In Your Head You Are Not Defeated: The Irish in Aboriginal Literature
Identifieur interne : 000268 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000267; suivant : 000269In Your Head You Are Not Defeated: The Irish in Aboriginal Literature
Auteurs : Edward WattsSource :
- Journal of Commonwealth literature [ 0021-9894 ] ; 1991-03.
English descriptors
- KwdEn :
- Aboriginal, Aboriginal cultures, Adam shoemaker, Australian history, Australian literature, Bicentenary essays, Black words, Boolayoo, British australia, British colonialism, British colonization, British insistence, Colm kiernan, Conventional histories, Conventional texts, Eora, European culture, Historiography, Irish convicts, Kiraban, Kullark, Mcdonough, More information, Nargel, National identity, Pemulwuy, Racial history, Rainbow warrior, Silky donovon, Skin color, Stirling, West australia, Willmot, Yagan.
- Teeft :
- Aboriginal, Aboriginal cultures, Adam shoemaker, Australian history, Australian literature, Bicentenary essays, Black words, Boolayoo, British australia, British colonialism, British colonization, British insistence, Colm kiernan, Conventional histories, Conventional texts, Eora, European culture, Historiography, Irish convicts, Kiraban, Kullark, Mcdonough, More information, Nargel, National identity, Pemulwuy, Racial history, Rainbow warrior, Silky donovon, Skin color, Stirling, West australia, Willmot, Yagan.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/002198949102600104
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:7E1D99647856E1BA97F840F618554328F4C49840Le document en format XML
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<publisher-name>Sage Publications</publisher-name>
<publisher-loc>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</publisher-loc>
</publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1177/002198949102600104</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">10.1177_002198949102600104</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Articles</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>In Your Head You Are Not Defeated: The Irish in Aboriginal Literature</article-title></title-group>
<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Watts</surname><given-names>Edward</given-names></name><aff>Indiana University, U.S.A.</aff></contrib></contrib-group>
<pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>3</month><year>1991</year></pub-date><volume>26</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>33</fpage><lpage>48</lpage><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Other</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>33 ArticlesIn Your Head You Are Not Defeated: The Irish in Aboriginal Literature SAGE Publications, Inc.1991DOI: 10.1177/002198949102600104 Edward Watts Indiana University, U.S.A. In most literature from non-white societies, the white race is portrayed as monolithic, racist, and wholly destructive. In works from the Pacific, Africa, and Papua New Guinea, whites, as a unit, enact a sequence of annihilation and marginalization through a process of invasion, imperialist exploitation, and insidious neo-colonialism Western-educated writers base their findings in white histories, both conventional and radical, which favor binary oppositions based on racial or class distinctions.2 From this training, angry writers have practiced divisive 'Othering' - a concept related to European definitions of distinct cultural spaces - which engenders only separation, without seeking adaptive, non-European potentials for multicultural cohabitation.3 3 In the majority of Aboriginal Australian literature, British colonization is a drama of unilateral racial violence and genocide.4 Mudrooroo Narogin, for example, claims that "Aboriginal being and history until now ... has been dominated by Anglo-Celts" (p. 5). Nonetheless, two recent Aboriginal texts, Jack Davis' play Kullark (1979) and Eric Willmot's novel Pemulwuy,: The Rainbow Warrior (1987), have emerged which at once accurately recreate a brutal invasion and create parameters whereby the two races can ameliorate the lingering conflict without sacrificing indigenous identity or recycling exclusionary concepts such as integration. Davis and Willmot divide Irish from English whites and suggest the Irish best demonstrate the white potential for non-destructive behavior through their emphasis on humanistic characteristics of spirituality and receptivity. In the process, they refute conventional histories which refuse to acknowledge the historical power of subjective presences.5 Therein they define conventional texts as 4434 fictions which divide Aboriginal and Irish interests based on such Western concepts as skin color or economic class.6 6 Their formally difficult texts, alternative historiographies complete with glossaries and references, redefine a legacy of Irish- Aboriginal alliance and reject Narogin's unified "Anglo-Celtic" . monolith. Davis and Willmot use conventionally non-historical, subjectively constructed media to supersede Anglo-Australian versions of national identity and observe constructive partnerships in Australian history. In them, elements of spiritual capacity divide white culture: the Irish consider imaginative aspects of their experience ; the British only impersonal conquest and land seizure. Therein Australian history is redefined as a struggle between the static British and the adaptive Aboriginal and Irish, welcoming the Irish to broader post-colonial struggles and de-emphasizing the role of race. By any reckoning, the Irish had a broad presence in colonial Australia. The populating of penal colonies at Sydney and Tasmania corresponded roughly with the Irish Rebellion of 1798. Robert Hughes refers to Australia as "the official Siberia for Irish dissidents at the turn of the century" and suggests that Irish convicts were "a doubly colonized people" (p. 181). Moreover, these articulate, literate rebels upset the hierarchy of the brutal jailers and the illiterate English thieves who composed most of the convict population. The Irish often became leaders among the imprisoned, if the convict stories of William Astley and the letters sent to Englnd during this period are reliable.7 Irish immigration, forced or not, was continued in the early nineteenth century as civil disturbances plagued Ireland. As a result, many Irish fled to Australia where they were given land, if not a place in the nation's culture. Many white Australian writers claim to celebrate the role of the Irish in the continent's settlement. Henry Handel Richardson's national epic, The Fortunes of Richard Mahoney (1930), defines Australian identity by "choosing an Irish hero who ... gradually became identifiably Australian" (p. 46), according to Colm Kiernan. She and others define an anti-British ethos to absolve Australia from the crimes of colonialism. However, their use of Irishness rarely exceeds the embrace of something white but non-British, as opposed to recognizing distinct cultural differences. In history texts, accounts of Irish prisoners are commingled with British, an act assuming a racial uniformity. Because of this, and that most whites in Australia are of English descent, Irish identity remains on the margin of Australian society, what Denis O'Hearn calls "an attitude of cringing ... imbued in the Irish Catholic subculture" (p. 33).8 8 4535 Unlike other minority writers, Davis and Willmot continue this delineation by linking British colonial policy to the historiography which has marginalized Irish and Aboriginal contributions to modern Australia. Their Irish define a white ethnic group whose link to the Aboriginal transcends the historical accident of mutual exclusion. To accomplish this, they invent an innovative historio- graphic method which privileges the same subjective practices mirrored in the events of the texts. As such, the Irish rejection of the British insistence on the Aboriginal as primitive "Other" is held up as a means whereby more recent impositions of European means of interpreting colonial experience can also be resisted. Davis' Kullark, a complex drama, transposes scenes from the wretched lives of 1970's Aboriginal Nyoongahs with scenes and documents read aloud from crucial periods in the racial history of West Australia, a form Joanne Tompkins labels "Aboriginal oral- culture drama." The first sequence of historical scenes focuses on British Captain James Stirling, the conventionally historicized "founder and first Lieutenant-Governor of the Swan River Colony, 1831-38" (p. 5), Will and Alice O'Flaherty, Irish immigrants (refugees?), and Yagan, a tribesman who resisted British efforts to imprison his people. All the events, characters, and readings from diaries and documents are reconstructed from genuine historical records - some historiographically accepted and some not. Davis, writing before the social-history boom of the 1980's, connects the Irish to materials dismissed from history for their subjective biases. Davis could have employed the materials of more generic settlers for use onstage; instead, he chose a family with a distinctly Irish name. He recreates the O'Flahertys' experience with Yagan through two episodes set in 1829 and 1834 reconstructed from the O'Flahertys' remaining papers, a source ignored by conventional historians. A wealth of other meetings is implied through an increasing intimacy and linguistic sharing. Stirling appears mostly through the official documents employed by British historiographers to reconstruct the past. His lies and hypocrisy subvert not only the British colonization, but also the later trust placed in his paper by historians. Act one, scene five, opens with the reading of two documents addressing the European settlement of West Australia. The first articulates the emotional dimension of escaping the problems of Ireland and resettling in the Outback. We first meet Alice O'Flaherty through an 1829 letter whose phraseology creates a particular connection to the language of Aboriginal metaphysics: 4636 Since poor father was taken from us I have felt an emptiness that's mighty and strong, but, with the prospect of our new life ahead of us, something snapped deep down at the quick of me, and I'm ready to start living again and dreaming again. (p. 18) Alice's reference to the "dreaming" coincidentally but, in Davis' hands, overtly alludes to and cites spiritual kinship with Aboriginal dreamtime. Dreamtime refers to the ahistorical time of creation in Aboriginal mythology to which living beings can still journey through contemplation of and communion with nature. Irish culture similarly privileges non-physical experiences relating to spiritual queting.9 Davis' connection of the Aboriginal and Irish thus transcends political or social circumstances to exist on a shared transcendent stage. When Alice finishes her letter, the O'Flahertys' leitmotif, an Irish folk song, is played. It is interrupted as Captain Stirling reads the official proclamation of the O'Flaherty selection accompanied by a drum roll, Stirling's leitmotif, and the Union Jack: By the authority vested in me by His Majesty the King, I do hereby authorise William Patrick O'Flaherty to take up a selection of one thousand acres on the Upper Swan River, with the provision that the river frontage does not exceed one quarter mile. (p. 18) Here, Davis contrasts the Irish and English historiographies of settlement and the cultural weight born by each. While Alice - whose letter is not the material of historical method - expresses expansive hope, Stirling hammers in the limitation of colonial constriction which he assumes is shared by the O'Flahertys. The O'Flahertys and Stirling define opposed perspectives on the role of Australia in regard to the European imagination - Stirling's confla- tion of the two embodies the British ignorance of the humanistic dimensions of colonialism. The scene next portrays the first meeting between the O'Flahertys and Yagan, who comes onstage to the rhythm of the didjeridoo, the Aboriginal leitmotif. Their initial contact involves the oldest of Christian rituals, the breaking of bread. Alice and Will teach Yagan, Mitjitjiroo, his father, and Moyarahn, his wife, about European bread, which comes to be known as "bery goot", a convolution of Alice's suggestion that it is "very good" (p. 18).After another juxtaposition of Alice's letter and Stirling's pronouncements - this time a hypocritical admonition that Aboriginals be treated as "any other of his majesty's subjects" - the O'Flahertys are visited again by the Nyoongahs, Alice calling them "our native friends" (p. 19). Will greets them with an Aboriginal salutation and they discuss the terminology of spear-fishing before trading Yagan's fish for the 4737 O'Flahertys' flour. The meeting ends with Will accidently using Yagan's word "pish" - the Aboriginal pronunciation of "fish". The scene concludes with Stirling calling out the militia to fight Yagan and another of Alice's letters in which she mentions several visits with Yagan who "appears to be intelligent and who has already learned several words of English" (p. 22). This scene, through use of music and language, creates a number of rearrangements of cultural alliances. Davis' use of three separate musical themes subdivides European culture between British and Irish - not to mention the didjeridoo which represents a third cultural presence. Furthermore, the encounters shared by the O'Flahertys and Yagan as they seek a linguistic communion, are juxtaposed against the static diction of Stirling. While there is clearly no joining of Irish and Aboriginal cultures, Davis has created a potential sympathy to be expanded three scenes later. In scene eight, set in 1834, Yagan has become an outlaw in the eyes of Stirling but has retained his friendship with the O'Flahertys. Because Aboriginal culture lacked notions of private property, European concepts of theft are unknown to them, and the British misunderstand the Aboriginal acquisition of sheep as deliberate theft. This lack of communication makes Yagan an outlaw, as his people are killed for acts not crimes by their traditional reckoning. In her diary, Alice opens the scene by mourning "Lives are being lost for a mere sheep or a bag of flour" (p. 25). When she finishes, the O'Flahertys are visited by Private Jenkins, an English soldier whose diction betrays lower-class roots, demonstrating Davis' resistance of class- based solidarity. When Yagan appears to trade, Jenkins reminds Will that "the Government has forbidden settlers to give flour to the natives" and shoots his gun to frighten off Yagan, the "Only language they understand" (p. 26). Again, Davis uses British unwillingness to connect linguistically to illustrate inflexibility. Later, Yagan and Will debate the principle of theft and British hypocrisy in a language whose vocabulary traffics in both languages: Will: Yagan, Yagan Listen to me. He's a soldier. It's his job to stop stealing. Yagan kwzpplzny [steals], soldier catch him. Yagan: Yagan yuart kwzpplzny [not steal]. You give Yagan berry goot. Will: Go and get the flour for him. If we give it to you, it's all right, but you must not steal - sheep, pigs or bery good. Yagan: Tjeep kwobznyahn [Sheep are very good]. Will: But the sheep belong to the white man. To the farmer. Yagan: Yuart, Wetjala [white follow] kill yonga, gwinnin, kuljuk, kalkana [kangaroo, duck swan, mullet]. Will: But those things belong to everyone. Yagan: Weyala kartwarrah [white man is mad]. (pp. 27-28) 4838 Nonetheless, they part in peace after Yagan boasts that he has killed wetjala before. While this horrifies the O'Flahertys, after Yagan's capture, Will writes to Stirling that Yagan is "possessed of noble instincts, and sense of justice which would do credit to any British citizen" (p. 28). While this compliment might be dubious in fact, Will's intention is noble: it demonstrates a deeper grasp of the cultural complexities and need for a humanistic understanding of contrasting cultural values. As a result, Stirling sentences Yagan to Carnac Island where he "will be instructed in Christianity and the British way of life" (p. 29). The scene inexorably leads to Yagan's death. He escapes the British, kills Jenkins, learns of his family's death, and seeks advice from the O'Flahertys. This time, they fail to communicate: Yagan has been so enraged by the British that the link to the Irish has been severed. Alice's diary records Yagan's murder at the hands of two British boys. The scene ends with a brutal historical fact concerning Yagan's remains: as "Rule Britannia" plays, a scientist in London receives Yagan's head through the mail, accompanied by a note from Stirling which promises that "this piece will prove of phreno- logical interest and a worthwhile addition to your collection" because Yagan was "sullen, implacable and ill-tempered, in short, a most complete and savage killer" (p. 33). Davis' linkage of European science, "Rule Britannia", and refusal to admit Irish difference defines a British triumvirate of imperial fictions whose assumptions defined Australia. Stirling, however, who thinks in terms only of Aboriginal savagery and Irish assimilation, created the documents used in accepted public history. As the act ends, Davis contrasts Stirling's "objec- tive" history of the settlement to statistics concerning Aboriginal deaths, read, significantly, by "the actress who played Alice". The O'Flahertys do not appear in the second half of Kullark, nor do any other Irish characters. Nonetheless, the careful placement of this single moment of genuine cultural interchange in the first act articulates an intriguing definition of the Irish role in British colonization. The Irish/Aboriginal contact suggests that the broadly inclusive attitude of both groups could serve as a model to eliminate divisive contemporary exclusivity, since neither defines the other as "Other". The O'Flahertys' contact with Yagan represents a more humanized reinterpretation of cultural interaction - a potential erased from Australian history by the British. While Eric Willmot's Pemulwuy is set forty years before Kullark, it addresses a similar period of contact, relecting only that Sydney was colonized in the 1970's. Moreover, Willmot offers a more direct and 4939 complex discourse concerning the multiplicity of cultures present in British Australia. While Davis' O'Flahertys are silently Irish, and Yagan a relatively flat martyr, Willmot's Sean McDonough and Pemulwuy are more distinctly ethnic and aware of their significance as representatives of marginalized populations. While a multicultural paradigm is implied in Kullark, it is deliberately discussed and enacted in Pemulwuy. Willmot's Preface deliberately links Aboriginal and Irish experiences to attack British historiography. He remarks that both Pemulwuy's resistance and the 1804 uprising of Irish convicts at Vinegar Hill have been suppressed in British records because "It was apparently not in the interests of a crookedly intent or racist establishment to promote such parts of the Australian story" (p. 19). Willmot's concern with historiography has drawn the criticism of Narogin, an Aboriginal writer and critic, who suggests that "If not for the narrative structure of the text, it might have been a history book" (p. 178). However, Narogin's accusation that Pemulwuy is burdened by derivative style overlooks Willmot's primary concern for history and his acknowledgement of the special relevance of Irish techniques to Aboriginal literature. A little like Joyce's Ulysses, which also requires maps and historical references, Pemulwuy is a broad novel, told from shifting perspectives, reflecting a series of ethnic views of the British colony at Sydney.l° Within both white and black groups, different tribes emerge: among the Aboriginal Eora, there are the Kamergal, the Daruk, and the Bidjigal tribes; among the whites, the British and the Irish - not to mention an escaped African-American whaler. Each subgroup expresses a unique perspective, proving a recognition of divisions within each race and rejecting Narogin's binary opposition of black/white. Within each, there are adaptive groups, the Irish and the Eora, and static, the British and the Tharawal. Moreover, within each group, subgroups demonstrate varying adaptive potentials. At the center is Pemulwuy. While Pemulwuy is a Bidjigal, he speaks other Aboriginal dialects, French, and English fluently. The historical Pemulwuy, excised from British historiography, waged guerilla warfare against British settlements until his death in 1802. He was relatively successful, forcing two British Governors back to England. Much of his success is owed to the blending of groups within his band and to his utilization of methods and techniques borrowed from a people long accustomed to British invasion: the Irish. The fictional Sean McDonough has been transported to Australia for making weapons for the Irish resistance and would do the same for 5040 Eora but that "There are no metals to be had in this place" (p. 94). In 1790, McDonough joins the Eora when he becomes infatuated with Nargel, a young Aboriginal woman. Through Willmot's shifting narrative, Nargel's view of McDonough and the rest of the whites is offered: Nargel found British society to be governed by very different rules ... The predominant order of the society seemed to depend on dividing people mto one of two groups These two groups acted like completely different peoples .. McDonough was one of the category of aliens called convicts, who had to do the work for the others. Nargel also learned that he was of the ethnic variety called Irish, although he did speak English. The ethnic mix and languages among the aliens was puzzling to the Eora people. (p. 63) Nargel and McDonough escape together and join Pemulwuy's band. Like Davis, Willmot addresses the issue of linguistic adaptability to demonstrate cultural flexibility and tolerance. Both McDonough and Kiraban, a young warrior from another Aboriginal people, learn the Eora dialects gradually, while Pemulwuy converses with each in his own language. To McDonough's credit, he "enjoyed his life, adapting to the ways of the Eora" to the degree that Nargel hopes that "if he lives long enough with the Eora he will become black" (p. 70). Pemulwuy, less naive, recognizes the special use of McDonough's s Irishness. Soon after McDonough accepts the name Gurrewe, the two engage a discussion of the strategies of surviving on the margins of British colonialism: "Pemulwuy, the British will take hostages, and persecute and frighten other Eora to betray you," he said ... "That's how they defeated my people," continued McDonough. "Are your people now defeated, Gurrewe?" asked Pemulwuy. "No! never!" replied McDonough, "but it is very bad." "You Irish are very strange," said Pemulwuy. "The Frenchmen also spoke of you while they were here." He paused and shifted positions. "The English seem to easily defeat your body, but in your head you are not defeated." He laughed. "Perhaps that is why they are so anxious to cut off my head ... Perhaps [Governor Philip] thinks that the Bidjigal are like the Irish ... He thinks he can deal with my head in one place and my body in another ... The British brought your body here, but I think they kept your head in Ireland." (p. 68) Willmot assures McDonough's retention of Irishness despite his adoption of Aboriginal ways - an individualized humanizing act. Pemulwuy and McDonough often debate their similar ethnic and spiritual predicaments. Both acknowledge the failure of conquered people to acquiesce to imposed dominance because they both possess spiritual qualities which transcend British shallow and materialistic 5141 understandings of culture. What Willmot resists in both British Australia and contemporary native definitions of European culture as a monolith is the a priori European assumptions that racial or political divisions supersede all others - a distinction falsified when mentality is judged above skin, a judgement Pemulwuy and McDonough share. A final exchange in this sequence, in which Pemulwuy informs McDonough that his marriage to Nargel has been approved - a provision both respect - demonstrates the individualized kinship possible when individuals understand the myriad of cultural interchanges which define colonial societies: They embraced each other. "You know, Pemulwuy, if you weren't so black, you'd make a good Irishman " "Well Irlandis, you must learn something of the Eora way." (p. 72) In this case, McDonough's and Pemulwuy's relationship transcends race simply because race has not been a factor of differentiation. Moreover, Willmot creates two British characters, Watkin Tench (p. 143) and James Cawley (pp. 85-87), whose sympathetic viewpoints are suppressed from official reports before they leave Australia. Their inclusion suggests Willmot's resistance of both class- and race-based binary oppositions. He applauds any cultural paradigm willing to extend cultural respect to other groups. The Irish in the novel are those whites most consistently emotionally equipped to achieve that recognition. The thirteenth chapter provides an idyll of the two races' successful co-existence. McDonough and Nargel separate from Pemulwuy's band to be alone, a new Australian Adam and Eve. Their small hut is "an interesting combination of technology. It combined Irish thatching with the Eora fire technique for flattening the coarse hard bark of hardwood trees" (p. 95). They discuss the differences between Irish and Australian bees and other natural phenomena. Once, McDonough says " 'Tis a strange and gentle place this land of yours, my love. I wonder if I shall ever know her" (p. 96) McDonough demonstrates his willingness to adapt in two important ways. First, as a European, he thinks the nomadic lifestyle of the Aboriginals is alien: "if you are to be an Irishman's wife you must get used to living in one place" (pp. 94- 95). Later, however, he concedes to a move. Second, when Nargel is invited to an Aboriginal religious ceremony, McDonough does not interfere with her Aboriginality and she attends, despite his hope that she will someday "embrace the faith of Saint Patrick" (p. 96). 5242 This moment of peace is disrupted by the British. As Nargel leaves, McDonough is captured (p. 98). In the British prison, he is whipped daily, referred to as "Mick", and communicates covertly with Aboriginal prisoners. Pemulwuy demonstrates his loyalty by rescuing McDonough and the rest. This rescue creates a moment of Epiphany for McDonough wherein his love for Nargel is transmuted into a deeper understanding of the colonial struggle. "I understand the secret of your power Pemulwuy. I have it now, I do not fear death ... It's a fact of life that I must die at the hands of the British. I shall fight here and now. It saddens my heart that my blood will not fall on the ground of Ireland, but so be it." (p. 102) McDonough's recognition is that British colonialism is his real enemy, regardless of location. Willmot's s transference of McDonough's Irish patriotism to an ideologically based resistance elevates the book's discourse above the level of historical topicality to a larger intellectual plane concerning the universal politics of colonialism. Upon the Irishman's return, Pemulwuy's multiethnic band benefits from McDonough's Irish memories. Through recreations of the nervous conversations of British officers over the next two years, Willmot describes the pressure Pemulwuy is putting on the British using tactics Tench recognizes as Irish methods (p. 103). Simultaneously McDonough is taken more and more into Eora society. In his travels, he meets an escaped Irishwoman, Silky Donovon, among another tribe. Silky will later join with Pemulwuy after McDonough's death. From 1791 to 1793, Pemulwuy's band also has a tempestuous alliance with Black Caesar, the escaped whaler. Caesar, importantly, rejects Pemulwuy's demands that the band not use guns and the tactics employed must not sacrifice Eora lives (p. 129). Pemulwuy's insistence on these methods demonstrates his ultimate allegiance to the concept that cultural identity is defined by the spiritual dimension of activity: he realizes that to act like the British is to become the British, regardless of race. Nonetheless, he welcomes certain innovations - Irish tactics attacks and steel knives - which do not violate the central tenets of his Aboriginality and allows Caesar to devise his own separate tactics in joined attacks, recognizing the utility of alternative cultural possibilities. During this period as well, Pemulwuy's band meets a number of British escaped convicts, including William Knight and Thomas Thrush. Knight and Thrush decide not to live with Pemulwuy although they share his hate of the British. Instead, they become 5343 bush-rangers - antipodal British highwaymen. Their actions accentuate the role of McDonough's Irishness in regard to cultural cohabitation by resisting the myth of the unity of the downtrodden. While they merely recreate a British means of subversion, McDonough recognizes the greater power to be gained through cooperation with other marginalized groups, creating a less derivative means of resistance. At Brickfield in 1794, Pemulwuy adopts McDonough's plan for a mass attack. While he scores an overwhelming victory, McDonough and a number of Eora are killed. Before the attack, however, Willmot describes McDonough's final condition: From [a hill] he watched the town come to life. He saw the world of the Europeans before him - their farms, their livestock, their dreams. A great bitterness grew inside him. Nargel watched him hurt, and she held his hand and whispered "mangan alli " [husband]. Gurrewe touched her hand and smiled. She and her people were the only dream he knew now. (p. 139) Willmot's use of McDonough's aboriginal name signifies the Irish- man's exclusion from "the world of the Europeans". Moreover, with McDonough absent, Pemulwuy's downfall begins. His group is fragmented when the peace with Caesar explodes in a bloody duel. This moment signals the end of a period wherein Irish and Aboriginal cultures shared a common struggle as separate and allied entities, just as the death of Yagan marks a shift in Kullark. The British, through their killing of McDonough and Yagan, violate the essential kinship each author means to re-establish as a means of linking white and black Australian memories. Unlike Davis, Willmot defines the moment of kinship not so much as something past which must be remembered but rather as something latent which must be no longer ignored. The chapter which describes McDonough's death narrows with a vital statement: [Nargel] knew and understood the great capacity for violence and cruelty among the Europeans, but she had also known a special secret about them. Buried within their violence was a tender and passionate love, almost a thing of the mind. Now the people who brought it to her had taken it away ... But they had brought her Gurrewe, her great clumsy, soft, beautiful Irishman, and they had spilled his blood on her land. (p. 144-5) Through Nargel's perception of the capability for love within European culture, Willmot critiques the self-deception which engenders British cruelty. He suggests that by marginalizing the Irish, they have also marginalized their spiritual and emotional virtues. The chapter's final lines articulate Willmot's final assessment of Australia's multicultural present: 5444 There was no more rage now. [Nargel] had found her own truth to it all. In her womb a child moved and it would live after Pemulwuy and the British were long dead (p. 145) Willmot here acknowledges that the myriad of ethnic groups both white and black present in 1790's Australia lost their integrity through interbreeding and other forms of cultural exchange. To say that the British and Pemulwuy will be "long gone" suggests that pure "Britishness" or undiluted Aboriginality are extinct. After contact, Willmot suggests only literal blending has been enacted and divisive "Othering" is purely redundant. Nargel names the child Boolayoo, which is "a constructed word which meant, more or less, 'belonging to two things' ". The fact that the word must be constructed symbolizes the innovation necessary to discuss multiracial circumstances. Koobee suggests that the Boolayoo "was a beautiful child; not half of anything. He has a new spirit and it comes from two lands" (p. 152) Willmot contrasts this new identity to scenes defining the British insistence on imperial uniformity. Governor Hunter, during a conference with Pemulwuy states the British case: "You must realise that the people of the world are forming themselves into a number of empires. You are fortunate enough to have been selected to become part of the British Empire. You are, in fact, protected by us ... You could have been much less fortunate and fallen into the hands of the French or the Spanish," he added. Pemulwuy was umnoved. "Could they do worse than kill us and steal our land?" he demanded. (p. 177) Hunter fails to realize that the British "selection" of Australia means relatively little to Pemulwuy. Moreover, he conflates British, Irish, and Aboriginal cultures, placing all under a single cultural- political umbrella and ignoring any subjective interactive potentials - the fact that "in their heads, they are not defeated." This paradox defines the British misperception of colonial cultural politics and the British version of history which dominates conventional texts - neither the Irish nor the Aboriginals have truly become "part" of anything British. Pemulwuy's acceptance of this terminology also implies that he is part of the pre-contact past. Their mutual separation of "you" and "us" implies an anachronism, since Boolayoo now combines the two. Boolayoo is raised in Pemulwuy's band. In 1797, however, Nargel, with the help of Silky Donovon, decides that he should be sent to Sydney to learn English (p. 222). Even after Boolayoo learns English, he maintains his Aboriginality. Moreover, Boolayoo 5545 escapes British germ-warfare because he, unlike the pure Aboriginals, retains his father's immunities. Near the end of the novel, when he is eight, Kiraban, his father's non-Eora companion, takes him into the bush. Kiraban had recently spoken with Captain Matthew Flinders, a British explorer not responsible for the colonial policies who referred to Kiraban with a new term, "Australian", and read a passage from the Roman colonialist Cicero suggesting that the British are "stupid and utterly incapable of being taught" (p. 285). Flinders' cultural and racial relativism and terminology are contemplated by Kiraban as he considers Boolayoo: Boolayoo carried a sadness which [Kiraban] well understood He seemed to be possessed of an inner calm and had very little of his mother's vivacity or sociability What was to become of the child ... born as he was of two spirits. His father, his mother, his friend all killed by the British in this terrible conflict. [Kiraban] wished silently that he had spoken to Matthew Flinders about the boy, as he was after all truly one of Flinders' Australians (p 287) Kiraban's and Willmot's transference of Flinders' term concerning Aboriginals to Boolayoo, who represents both races, signifies an alternative use of the term "Australian". The "truly" Australian, in this context, is the boy who, like the novel itself, combines Aboriginality and Irishness - not half of anything, but a new race built from the combination of both cultures. Because the history written by Stirling, Hunter, and their kind has ignored their presence, Boolayoo's descendents, the only true Australians, have suffered. His most obvious descendant is Doug Dooligan from Aboriginal novelist Archie Weller's The Day of the Dog (1981). Doug, a troubled mixed-blood, feels excluded from modern society. His powers of sensuality, related to this ethnic bloodlines, are contrasted to the brutality of 1970's Perth: He feels very close to the wild, just as his dusky ancestors did, huddled together in their gunyahs; just as his Celtic ancestors would have stood upon the clifftops of the angry Arran, hearing the thunderous cry of the sea and feeling a surge through their hearts (p. 173) Doug suffers because both his Irishness and his Aboriginality - linked by Weller's double use of the term "his" - have been pushed from modern Australian cultural values. Nonetheless, he embodies the oppression felt by both groups whose re-established kinship and mutual history challenges the Anglo-Australian acquisition of national identity. To support contemporary self-redefinitions such as Weller's, Davis and Willmot rewrite Australian history to establish a second 5646 history which rewards humanistic concepts of cultural contact. Their subjective literary forms imply an alternative historiography not just in regard to content, but also the means whereby the Anglo-Australian identity has been established. Therein, they reconsider the social role of historiography and demand a reformulation of the process by which texts represent national concerns. Furthermore, by rejecting what Adam Shoemaker calls "the risk of overcompensating by positing equally biased and contentious versions of past events" (p. 130), they extend the multiculturalism demonstrated by their Irish and Aboriginal characters to craft a new kind of history which addresses not just the content, but more importantly the method, of the experience of the colonized, not the colonizers. Willmot's Preface suggests a white shame concerning the contact period. Their revisionist history absolves the race, though not the British: "If this is true, then they have stolen from generations of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal-Australians a heritage as important, as tragic and as heroic as that of any other nation on earth" (p. 19). Therefore, they participate in the redefinition not only of their own cultures but also of Western culture. By discerning an ignored Irish/ Aboriginal alliance presence hidden from Australian history, their texts usurp the power granted conventional histories. As such, they achieve a significance beyond post-colonial or Australian parameters to join the international debate concerning the function of texts. Instead of seeking power in an established structure, they endeavor to restructure society by correcting its texts of history in a positive way. NOTES 1 I refer specifically to Faith Bandler's Wacvie (1977), Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart (1959), and John Kolia's Victims of Independence (1983). In all these works, historical narratives recreate the process by which aboriginal cultures were violently destroyed and their survivors involuntarily absorbed into European cultures. 2 The link of skin color to concepts of proletarianism is demonstrated in Russel Soaba's Maiba. A Novel of Papua New Guinea (1979) and Colin Johnson's (Mudrooroo Narogin's) Long Live Sandawara (1979). 3 Much recent critical attention concerning the concept of "Othering" - a Derridaean process whereby individuals of specific ethnic, social, or sexual groups define themselves by noting to differences between themselves and others - has discussed the utility of this process as post-colonial cultures begin to define themselves as distinct entities. See Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffith, and Helen Tiffin's The Empire Writes Back. Theory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literatures, New York: Routledge, 1989. Benita Parry is cited in Tompkins in regard to her recognition of the destructive and derivative nature of such practices. 5747 4 Colin Johnson's (Mudrooroo Narogins's) novel Dr Wooreddy's Prescription for Enduring the Ending of the World (1983) and Kevin Gilbert's poetry are especially militant. 5 Adam Shoemaker discusses Aboriginal revisions of racial history at length in Black Words White Page (pp. 127-155). Shoemaker suggests most revisions promote 'black solidarity' (p. 155) and ignore the issue of white ethnicity and its application to Aboriginal issues. 6 Both authors directly allude in their Prefaces and Introductions to objectionable conventional texts: Davis, A. O. Neville's Australia's Coloured Minority, Sydney: Currawong, 1947; Willmot identifies a vast array of British historical records dating from 1793, including George Barrington's The History of New South Wales, London, 1810, an Ur-text cited by generations of historians. 7 Astley's fiction has been most recently reproduced in Tales of the Convict System Selected Stories of Price Warung, Brisbane: U of Queensland P, 1975. Correspon dence is reproduced in Hughes, Laurie Hergenham's Unnatural Lives, Brisbane: U of Queensland P, 1983, and Colonial Voices Letters, Diaries, journalism, and Other Accounts of Nzneteenth-Century Australia, Ed. Elizabeth Webby, Brisbane: U of Queensland P, 1989. 8 Besides Astley, such figures as Patrick White, Thomas Keneally, and a number of others, including those of distinctly Anglo-Irish descent partake in this process. Moreover, the legend of Ned Kelly so prominent in Australian popular culture has been dissociated from its Irish contexts; see Intruders in the Bush ed. John Carroll, Melbourne: Oxford UP, 1982. For more information on the Irish in Australian literature, see Vincent Buckley's "The Irish Presence in the Australian Novel" (pp. 34-45) in Kiernan. 9 For more information on the process of Dreamtime, see Robert Tonkinson, The Mardudjora Aboriginals. Living the Dream in the Australian Desert, New York: Holt, 1978, or Bruce Chatwin's The Songlines, New York: Penguin, 1987. For more information on Irish spirituality, see William A. Dumbleton's Ireland Life and Land in Literature, Albany: SUNY Press, 1984. 10 Pemulwuy alludes to Ulysses in two other ways. As Joyce uses Dublin, Willmot uses modern Sydney as certain geographic locales bear definite thematic significance. Second, the pairing of Pemulwuy with Bennelong, an Aboriginal who lives to appease the British, resembles the Joyce's use of a similar doppelganger with the Stephen Daedelus/Hero pairing. While this point is intriguing, I do not wish to belabor it here. WORKS CITED Davis, Jack. Kullark and The Dreamers, Intro H. C. Coombs, Sydney : Currency, 1982. Hughes, Robert. The Fatal Shore The Epic of Australia's Founding, New York: Knopf, 1986. Kiernan, Colm. "Henry Handel Richardson and Ireland", Australia and Ireland, 1788-1988 Bicentenary Essays, ed. Colm Kiernan, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1986 , pp. 46-57. Narogin, Mudrooroo (Colin Johnson). Writing from the Fringe. A Study of Modern Australian Literature , Melbourne: Hyland, 1990. O'Hearn, Denis. "Freedom from Mother Church: The Stephen Hero Image in Australian Literature" , Australia and Ireland, 1788-1988: Bicentenary Essays , ed. Colm Kiernan, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1986, pp. 24-33. 5848 Shoemaker, Adam. Black Words, White Page Aboriginal Writing, St. Lucia: U of Queensland P, 1989 . Tompkins, Joanne " 'The Real Australian Story': Resisting 'History' in the Plays of Jack Davis" , Conference Paper at MLA, Chicago, Illinois, 27-30December 1990. Weller, Archie. The Day of the Dog, New York: Ballantine, 1981. Willmot, Eric. Pemulwuy The Rainbow Warrior, Sydney: Bantam, 1987.</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes>
<p>1 I refer specifically to Faith Bandler's <italic>Wacvie</italic> (1977), Chinua Achebe's <italic>Things Fall Apart</italic> (1959), and John Kolia's Victims of <italic>Independence</italic> (1983). In all these works, historical narratives recreate the process by which aboriginal cultures were violently destroyed and their survivors involuntarily absorbed into European cultures.</p>
<p>2 The link of skin color to concepts of proletarianism is demonstrated in Russel Soaba's <italic>Maiba. A Novel of Papua New Guinea</italic> (1979) and Colin Johnson's (Mudrooroo Narogin's) <italic> Long Live Sandawara</italic> (1979).</p>
<p>3 Much recent critical attention concerning the concept of "Othering" - a Derridaean process whereby individuals of specific ethnic, social, or sexual groups define themselves by noting to differences between themselves and others - has discussed the utility of this process as post-colonial cultures begin to define themselves as distinct entities. See Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffith, and Helen Tiffin's <italic> The Empire Writes Back. Theory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literatures,</italic> New York: Routledge, 1989. Benita Parry is cited in Tompkins in regard to her recognition of the destructive and derivative nature of such practices.</p>
<p>4 Colin Johnson's (Mudrooroo Narogins's) novel <italic>Dr Wooreddy's Prescription for Enduring the Ending of the World</italic> (1983) and Kevin Gilbert's poetry are especially militant.</p>
<p>5 Adam Shoemaker discusses Aboriginal revisions of racial history at length in <italic>Black Words White Page</italic> (pp. 127-155). Shoemaker suggests most revisions promote 'black solidarity' (p. 155) and ignore the issue of white ethnicity and its application to Aboriginal issues.</p>
<p>6 Both authors directly allude in their Prefaces and Introductions to objectionable conventional texts: Davis, A. O. Neville's <italic>Australia's Coloured Minority,</italic> Sydney: Currawong, 1947; Willmot identifies a vast array of British historical records dating from 1793, including George Barrington's <italic>The History of New South Wales,</italic> London, 1810, an Ur-text cited by generations of historians.</p>
<p>7 Astley's fiction has been most recently reproduced in <italic>Tales of the Convict System Selected Stories of Price Warung,</italic> Brisbane: U of Queensland P, 1975. Correspon dence is reproduced in Hughes, Laurie Hergenham's <italic>Unnatural Lives,</italic> Brisbane: U of Queensland P, 1983, and <italic>Colonial Voices Letters, Diaries, journalism, and Other Accounts of Nzneteenth-Century Australia,</italic> Ed. Elizabeth Webby, Brisbane: U of Queensland P, 1989.</p>
<p>8 Besides Astley, such figures as Patrick White, Thomas Keneally, and a number of others, including those of distinctly Anglo-Irish descent partake in this process. Moreover, the legend of Ned Kelly so prominent in Australian popular culture has been dissociated from its Irish contexts; see <italic>Intruders in the Bush</italic> ed. John Carroll, Melbourne: Oxford UP, 1982. For more information on the Irish in Australian literature, see Vincent Buckley's "The Irish Presence in the Australian Novel" (pp. 34-45) in Kiernan.</p>
<p>9 For more information on the process of Dreamtime, see Robert Tonkinson, <italic>The Mardudjora Aboriginals. Living the Dream in the Australian Desert,</italic> New York: Holt, 1978, or Bruce Chatwin's <italic>The Songlines,</italic> New York: Penguin, 1987. For more information on Irish spirituality, see William A. Dumbleton's <italic>Ireland Life and Land in Literature,</italic> Albany: SUNY Press, 1984.</p>
<p>10 <italic>Pemulwuy</italic> alludes to <italic>Ulysses</italic> in two other ways. As Joyce uses Dublin, Willmot uses modern Sydney as certain geographic locales bear definite thematic significance. Second, the pairing of Pemulwuy with Bennelong, an Aboriginal who lives to appease the British, resembles the Joyce's use of a similar <italic>doppelganger</italic> with the Stephen Daedelus/Hero pairing. While this point is intriguing, I do not wish to belabor it here.</p>
</notes><ref-list>
<ref>
<citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Davis, Jack.</surname></name>
<source>Kullark and The Dreamers, Intro</source>
<publisher-loc>H. C. Coombs, Sydney</publisher-loc> : <publisher-name>Currency</publisher-name>, <year>1982</year>.</citation>
</ref>
<ref>
<citation citation-type="book" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Hughes, Robert.</surname></name>
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</ref-list></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>In Your Head You Are Not Defeated: The Irish in Aboriginal Literature</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>In Your Head You Are Not Defeated: The Irish in Aboriginal Literature</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Edward</namePart><namePart type="family">Watts</namePart><affiliation>Indiana University, U.S.A.</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="other" displayLabel="other" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-7474895G-0">other</genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1991-03</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">1991</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Journal of Commonwealth literature</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0021-9894</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1741-6442</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">JCL</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spjcl</identifier><part><date>1991</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>26</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>1</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>33</start><end>48</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">7E1D99647856E1BA97F840F618554328F4C49840</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-LGJNZXFW-M</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/002198949102600104</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_002198949102600104</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/7E1D99647856E1BA97F840F618554328F4C49840/metadata/json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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