a popular 'ceremonial
form' to capture their relationships to each other, with places and with other
cultures (Edensor, 1998a: 12835). Such tourist stages are 'framed by implicit
theatrical conventions . . .within a particular dramaturgical landscape' (Chaney,
1993: 86), which influence how we compose different photographs of selves,
places and groups.
1) Directed performances
I have discussed above how tourist stages are replete with cues and directors.
Props, stagehands, stage-managers, directors constitute a support network which
facilitates, guides and organizes tourist performances according to normative
conventions and industry imperatives.Tourist spectacles are contextualized for
visitors by the professional interpreters of 'customized' travel. Besides these key
workers, Mark Neumann (1988: 24) points out that,
Tourists are rarely left to draw their own conclusions about objects or places before
them. Instead, they more often confront a body of public discourse signs, maps,
guides and guide books that repeatedly mark the boundaries of significance and
value at tourist sites.
This may be an exaggeration, but at information-saturated and carefully themed
tourist sites, it can be difficult to avoid being drawn to information boards,
staged spectacles and evident pathways. In addition to these signs, guidebooks
are also replete with cues about what to look at, what information to consider.
As condensed suggestions to familiarize tourists with cultures and spaces
shorthand cues for performance such directions inevitably omit infinite other
ways of looking at and understanding sites. In this sense, guidebooks are a kind
of master script for tourists which reduces disorientation and guides action (see
Bhattacharyya, 1997).
Every one of the numerous accounts and guidebooks to the Taj Mahal
recommends when the site should be viewed; at which time of day the light is
most beneficial. Although each time has its champions 'moonlighters','mid-
dayers' and so on the discourse acts to engage tourist consideration about the
how and when of gazing (Edensor, 1998a). In another example, The Rough
Guide toTuscany and Umbria is full of tips about how to look at Florence.Along
with a host of practical instructions about how to travel and which specific
attractions should be visited, it recommends the following:'the best of Florence
Edensor Performing tourism 73
is to be seen indoors' (Buckley et al., 1991: 43);'to enjoy a visit fully it's best to
ration yourself to a couple of big sights each day' (1991: 44);'allow some time,
too, to involve yourself in the life of the city' (1991: 44).This series of recom-
mendations implies that tourists should perform in particular ways.A suspicion
is invoked that you will not enjoy the city as much if other courses of action
are carried out, that your tourist performance will be deficient, incompetent.
Thus there is a machinery of discursive, regulatory and practical norms which
direct tourists' performances and often support their own understandings of
how to behave.
However, rather than impugning the outlook of tourists who conform to
such expectations, it is worth remembering that the desire for comfort, famil-
iarity and predictability assists relaxation. For by not resisting the apparatus of
meaning and action, tourists may be choosing to check out of the usual work
and domestic imperatives rather than succumbing to the over-arching control
of instrumental capital.There is pleasure in opting out of responsibility.
2) Identity-oriented performances
Certain tourist performances are intended to draw attention to the self.Tourism
becomes a vehicle for transmitting identity, by undertaking a particular form of
travel, in a particular style. For instance, in their quest for distinction backpack-
ers are often concerned to distinguish themselves from others from package
tourists, who they often regard as unindividualistic and among themselves.
They like to wander off the 'beaten track', and may seek apparently unortho-
dox mystical, drug-enhanced and other counter-cultural experiences.Yet they
often rely on Lonely Planet and Rough Guides to mediate their experience of
unfamiliar places and customs. Moreover, part of being a backpacker entails
sharing and disputing practical, aesthetic and ethical aspects of 'backpacker lore'.
In this shared milieu of space, action and meaning, status and distinction are
acquired and transmitted.Thus performance centres on how far off the beaten
track they have gone, the quality of their encounters with 'locals' and their
commitment to backpacking variously identified by the length of the trip,
degree of hardship and disdain for material comforts, goods and experiences
regarded as'touristic'(Desforges,1998;Edensor,1998a;Munt,1994).In addition,
there are a number of signs that are wielded in the performance of this status-
oriented identity. Clothing is often 'rough and ready' and apparently signifies
scorn for fashion, or is local apparel to signify 'going native'. Books are used
among backpackers to signify a shared disposition towards exploration, a form
of cultural capital which signifies a sophisticated facility to attune oneself to cul-
tural 'otherness' (favourites on 'The List' include The Beach, Out of Africa, 100
Years of Solitude, Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance, Catch 22).1
3) Non-conformist tourist performances
Above I have considered the normative performance of tourism, the tight
adherence to scripts, roles and direction. Now I explore kinds of tourist
tourist studies 1:174
performance which 'escape' from normative enaction. As Judith Butler has
pointed out, knowing the codes of performance via 'forced reiteration of
norms' (1993: 94), besides fixing meaning, also provides a template from which
to deviate, offers an opportunity to mark subjectivity by rebelling against these
conventions. I will consider cynical performances, resistant performances,
improvisation and involuntary performance.
Ironic, cynical, 'post-tourist' performances As Feifer (1985) has contended,
'post-tourists' revel in the artificiality and staging of much tourism.This seems
akin to what Goffman calls 'role-distance', here expressed as a reflexive aware-
ness of the constructed nature of a role but an unwillingness to challenge it.
Nevertheless, post-tourists enact a mildly subversive performance, revealing
tourist conventions.This is exemplified by the ironic performance of American
tourists at the Taj Mahal. Standing before the monument as a member of their
party wielded a video camera, framing them from the most conventional angle,
the tourists engaged in horseplay, and pulled grotesque faces and looks of mock
astonishment.The following exchange took place:
TOURIST 1: OK guys, line up and look astonished
TOURIST 2:Yeah, but . . . it's great, I suppose but what does it do?
TOURIST 3: Bob had the best line 'The Taj is amazing, but boring'
TOURIST 1:Come on, let's do the photo so we can get outta here. (Edensor, 1998a:
133)
The tourists are cynically questioning the significance of the Taj and undermin-
ing orthodox notions about how the attraction should be gazed upon romanti-
cally and beheld with intense seriousness. Through their comments and their
performance before the camera, they also critique the conventions of tourist
framing and the centrality of performing dutiful acts of photographic recording.
Another example is provided by a carnivalesque engagement with themed
staging. In the grounds of a large, luxury hotel in Agra, a splendid and ornate
tented arena was assembled.A large feast was laid out on a series of tables, musi-
cians rehearsed their tunes, and in the hotel lobby, the guests, after a hard day's
touring, adorned themselves in medieval robes. This simulacrum formed the
stage for one of the hotel's occasional theme parties, the 'Moghul Night', where
the grand days of the imperial court were recreated and 'authentic' music and
food were served up (an alternative theme was the 'Village Night' where huts,
animals and charpoys were assembled to copy an Indian village).The clothes were
distributed to a party of French tourists, men provided with the princely attire
of turbans and trousers and women given courtly, flowing dresses.While most
guests took these roles without question, one man adopted a 'gender-bending'
role, donning the long dress and acting out the role of a shy maiden with an eye
for the other men present.Although the participants were encouraged in their
performance as Moghul courtiers, this subversion jarred with the directors, who
were uncomfortable with the role reversal.
Edensor Performing tourism 75
Resistant performances The regulation to which many tourist performances
are subject might appear to militate against transgressive behaviour, but tourists
are never compelled to enact specific conformist performances. Tourists may
acknowledge and accept direction and control yet be prepared to trade self-
expression for the benefits of consistency, reliability and comfort. However, it
can generate a frustration which engenders tactical revolt and an unwillingness
to play particular roles.
Before a 40-strong coach party of English tourists disembarked and made
their way to theTaj Mahal, they were told by their tour guide that after 30 min-
utes, they were to gather at the exit to the monument so that they could fulfil
the day's schedule.This short stop produced consternation among many in the
party,who felt that this was insufficient time to visit what was,after all,the high-
light of their week-long trip to India.This anxiety was even more pronounced
inside the grounds of the Taj, where sensing precious time slipping away, they
tried to photograph the mausoleum from many angles, and attempted to
indulge in romantic gazing.Their exertions were swiftly curtailed by the guide
who ordered them to return to the bus so that they might squeeze in a visit to
a marble craft emporium where he might reap commission from any pur-
chases the tourists might make.The complaints were loud and many.They had
not had enough time,they were being rushed around and bossed about and they
would not stand for it.Thus the tourists won a small concession from the tour
organizers by negotiating an extra half-hour at the site.
Resistance against the directors and choreographers of performance can be
reactive to the over-zealous prescription of roles. However, where performanc-
es are more amorphous and open-ended, and scripts and actions are not tight-
ly managed,'there is scope for lying, creative ambiguity, deliberate misdirection
. . . improvised codings of subversive messages' (Palmer and Jankowiak, 1996:
236).Tourists may deviate from organized tours in ways akin to how, according
to Michel de Certeau (1984), pedestrians (temporarily) transform public space
and transmit alternative meanings by using 'tactics' to reappropriate space.
Improvisational performances Normative performance and its direction
obfuscate the actual contingency of performance and the innumerable perfor-
mative possibilities available.As Schutz declares,'social performances may bypass
or negotiate with normative rituals, by organizing a patchwork or bricolage of
meanings and actions to generate new dramatic configurations' (1964: 723). In
fact, the confrontation with difference that is part of tourism can facilitate
improvisational performances, and where this is allied to a desire to force one-
self to challenge habitual behaviour or an experimental disposition to try on
unfamiliar roles, such improvisation is engendered.
A particularly apposite example of this is in the performance of barter, into
which many tourists to non-Western settings are initiated.The performance of
barter, which, as Buie (1996: 227) describes, is a sensual as well as economic
activity, an 'art', a 'ritual' and a 'dance of exchange', is a dramatic encounter that
tourist studies 1:176
is characterized by improvisatory response including wit, melodramatic appeals
to fairness and stoicism.
More radical improvisations are sought in 'limit experiences' (Rojek, 2000:
1516) whereby pushing oneself to the edge elicits a pleasurable self realization.
Besides testing physical endeavour and bodily safety through adventure sports,
leisure activities such as intensive drug-taking, kinds of sexual adventures, vio-
lence and certain criminal activities can be considered as 'edgework' which
'involves testing and challenging routine moral and cultural boundaries'(Rojek,
2000: 152). Here liminal spaces are sought where performances without param-
eters can be entertained. Not knowing what to think and how to act gives these
endeavours their potency, calls upon the resourcefulness of the performer to act
according to contingency.
It is difficult to reveal the ambivalence and contradictions which inhere in
highly commodified and regulated spaces.Accordingly, some tourists seek out
spaces that are not regulated in accordance with commercial tourist industry
imperatives, wallowing in the contingency and unpredictability of their
encounters, and revelling in unexpected social encounters and sensual stimuli.
There is pleasure in the challenge of constant mental and physical disruption.
Such spaces may not be identifiable as demarcated stages, replete with signs
and props, but are bereft of the reference points that enable particular orien-
tations and choreographies. In certain kinds of heterogeneous space, like
bazaars, fluid events, activities and movements arise, random juxtapositions of
objects and people occur, and there is a sensory and physical bombardment
which precludes anything other than a contingent performance.The sensory
and social overload means that reflexive performances may be denied by the
immanence of experience, and in any case rehearsed tourist roles have little
coherence in these settings. This situation evokes the 'vertigo' described by
Caillois (1961: 13) wherein perception is temporarily destabilized by a 'fore-
grounding of physical sensation, an awareness of the body set free from the
normal structures of control and meaning', and entry into unregulated and
indefinable space. The deliberate foregrounding of the body and the senses,
and the dismissal of normative ways of understanding and performing, are
akin to what Schechner (1993: 39) calls 'dark play', full of 'unsteadiness,
slipperiness, porosity, unreliability and ontological riskiness'. Some of the
most radical anti-tourist travel performances take place where conventions are
consciously ignored, for instance, where Lingis is absorbed by an ego-
less communion with Antarctic nature, and Plummer's dangerous journey
into crocodile territory which ends in her 'becoming nature', the prey of the
crocodile (see Fullagar, 2000).
Involuntary performances Although performances may be exclusive affairs,
designed only to reinforce communal solidarity among the participants, it may
be the case that onlookers, especially if they enact different forms of perform-
ance at the same site, either fail to understand the resonance of others'
Edensor Performing tourism 77
performance, or disparage their competence or the meanings they impart.As I
have mentioned, we can never predict how a performance is likely to be read.
Occasionally, the involuntary effects, at variance to the intended meaning, can
produce disorientation among performers and audience, perhaps producing a
state of acute self-awareness, brought on by the response of locals who perhaps
regard the performance as involuntarily comedic. For instance, watching a boat-
load of tourists disembark from a ferry at the port ofTangiers in Morocco were
a crowd of young locals who watched with hilarity as passengers and their
heavy suitcases came tumbling down a particularly slippery gangplank, creating
a free slapstick show. One elderly American female tourist stood at the top of
the gangplank,shrieking,'There's no order!There's no order!',to the merriment
of the audience.Tourists were either profoundly disorientated and outraged by
the lack of organization or played their roles as fall guys with good humour.
Conclusion
A young British tourist at theTaj Mahal had wandered around the site,stopping every
now and then to take a photograph, or make a jotting in her notebook, and spell-
bound in silent contemplation, she sat on a bench gazing upon the monument.After
joining her for a brief chat,she became suddenly agitated by the behaviour of a group
of nearby domestic tourists.With exasperation she exclaimed:'I think Indians are real-
ly crap tourists.They just don't know how to be tourists, rushing around, talking all
the time and never stopping to look at anything even here at the Taj Mahal!'
The world is increasingly full of cultural encounters in tourist space. I have
argued that there may be competing enactions on tourist stages which purvey
notions about what actions are 'appropriate', 'competent' and 'normal'.
Normative performances conforming to the instructions of stage-managers
and directors reveal how social and cultural power can inscribe meaning and
action on bodies.Where these conventions clash, performative negotiations may
take place, and a reflexive awareness of habitual performance may occur.
Alternatively, as with the way in which backpackers mock the rituals of pack-
age tourists, other performers can be ridiculed.
I have tried to highlight the ambivalent nature of tourism, as the desire to
escape and the pleasures of conformity clash.Theorists of the performative have
tended to either stress performance as 'reinforcing cultural givens' or as 'poten-
tially subversive' (Tulloch, 1999: 3). But performance can be conceived in more
ambivalent and contradictory terms, can be understood as intentional and
unintentional, concerned with both being and becoming, strategically and
unreflexively embodied. As Michael Jackson says, performance 'encompasses
both the rage for order and the impulses that drive us to confound the fixed
order of things' (cited in Carlson, 1996: 192).Thus tourism as performance can
both renew existing conventions and provide opportunities to challenge them.
Yet many stages devised by the industry are typically designed to promise a
tourist studies 1:178
carnivalesque experience but are usually 'sites of ordered disorder' which
encourage a 'controlled de-control of the emotions'(Featherstone,1991:7882).
Performances are toned down by a self-regulating of the body and the passions,
and despite the allure of the illicit, the other or the extraordinary, they are
uncluttered and clean, and contain no exciting 'anti-social' elements
(Gottdiener, 1997: 112).
A range of tourist roles can be enacted, from the disciplined to the impro-
vised. I have emphasized the imbrication of the everyday and tourism, where
the everyday is both routine and full of disruption. Accordingly, tourist per-
formance also includes unreflexive assumptions and habits but contains
moments where norms may be transcended. By tracing those settings and prac-
tices which enable greater scope for improvisation, we are able to see how the
material and sensual qualities of particular spaces interrupt the equanimity of
disciplined and regulated embodied dispositions.
It may seem that the kinds of postmodern stagings I have identified proffer a
dystopian future for tourism where every potential space becomes intensively
stage-managed and regulated as part of the commodification of everything.
While there is no doubting the power to define the normative which inheres
in these modes of promoting space and culture, such strategies can never eclipse
the potential for innovative performance. However, at the same time as this
homogenizing process, this closing in, there is an unceasing proliferation of
tourist spaces and practices which open up the world, invade the everyday, and
expand the repertoire of performative options and the range of stages upon
which tourists may perform.
note
1. I am grateful to Lindsey Coffey for this insight.
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tim edensor teaches cultural studies at Staffordshire University. He is the author of
Tourists at the Taj and has written on the film Braveheart, Scottish heritage and tourism.
He has recently edited and contributed to a book: Reclaiming the Potteries: Leisure, Space
and Identity in Stoke-on-Trent, and is currently writing a volume about national identity
and popular culture. Address: Cultural Studies, Staffordshire University, College Road,
Stoke-on-Trent ST4 2XW, UK. [email: artte@staff.ac.uk]
Edensor Performing tourism 81
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<volume>21</volume>: <fpage>218</fpage>-<lpage>241</lpage>.</citation></ref></ref-list></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>Performing tourism, staging tourism</title><subTitle>(Re)producing tourist space and practice</subTitle></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>Performing tourism, staging tourism</title><subTitle>(Re)producing tourist space and practice</subTitle></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Tim</namePart><namePart type="family">Edensor</namePart><affiliation>Staffordshire University, UK,</affiliation><affiliation>E-mail: artte@staff.ac.uk</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2001-06</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2001</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><abstract lang="en">This article explores the metaphor of performance to investigate how tourism can be conceived as a set of activities, imbricated with the everyday, whereby conventions are reinforced and broken. By looking at the contexts in which tourism is regulated, directed and choreographed or, alternatively, is a realm of improvisation and contestation, I will consider the constraints and opportunities which shape the ways in which tourist space (here considered as ‘stages’) and performance are reproduced, challenged, transformed and bypassed. A range of examples will be used to exemplify the ways in which tourism is staged and performed. I will also focus on how the global proliferation of tourist practices and attractions acts to theme tourist space in highly commodified ways and simultaneously decentre normative modes of performing tourism.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>contestation</topic><topic>direction</topic><topic>embodiment</topic><topic>everyday</topic><topic>habitus</topic><topic>improvisation</topic><topic>performance</topic><topic>reflexivity</topic><topic>regulation</topic><topic>stage</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Tourist studies</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">1468-7976</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1741-3206</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">TOU</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">sptou</identifier><part><date>2001</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>1</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>1</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>59</start><end>81</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">B82750D8ABBF96E5A4114B7CCFAE005CF80704E7</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-7WP2XF4Q-P</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/146879760100100104</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_146879760100100104</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/B82750D8ABBF96E5A4114B7CCFAE005CF80704E7/metadata/json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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