`Doing boy/girl' and global/local elements in 10—12 year olds' drawings and written texts
Identifieur interne : 000208 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000207; suivant : 000209`Doing boy/girl' and global/local elements in 10—12 year olds' drawings and written texts
Auteurs : Pat O'ConnorSource :
- Qualitative research [ 1468-7941 ] ; 2007-05.
English descriptors
- KwdEn :
- Best friend, Boys girls, Child research, Ciara bentley, Computer games, Connell, Consumer culture, Critical moments, Cultural context, Dream teams, Dublin, Falmer press, Favourite, Fifth class, First level, Gaelic football, Gender, Gender differences, Gender equality, Gender identity, Gender roles, Gender variation, Gendered, Gendered identity, Ghiolla phadraigh, Giddens, Global, Global content, Global element, Global elements, Global entertainment, Global entertainment industry, Global idioms, Global influences, Global journal, Global products, Global technology, Globalisation reader, Globalization, Greater variety, Haywood, Hegemonic ways, International journal, International soccer players, Invaluable archive, Ireland, Irish flag, Irish journal, Julia case, Life stories, Lifestyle, Little gender difference, Local area, Local element, Local elements, Local embeddedness, Local pride, Main text, Martin text, Masculinity, Mobile phones, Multiple options, National data base, National symbols, Nordic journal, Northern ireland, Obvious manifestations, Particular kinds, Pipe band, Polity press, Primary school playground, Qualitative, Qualitative research, Qualitative researchers, Quantitative analysis, Random selection, Role models, School activities, School context, School crest, Soccer, Social change, Social commentary, Social practices, Social ties, Spice girls, Stereotypical ways, Such drawings, Such symbols, Text ends, Total sample, Transnational culture, Understanding children, Visual sociology, World peace, Year olds, Year olds drawings, Young lives, Young people, Young perception, Young women, Youth culture.
- Teeft :
- Best friend, Boys girls, Child research, Ciara bentley, Computer games, Connell, Consumer culture, Critical moments, Cultural context, Dream teams, Dublin, Falmer press, Favourite, Fifth class, First level, Gaelic football, Gender, Gender differences, Gender equality, Gender identity, Gender roles, Gender variation, Gendered, Gendered identity, Ghiolla phadraigh, Giddens, Global, Global content, Global element, Global elements, Global entertainment, Global entertainment industry, Global idioms, Global influences, Global journal, Global products, Global technology, Globalisation reader, Globalization, Greater variety, Haywood, Hegemonic ways, International journal, International soccer players, Invaluable archive, Ireland, Irish flag, Irish journal, Julia case, Life stories, Lifestyle, Little gender difference, Local area, Local element, Local elements, Local embeddedness, Local pride, Main text, Martin text, Masculinity, Mobile phones, Multiple options, National data base, National symbols, Nordic journal, Northern ireland, Obvious manifestations, Particular kinds, Pipe band, Polity press, Primary school playground, Qualitative, Qualitative research, Qualitative researchers, Quantitative analysis, Random selection, Role models, School activities, School context, School crest, Soccer, Social change, Social commentary, Social practices, Social ties, Spice girls, Stereotypical ways, Such drawings, Such symbols, Text ends, Total sample, Transnational culture, Understanding children, Visual sociology, World peace, Year olds, Year olds drawings, Young lives, Young people, Young perception, Young women, Youth culture.
Abstract
This article explores the relevance of global/local to understanding ways of `doing boy/girl' (Butler, 1999; Connell, 2005; Haywood and Mac an Ghiall, 2003) and the contribution that visual sociology can make to this. Using quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse 10—12 year olds' texts and drawings, the article concludes that despite the highly globalized and rapidly changing nature of the society, Ireland is still very far away from a situation where: `What gender identity is, and how it is expressed, has become itself a matter of multiple options' (Giddens, 1991: 81). It suggests that globalization supports hegemonic ways of `doing boy' and that global elements can be used to extend the repertoire of ways of `doing girl'. It also suggests that drawings can provide insights into the way in which global idioms become part of young people's perception of each other and their world.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/1468794107076022
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:855605B8E789FF64D8D0AB55198D6281122BFDCFLe document en format XML
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(Butler, 1999; Connell, 2005; Haywood and Mac an Ghiall, 2003) and the contribution that visual sociology can make to this. Using quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse 10—12 year olds' texts and drawings, the article concludes that despite the highly globalized and rapidly changing nature of the society, Ireland is still very far away from a situation where: `What gender identity is, and how it is expressed, has become itself a matter of multiple options' (Giddens, 1991: 81). It suggests that globalization supports hegemonic ways of `doing boy' and that global elements can be used to extend the repertoire of ways of `doing girl'. 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Kutsar</json:string><json:string>S. Quin</json:string><json:string>Espad</json:string><json:string>C. Lury</json:string><json:string>F.J. Lechner</json:string><json:string>A. Ben-Arieh</json:string><json:string>T. Coslett</json:string><json:string>Hbsc</json:string><json:string>A. Cleary</json:string><json:string>C. Curtin</json:string><json:string>J. Brannen</json:string><json:string>M. O'Brien</json:string><json:string>J. Prosser</json:string><json:string>J. Boli</json:string><json:string>M. Nic Ghiolla Phadraigh</json:string><json:string>R. Edwards</json:string><json:string>Smithson J.</json:string><json:string>H.W. Nielsen</json:string><json:string>P. Summerfield</json:string><json:string>C. Whelan</json:string><json:string>Connell</json:string><json:string>A. Nilsen Young Europeans</json:string><json:string>J. Ribbens</json:string><json:string>D. Devine</json:string><json:string>G. Conti</json:string><json:string>A. Lodge</json:string><json:string>S. Lewis</json:string><json:string>Cso</json:string><json:string>B. O'Connor</json:string><json:string>P. Jackson</json:string><json:string>J. Deegan</json:string><json:string>A.M. Jensen</json:string></persName><placeName><json:string>Singapore</json:string><json:string>New Delhi</json:string><json:string>Europe</json:string><json:string>Ireland</json:string></placeName><ref_url></ref_url><ref_bibl><json:string>Paulgaard, 2002</json:string><json:string>O’Dowd, 1987</json:string><json:string>Fahey et al., 2005</json:string><json:string>Haywood et al., 2005: 205</json:string><json:string>Deacon et al., 1998</json:string><json:string>Bennett, 2000</json:string><json:string>Haywood and Mac an Ghiall, 2003</json:string><json:string>Giddens, 1991: 146</json:string><json:string>Keohane and Kuhling, 2004: 7</json:string><json:string>Baker et al., 2004</json:string><json:string>Corcoran et al., 2003</json:string><json:string>Clancy, 2001</json:string><json:string>see also Beck, 1992</json:string><json:string>Bjerrum Nielsen, 2004</json:string><json:string>Renold (2004: 249)</json:string><json:string>Butler, 1999</json:string><json:string>Giddens (1991: 217)</json:string><json:string>Wakefield and Underwager, 1998</json:string><json:string>Connor et al., 2002</json:string><json:string>Leonard, 2003</json:string><json:string>Connell, 2005: 15</json:string><json:string>O’Toole, 2003</json:string><json:string>Giddens, 1991: 81</json:string><json:string>Write Now, 1999</json:string><json:string>Lodge and Flynn (2001: 190)</json:string><json:string>Tovey and Share, 2003</json:string><json:string>Connell (2005: 13)</json:string><json:string>Roth, 2002</json:string><json:string>Beck (1992)</json:string><json:string>Haywood et al. (2005)</json:string><json:string>Lynch and Lodge (2002: 130)</json:string><json:string>James et al., 1998</json:string><json:string>Jagger (2002)</json:string><json:string>Willis, 1990: 115</json:string><json:string>HBSC, 2004</json:string><json:string>Connell, 2005: 14</json:string><json:string>Devine et al. (2004: 110)</json:string><json:string>despite the removal of the Marriage Bar in 1973: O’Connor, 1998, 2000</json:string><json:string>Connell, 2005</json:string><json:string>Lodge, 2004: 177</json:string><json:string>Whelan and Fahey, 1994</json:string><json:string>ESPAD, 2004</json:string><json:string>O’Connor, 1998, 2000</json:string><json:string>Stanley (2000: 40)</json:string><json:string>O’Connor, 1998</json:string><json:string>Connell, 1987, 1995</json:string><json:string>Bryman, 1992</json:string><json:string>Brien et al., 1996</json:string><json:string>Wetton and McWhirter, 1998</json:string><json:string>Ging, 2005: 41</json:string><json:string>Bell, 1998</json:string><json:string>Becker, 1998</json:string><json:string>CSO, 2004</json:string><json:string>Cleary (2005: 157)</json:string><json:string>Stanley, 2000</json:string></ref_bibl><bibl></bibl></unitex></namedEntities><ark><json:string>ark:/67375/M70-RDQPJ23S-P</json:string></ark><categories><wos><json:string>1 - social science</json:string><json:string>2 - sociology</json:string><json:string>2 - social sciences, interdisciplinary</json:string></wos><scienceMetrix><json:string>1 - economic & social sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - social sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - social sciences methods</json:string></scienceMetrix><scopus><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Arts and Humanities</json:string><json:string>3 - History and Philosophy of Science</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - Social Sciences (miscellaneous)</json:string></scopus><inist><json:string>1 - sciences humaines et sociales</json:string></inist></categories><publicationDate>2007</publicationDate><copyrightDate>2007</copyrightDate><doi><json:string>10.1177/1468794107076022</json:string></doi><id>855605B8E789FF64D8D0AB55198D6281122BFDCF</id><score>1</score><fulltext><json:item><extension>pdf</extension><original>true</original><mimetype>application/pdf</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/855605B8E789FF64D8D0AB55198D6281122BFDCF/fulltext/pdf</uri></json:item><json:item><extension>zip</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/zip</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/855605B8E789FF64D8D0AB55198D6281122BFDCF/fulltext/zip</uri></json:item><istex:fulltextTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/document/855605B8E789FF64D8D0AB55198D6281122BFDCF/fulltext/tei"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">`Doing boy/girl' and global/local elements in 10—12 year olds' drawings and written texts</title></titleStmt><publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority><publisher scheme="https://publisher-list.data.istex.fr">Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage UK: London, England</pubPlace><availability><licence><p>sage</p></licence></availability><p scheme="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B"></p><date>2007</date></publicationStmt><notesStmt><note type="other" scheme="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-7474895G-0">other</note><note type="journal" scheme="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</note></notesStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct type="inbook"><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">`Doing boy/girl' and global/local elements in 10—12 year olds' drawings and written texts</title><author xml:id="author-0000"><persName><forename type="first">Pat</forename><surname>O'Connor</surname></persName><email>Pat.Oconnor@ul.ie</email><affiliation>University of Limerick,</affiliation></author><idno type="istex">855605B8E789FF64D8D0AB55198D6281122BFDCF</idno><idno type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-RDQPJ23S-P</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1177/1468794107076022</idno><idno type="article-id">10.1177_1468794107076022</idno></analytic><monogr><title level="j">Qualitative research</title><idno type="pISSN">1468-7941</idno><idno type="eISSN">1741-3109</idno><idno type="publisher-id">QRJ</idno><idno type="PublisherID-hwp">spqrj</idno><imprint><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage UK: London, England</pubPlace><date type="published" when="2007-05"></date><biblScope unit="volume">7</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">2</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="229">229</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="247">247</biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>2007</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This article explores the relevance of global/local to understanding ways of `doing boy/girl' (Butler, 1999; Connell, 2005; Haywood and Mac an Ghiall, 2003) and the contribution that visual sociology can make to this. Using quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse 10—12 year olds' texts and drawings, the article concludes that despite the highly globalized and rapidly changing nature of the society, Ireland is still very far away from a situation where: `What gender identity is, and how it is expressed, has become itself a matter of multiple options' (Giddens, 1991: 81). It suggests that globalization supports hegemonic ways of `doing boy' and that global elements can be used to extend the repertoire of ways of `doing girl'. It also suggests that drawings can provide insights into the way in which global idioms become part of young people's perception of each other and their world.</p></abstract><textClass><keywords scheme="keyword"><list><head>keywords</head><item><term>doing boy/girl</term></item><item><term>gender</term></item><item><term>global</term></item><item><term>Ireland</term></item><item><term>local</term></item><item><term>qualitative</term></item><item><term>quantitative</term></item><item><term>visual</term></item></list></keywords></textClass></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="2007-05">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/855605B8E789FF64D8D0AB55198D6281122BFDCF/fulltext/txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus sage not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="other" dtd-version="2.3" xml:lang="EN"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">spqrj</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">QRJ</journal-id><journal-title>Qualitative Research</journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">1468-7941</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Sage Publications</publisher-name><publisher-loc>Sage UK: London, England</publisher-loc></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1177/1468794107076022</article-id><article-id pub-id-type="publisher-id">10.1177_1468794107076022</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Articles</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>`Doing boy/girl' and global/local elements in 10—12 year olds'
drawings and written texts</article-title></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>O'Connor</surname><given-names>Pat</given-names></name><aff>University of Limerick, <email xlink:type="simple">Pat.Oconnor@ul.ie</email></aff></contrib></contrib-group><pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>05</month><year>2007</year></pub-date><volume>7</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>229</fpage><lpage>247</lpage><abstract><p>This article explores the relevance of global/local to understanding ways of `doing
boy/girl' (Butler, 1999; Connell, 2005; Haywood and Mac an Ghiall, 2003) and the
contribution that visual sociology can make to this. Using quantitative and
qualitative methods to analyse 10—12 year olds' texts and drawings, the
article concludes that despite the highly globalized and rapidly changing nature of
the society, Ireland is still very far away from a situation where: `What gender
identity is, and how it is expressed, has become itself a matter of multiple
options' (Giddens, 1991: 81). It suggests that globalization supports hegemonic ways
of `doing boy' and that global elements can be used to extend the repertoire of ways
of `doing girl'. It also suggests that drawings can provide insights into the way in
which global idioms become part of young people's perception of each other and their world.</p></abstract><kwd-group><kwd>doing boy/girl</kwd><kwd>gender</kwd><kwd>global</kwd><kwd>Ireland</kwd><kwd>local</kwd><kwd>qualitative</kwd><kwd>quantitative</kwd><kwd>visual</kwd></kwd-group><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Other</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>229 Article`Doing boy/girl' and global/local elements in 10—12 year
olds' drawings and written texts SAGE Publications, Inc.200710.1177/1468794107076022
PatO'Connor University of Limerick, Pat.Oconnor@ul.ie This article explores the
relevance of global/local to understanding ways of `doing boy/girl' (Butler, 1999;
Connell, 2005; Haywood and Mac an Ghiall, 2003) and the contribution that visual
sociology can make to this. Using quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse
10—12 year olds' texts and drawings, the article concludes that despite the
highly globalized and rapidly changing nature of the society, Ireland is still very far
away from a situation where: `What gender identity is, and how it is expressed, has
become itself a matter of multiple options' (Giddens, 1991: 81). It suggests that
globalization supports hegemonic ways of `doing boy' and that global elements can be
used to extend the repertoire of ways of `doing girl'. It also suggests that drawings
can provide insights into the way in which global idioms become part of young people's
perception of each other and their world. doing boy/girl gender global Ireland local
qualitative quantitative visual Introduction Irish society has been undergoing very
rapid change involving increasing global- ization, potentially declining localization
and changing gender roles (O'Connor, 1998, 2000; O'Toole, 2003; Tovey and Share, 2003).
There is evidence to suggest that in this context Irish young people are using escapist
mood altering drugs (particularly excessive alcohol and cannabis) to a greater extent
than their European counterparts (ESPAD, 2004; HBSC, 2004). This study was concerned
with looking at texts written by young people aged 10–12 years in response to
an invitation, to `tell their life stories', to write a page `describing themselves and
the Ireland that they inhabit' `to provide a national data base' `an invaluable
archive', with the option of using the reverse side of the sheet creatively for
drawings, poems, songs, or lyrics. This article is concerned with three issues: first,
with the relationship between the visual content of the drawings and the written texts;
sec- ond, with the relevance of a global/local dimension to understanding both; third,
230 with looking at gender variation in both of these and more broadly, at ways of
`doing boy/girl' (Connell, 2005; Haywood and Mac an Ghiall, 2003). For Giddens (1991:
53), `[S]elf identity is not a distinctive trait, or even a col- lection of traits
possessed by the individual. It is the self as reflexively understood in terms of his or
her biography'. Renold (2004: 249) noted that, `[T]he more com- plex theorization of the
gendering process has shifted from “roles” that males and females
“learn” to an understanding of the forming of gender identities as
relational, multiple, processual'. Postmodern feminism has argued that it is more useful
to see gender as a performance (Butler, 1999): the implication being that gender is not
a `thing' but a process, and one which is never finished – something `people
“do” or “perform” as opposed to something
they have' (Cameron, 1998: 16–17). In this reflexive context Giddens (1991:
217) has suggested that, `[W]hat gender identity is, and how it is expressed, has become
itself a matter of multiple options'. However, although Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (2002:
xxiv, 113, 203) saw gender as `part of a collective moulding of individual behaviour'
that has been rendered obsolete, it was not consistently referred to as an outdated
category, thus implicitly suggesting that it was possible that `elements of a gender
specific socialization were still at work'. Globalization has been variously defined
although frequently linked with the dominance of consumer culture and a focus on global
media products and technology – with the suggestion that in such contexts
place `becomes thor- oughly penetrated by disembedding mechanisms' (Giddens, 1991: 146).
The most obvious indicators are the global media including the internet and global
capitalist consumer goods. However, it has been widely noted that a focus on
globalization obscures the significance of the local; underestimates variation in the
meaning and assimilation of global products within particular cultural contexts and
fails to recognize that global cultural products may be used to assert local cultural
differences (Bennett, 2000; Paulgaard, 2002; Roth, 2002). Both global and local products
and lifestyles may of course be used in narratives about `doing boy/girl'. Indeed,
Devine et al. (2004: 110) noted that children's social environment was becoming
increasingly globalized `as chil- dren all over the world participate more than ever
before in a shared culture of music, sport and fashion'. Over the past 10 years there
has been increasing interest in visual images in sociology (whether these are drawings
or photos). The use of such drawings in combination with other data has been widely
encouraged (see James et al., 1998; Leonard, 2003; Morrow, 1998; Punch, 2002). Such
visual data has been seen as a way of stepping outside a particular verbal culture and
providing insights into young people's concepts of health (Wetton and McWhirter, 1998);
family (O'Brien et al., 1996); examinations (Leonard, 2003) and self image (Wakefield
and Underwager, 1998). It has been argued that the difficulties posed by such material
is not necessarily much greater than that posed by verbal data (Becker, 1998; Prosser,
1998), although the difficulty of combining data generated by different methods has been
recognized (Bryman, 1992; Deacon et al., 1998). 231 This article draws on a random
sub-sample (n = 341) of texts written in a school context by those in Fifth Class in
First Level (typically aged 10–12 years). It attempts to offer insights into
the ways in which global and local processes impact on young people's ways of doing
boy/girl; and the ways in which this can be explored not only through their written
texts, but also through the rela- tionship between those texts and creative elements,
such as drawings. Doing boy/girl and global/local Connell (2005: 13) suggested that
`[O]ne of the most important circumstances of young people's lives is the gender order
they live in'. Thus, boys create their lives individually and collectively through what
he calls `the configurations of practice associated with the social position of men'
within a particular social and cultural context. Implicit in Connell's argument is a
rejection of biological essentialism whether rooted in a focus on bodily differences or
bodily stages of development: `The physical changes matter but they do not directly
determine the experience of adolescence' (Connell, 2005: 14). A focus on social
practices and sites involved in the construction of masculinity is a key element in this
per- spective. Sport, particularly organized competitive team sport, was almost as
important as sexuality as `a site of masculinity formation' (Connell, 2005: 15), with
football in particular being involved in `the reproduction of conventional gender
identities and definitions' (Willis, 1990: 115). Connell also identified other sites
including gendered consumption items, cross gender relationships, fatherhood and gender
segregated employment settings (see also Beck, 1992). Among young men in Ireland, there
is evidence to suggest that the role of breadwinner is an important definer of
masculinity (Ni Laoire, 2005; O'Connor et al., 2002). However, Haywood et al. (2005)
suggested that there was no nec- essary relationship between boys and men's
constructions of masculinity. Thus, for example, although relationships with women in
adulthood are crucial in the construction of adult masculinity, young boys see
relationships with girls as a sign of femininity. Ging (2005: 47–8) suggested
that Irish adolescent boys use the mass media as `a potent source of references for
constructing a repertoire of acceptable codes and signifiers of masculinity'; with the
media effectively func- tioning as `a manual of masculinity'. She also found that
stereotypical repre- sentations of masculinity were most evident in 15–17
year olds' depiction of films and of computer games: violence, fighting, action and sex
being key ingre- dients in those depicted as male (romance, dancing, singing, designing
things and creating families being key ingredients in those depicted as female). Boys'
educational experiences have been shown to be typically narrower and less focused than
girls' on personal development (Baker et al., 2004). Although the young men she studied
were critical of the pressures on boys to `suppress emo- tion and act hard', they got a
good deal of pleasure from what she called `the performance of tough blokeish
masculinity' (Ging, 2005: 41). Jagger (2002) also found that only a very small minority
in her study had `new man' concepts 232 of masculinity stressing emotional sensitivity
and caring; with Cleary (2005: 157) noting that hegemonic masculinity was seen as
necessitating the absence of emotional expression and the denial of vulnerability.
However, `real life expressions of aggressiveness and toughness' in school were not
associated with status or popularity among most boys and girls' (Haywood et al., 2005:
205 see also Lodge, 2005). Furthermore, the particular kinds of interests and activities
which could demonstrate boyness could also be used by girls: `Fascination with cartoons,
computer games and board games that contained a high content of violence, aggression and
toughness … carried with it a “benign boyness” that was
inclusive of girls and other boys' (Haywood et al., 2005: 205). Beck (1992) suggested
that young women were likely to have expectations as regards gender equality
– both as regards sharing domestic work and as regards their occupational
lives – with men being likely to simply practice a `rhetoric of equality'.
However, whether societies purported to endorse gender equality or complementarity, a
positive valuation of womanhood did not exist nor a posi- tive male role vis a vis women
(Bjerrum Nielsen, 2004). Jagger (2002: 50–1) suggested that among the
majority of the women she studied `physical attrac- tiveness and nurturing remain the
key pivots'. For Connolly (2001: 305) `the sense that subjectivity is both scripted by
and constitutive of ideology finds many echoes in Irish culture'. Thus Irish women's
constructions of the self have been located within an overall context of gender roles
that stress service, self-sacrifice and subordination (O'Connor, 1998; O'Dowd, 1987).
Gray's work (2004: 42) suggested that this was changing: `the category “Irish
women”… produced a martyred relationship to the self which they
identify with their mothers and refuse for themselves'. However, despite women's rapidly
increas- ing levels of participation in paid employment in Ireland, cultural value is
still seen as attaching to women's activities in the domestic arena. Thus, roughly
three-fifths of both men and women agreed that: `Being a housewife is just as ful-
filling as working for pay' (Fahey et al., 2005). The accounts of young people aged
18–30 years (O'Connor et al., 2002) suggest that these trends reflect a
recogni- tion that women's authority is most likely to exist in the domestic area; with
gendered patterns of housework and child care being seen as reflecting women's greater
competence and responsibility. There is indirect support from girls' subject choices at
University level for the idea that women's constructions of themselves remain
relational: the areas where women constitute the majority being in the broadly
person-oriented `car- ing' areas, such as Education, Medical Science and Social Science;
while the area where men constitute a clear majority is Technology (Clancy, 2001). Lodge
and Flynn (2001: 190) noted that in their study of young students (typically aged
10–13 years) many tended to define themselves `in ways which reflected tra-
ditional gendered expectations of behaviour, attitudes and characteristics'. However, a
small number of young people, mostly girls, operated as `boundary crossers' although
this tended to reinforce the higher status of male activities. In Roche's (2005) work
the young women juxtaposed the parameters of their 233 own lives with those of their
mothers although Lynch and Lodge (2002: 130) suggested that `to overtly challenge sexism
is to … become unfeminine'. There has also been a suggestion (Lodge, 2004:
177) that exposure to global influences, such as the television programme Buffy the
Vampire Slayer, provided girls with `an opportunity to explore different aspects of
their gender identity, and push out the boundaries of what it means to be female'
– since Buffy presented them with an image of femininity which was both
powerful and which could be combined with a more traditional romantic discourse. Thus,
implicit in this work is the idea that although global elements may sometimes be used to
reinforce stereotypical ways of doing girl, they may also be used to expand such
boundaries. Although a key focus of this article is on young people's experience of and
references to global/local phenomena, they need to be set in a wider context with
Ireland being identified for the past three years as the most globalized country by the
AT Kearney Globalisation Index (O'Toole, 2003). Giddens (1991: 64) defined globalization
as `the intensification of world wide social rela- tions which link distant localities
in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and
vice-versa'. Young people are avid consumers of what Watson (2004: 132) called
`transnational culture in all of its most obvious manifestations: music, fashion,
television and cuisine'. It has been suggested that such transnational cultural
components should be described as Americanization since many of the media-based cultural
products in fact come from there. However, since the crucial element of globalization is
a focus on artefacts and experiences that are a product of time/space compression, this
is the concept used in this study. Ireland is a small society of just over four million
people. Its size alone is con- ducive to the existence of a very strong local
orientation. Traditionally this has been reflected in and reinforced by locality-based
sporting organizations and competitions (particularly involving Gaelic football) and by
the institutional Roman Catholic parish system of worship and community based
activities. Both of these seem likely to be under pressure – the former by
the increasingly commuter-based nature of family life (Corcoran et al., 2003) and the
latter by the rapidly declining commitment of young people to institutionalized church
activities. Furthermore, the linking of nationalist symbols such as the Irish flag with
the activities of the IRA in the North of Ireland over the past 30 years has created a
substantial degree of anxiety surrounding the use of such sym- bols by children in
Ireland. Methodology Stanley (2000: 40) noted that auto/biography is concerned with
`practices, that is the myriad of everyday and frequently competing social practices
con- cerned with the articulation of (often competing, sometimes discontinuous) notions
of “selves” and “lives”'. The accounts
produced by the young people in this study are organizationally driven in the sense that
they were invited to do 234 them within a school setting and so can be seen as similar
to solicited diaries (Bell, 1998) or externally required texts (Stanley, 2000). In this
article, the focus is on a randomly selected sub-set (n = 341) from the total sample of
3464 texts written by those aged 10–12 years. The latter were part of a wider
uni- verse of 4100 texts that were randomly selected from a total universe of 33,828
texts returned by half of the 3658 schools in Ireland. The majority (85%) of the 4100
texts were produced by children in Fifth Grade in First Level (i.e. typically aged
10–12 years). Texts written by girls accounted for roughly half of all these
texts – a pattern that was replicated in the sub-sample (n = 341) where just
over half were by girls (56% and 54% respectively). All of these texts were written in
response to an invitation, as part of the mil- lennium celebrations, to `tell their life
stories', to write a page `describing them- selves and the Ireland that they inhabit'
`to provide a national data base' `an invaluable archive' that would explain to a `time
traveller' in 2999 what `they could have expected to see, hear, enjoy and avoid' (Write
Now, 1999). The guide- lines sent to teachers suggested that topics include locality and
community, family and friends, home, hopes and ambitions for the new millennium,
pastimes and hobbies, role models and influences including fun, fashion, music, sport,
technology and games (Write Now, 1999). The young people were told that a random
selection of texts would be bound into a Millennium Book that would be presented to the
President of Ireland. The remainder of the texts were returned to the schools (the
sample of 4100 texts having been drawn before they were returned). The influence of the
school setting or perceived reader on the texts cannot be ascertained; nor can one know
to what extent the texts reflect norma- tive ideas about young people's lives. The
directions to schools, however, specifi- cally indicated that the quality and
appropriateness of texts were irrelevant. The rationale for the focus on global/local
and ways of doing boy/girl must be located in the wider cultural context in which the
young people in this study, born between 1987 and 1989, have grown up. During their
lives the economy moved from being the `sick man of Europe' in the 1980s to the `Celtic
Tiger' in the 1990s; with massive outward emigration in the 1980s giving way to inward
migration in the 1990s. As a society Ireland had remained patriar- chal in the sense
that divorce was not allowed up to 1997; married women's participation in paid
employment was very considerably below the EU average up to the late 1990s (despite the
removal of the Marriage Bar in 1973: O'Connor, 1998, 2000). Married women's
participation in paid employment is now marginally above the average for the 25
countries in the EU, with roughly half of all married women being in paid employment
(CSO, 2004). Gender role attitudes supportive of wives and mothers' participation in
paid employment have also increased substantially over the period (Fahey et al., 2005;
Whelan and Fahey, 1994). Such changes have occurred in a context where increas- ingly,
girls have higher levels of educational participation, and superior edu- cational
achievements, to boys. However, these patterns sit uneasily with the ideological
assumptions underpinning the ongoing `patriarchal dividend' 235 (Connell, 1987, 1995)
accruing in, for example, the economic system, the state and the institutional church
(O'Connor, 1998). The consequent `melange of modernities and traditions …
which animate contemporary Ireland' has been described as a `collision culture' (Keohane
and Kuhling, 2004: 7). It is one where global and local meet in a context of
considerable ambiguity and anxiety concerning gender roles. The method of analysis in
the overall study was both quantitative and qual- itative. Gender was a focus of
interest in both. Initially, a quantitative analysis was undertaken focusing on the
absence/presence of a number of themes including descriptions of self, local
embeddedness, family and friends. An ini- tial thematic qualitative analysis was
undertaken of a random selection of 600 sheets each by two of the other researchers and
themes and sub-themes were identified and quotations transcribed to illustrate these,
drawing initially on the categories used in the quantitative analysis. However, the
qualitative data was also used inductively to identify themes, which were framed in
interaction with the theoretical literature in the context of a changing social and
cultural context. A focus on global elements was one of those that emerged through this
process in the context of an increasing recognition of the globalization of Irish
society. In order to further explore global/local content, an additional random
sub-sample of the 10–12 year olds texts (n = 341) was drawn and a more
in-depth analysis of such content undertaken. Given the stress in Watson's (2004)
concept of globalization on `transna- tional culture in all of its most obvious
manifestations', four types of global ele- ments were identified: first, those referring
to global entertainment or consumer culture, including references to international
soccer, pop stars, chart song lyrics or designer labels; second, to global technology,
including TV programmes, the internet, mobile phones, computers and computer games. In
addition, since, as recognized by Albrow (2004: 139), a `locality can exhibit the traces
of world events', so that individuals may vary in their awareness of global phenomena,
this being assessed on the basis of their reference to global political concerns,
including world peace, war, global warming. Finally, and reflecting Rygaard's (2003)
work, references to international travel, dreams or hopes as regards travelling or
working abroad were defined as global. Those aspects of their lifestyle that were not
seen as global included those related to references to family, friends, school, local
area and locally played sports. In looking at those elements that have been loosely
called local, we were par- ticularly concerned with those that indicated a sense of
place – broadly defined to include an awareness of some kind of spatial
entity (ranging in size from their room, to their home, village/town, region or nation)
as well as explicitly geographically related elements of their lifestyle (such as
playing football for a local club). Four types of such local elements were identified.
First, those refer- ring directly to the significance and meaning of their local area
including ref- erences to its history, geographical structure, perceived beauty, tourist
potential, local amenities and local heroes; second, references to their own 236 room,
house or wider geographical area which suggested its meaning or significance (including
an identification with or pride in `my community'); third, references to the wider area
of the state, including references to Ireland, pride in being Irish, to the national
flag, references to national political leaders or other national role models; fourth,
references to aspects of their current or aspirational lifestyle which suggested a local
or national identification and/or activities linked to a specific geographical location.
References to activities with family or friends as such were typically not included.
Equally references to spatial aspects of school were not included since as the texts
were written there, it was impossible to assess the emotional significance of this area.
The young people were given the option of using the reverse side of the sheet creatively
for drawing, poems, songs and lyrics. Across the total 10–12 year old sample,
by far the most common use of the back page was drawing: with just over half of both the
overall 10–12 year old sample and the sub-sample (n = 341) doing a drawing on
the back page (see Table 1). These, together with that minority (5%) who used the back
page for lists/facts, were combined into a category of drawings and related texts
– with little gender difference (in con- trast to Punch's [2002] work). The
most common global elements in these drawings were from the world of global
entertainment or consumer culture (such as drawings of international soccer players or
pop stars); of characters from films or TV programmes (such as from ET, South Park or
the Simpsons); dream teams (featuring the names of international soccer players and
their positions); or technological aspects of their own lifestyles (such as mobile
phones, computers and ghetto blasters). The most unambiguous local indicators were local
or national symbols such as Guinness, coins and maps of Ireland, flags and shamrocks, as
well as drawings of specific identified places in Ireland, such as Bray Head. Where
houses fea- tured in the drawings and where they were labelled as `My House', or had the
same number as the young person's address in the written text, they were seen as
referring to their own house and were included as local. Drawings of setting TABLE 1.
Content of back page by gender in total sample and sub-sample of 10–12 year
olds (n = 341) 237 suns and trees in a field were not defined as local since these were
seen as having no specific spatial referent. Just one in five of the back pages were
mainly devoted to songs/poems. It was impossible in most cases to classify these as
global/local. Girls were more likely than the boys to use the back page in this way (27%
versus 13%) arguably reflecting girls' greater linguistic facility and/or their greater
interest in pop cul- ture (Lynch and Lodge, 2002; O'Connor, 2005a). Just under a quarter
(23%) of the back sheets were blank – with boys being more likely than the
girls to leave such blank pages (30% versus 18% respectively, n = 341). This may reflect
boys' well-established less compliant attitudes in a school context. This was the only
area where the sub-sample deviated somewhat from the main sample. However, this seems
unlikely to have any consequences for the article. To ensure confidentiality, pseudonyms
were used and identifying informa- tion, local or school referents are not used in the
case of individual quotations. Although the specific permission of the young people
involved was not sought, this material came from an initiative aimed at providing an
account of their lives for future generations: a reference to the use of such data for
research purposes being included in the material sent to schools. The excerpts are ver-
batim quotations, with spelling, grammatical and other mistakes/capitaliza- tion as in
the original texts. Trends emerging in the data The majority (89%) of the
10–12 year olds' written texts included global ele- ments and by far the most
common references were those related to global entertainment and consumer culture. Boys
and girls were roughly equally likely to include such references (91% of the boys as
compared with 87% of the girls). The majority (63%) also included local elements in
their written texts (a similar proportion of those in the total sample of
10–12 year olds referred to the local area in their texts [O'Connor, 2005a]).
Boys in the sub- sample were somewhat more likely than the girls to do this (68% versus
5 7% respectively) – a trend that was not replicated across the wider sample
of 10–12 year olds. Only just under two-fifths (36%) of all the back pages
involved drawings and related texts which could be classified as global or local in the
terms outlined – and there was no gender variation in these trends. The
general absence of gender differentiated patterns was striking in what has up to now
been a highly gender differentiated society (O'Connor, 1998; O'Connor et al., 2002).
However, there were differences in the content of boys and girls' drawings and related
texts. Thus, for example, the most commonly occurring drawing among the boys involved
football at some level (including drawings of international soccer stars, dream teams,
drawings of themselves playing for international teams and unidentified people shooting
goals into nets). Other more occasional images featured technological artefacts or TV
images, (unidentified) houses, local beauty spots/historical buildings and 238
occasionally national symbols such as flags or the shamrock. There was greater variety
in the girls' drawings. They included images drawn from TV or pop cul- ture, occasional
ones involving football and technology as well as drawings of (identified) houses,
globes, and far more drawings related to nature, animals, images of their families and
friends. A four-fold typology was used to explore the relationship between the writ- ten
text and the drawings and related texts. In the first type, drawings illus- trated
element(s) of the written text; second, drawings included elements that were not
referred to in the written text; third, drawings related more loosely to the content of
the written text; fourth, drawings which had no relationship to the content of the
written text were included. These are illustrated below. 1 . D R AW I N G I L L U S T R
AT I N G G L O B A L / L O C A L E L E M E N T (S) I N THE W R I T T E N TEXT In this
type the drawings on the back illustrated global/local elements from the written text
– either focusing on individual elements or on a collage of material
artefacts from their lifestyle. Thus, for example, Ciara Bentley having given her name,
age and school, and having referred to her best friend and her favourite school
subjects, went on to focus on global entertainment, identifying her favourite pop bands
(including Steps, the Venga boys and the Spice Girls) and her favourite TV programmes
(including Friends, The Simpsons and South Park). She also refers to role models `these
days' being the Spice Girls: most children want to be Pop stars … Who am I to
complain? I want to be a pop star myself ! Well either that or an astronaut. (Ciara
Bentley, Fifth Class) There is some suggestion of moving outside typical gender roles in
her refer- ence to her own alternative career (viz astronaut – `to be the
first person to walk on Mars') – with Rygaard (2003) suggesting that global
influences could be reflected in desires for such exotic jobs. One of her favourite TV
programmes (The Simpsons) was suggestive of boundary crossing, while her commentary
focusing on the kinds of animals that are close to extinction was also not typ- ically
female (O'Connor, 2005a). The written text ends with her name and no address. The back
page reflected elements of the global content of the written text: both of them
featuring ways of `doing girl' drawn largely from the global entertainment industry.
Martin O'Toole's text was in some ways similar in so far as the back page also featured
a drawing of the global element referred to in the written text. He opened by referring
to his name, age, his place of birth and the (different) county he now lives in. The
local elements in the text included pride in Ireland which he described as `a very
wealthy county' `a very advanced county'. He also referred to the fact that `Mary Mc
Alesse is our president'; that he himself played soccer for a local team and to the fact
that the (`fascinating') Book of Kells was in Trinity College Dublin. The global
elements included references to supporting Manchester United and to their forthcoming
match against Bayern 239 Munich in the Champions League, to computers and to war. The
written text also included social commentary about how houses are built, how electricity
affects our lifestyle and about the political division between the Republic of Ireland
and Northern Ireland. There were also references to the sports he him- self liked
(soccer, gaelic football, hurling, basketball and golf), and to his own and his
brother's pets. The back page simply showed a figure scoring a goal that the goalie
fails to stop – with the caption `Goal' `Man Utd 2–1 Bayern
Munich'. Overall then, the written text was quite varied in content, with both global
and local elements. The back page drew on a global element relating to football to
reflect and reinforce a stereotypical way of `doing boy'. Like Martin O'Toole's text,
John Quinn's involved football; unlike it, it was entirely local. It focused entirely on
one day that he saw as highly significant – his first day `togging out' when
he was 10 years old, in the hope of being cho- sen to play on a local soccer team. The
group involved 30 others, only one of whom he knew – his cousin Joe. `To his
surprise' he was chosen to play mid- field and scored the winning goal in that match:
And my most glorious moment was when I scored the winning goal for my team. It was tough
but at last we got to the semi-final against our old rivals. [They were subse- quently
beaten.] As the final whistle blew we walked off the pitch disappointed. That was the
last game of the season but I was already looking forward to the next season. This text
has resonances with the kinds of masculine narratives described by adolescents that
revolved around `fateful' or `critical moments' (Thomson et al., 2002) where a
remembered moment of triumph was immediately fol- lowed by a memory of defeat: the
implication being that confirmation of a gen- dered identity in that context was a
source of contentment – even if the ultimate outcome involved defeat
(O'Connor, 2005b). The written text ends with his name and address. The drawing on the
back page features a goalie protecting a goal while another figure lines up to shoot the
ball into the net. The goalie's jersey has a local teams9 name on it and hence the
drawing was classified as local (as was the written text). In the case of both Ciara
Bentley and Martin O'Toole, global elements are used on the back page to illustrate
global content in the written text. In Ciara Bentley's case they implicitly suggest new
ways of `doing girl' whereas in Martin O'Toole's they reflect and reinforce
stereotypical ways of `doing boy'. John Quinn's back page, which featured local elements
was very similar to Martin O'Toole's, which featured global elements. This implicitly
suggested that in terms of `doing boy', the global/local status of the drawings was
unimportant. 2 . D R AW I N G I N C L U D I N G S O M E G L O B A L / L O C A L E L E M
E N T (S) N O T R E F E R R E D T O I N W R I T T E N TEXT In this type, the drawings
and related texts added to the information provided by the written text by including
global/local elements not referred to in that text. Thus, for example, Amy Delaney's
text focused on friends and family, 240 referring to the meaning of these relationships
to her: she `looks up to them'; tells them her secrets; loves them; they help each other
out – lend money to each other `but we always pay back each other'. The
parental relationship exemplifies these qualities to a heightened and a-symmetrical
degree – with them taking care of her; taking her on holidays; giving her
money if she needs it; buying her `clothes, tracksuits runners'. She specifically refers
to her sib- lings: `I help my brother Tim and my sister Jane we all help each other'.
The web of kindness extends beyond family and friends to include a local dimen- sion:
`All our neighbours are very nice to us'. She repeats twice that she `loves' living in
the (named) local area: `There are no fights or arguments'. There are `loads of kids' to
play with near her house and the school is only five minutes away from it. There is one
reference to a global element: `I want to live in Lanzarote for the air 2000 but there
is no chance'. The text ends with her sig- nature and her address. Thus, although the
main focus was on family, the tenor of the text was more local than global. The back
page featured a drawing of her (named) brother and sister with Nike symbols on their
runners and on her brothers' top. There was no reference in the written text to brand
names or labels. However, the drawing indicates the extent to which global merchandis-
ing had become part of the idiom of her perception of her siblings (see Pole [2005] for
a discussion of labels as cultural signifiers). Kieran Keogh's drawing included elements
that were not in the written text. The latter text began by giving his name, age, place
of residence and the address of the school he attends, and (later) his family
composition, their occupations, his friends' names and what they do together (i.e. on
Fridays they go to the cin- ema and on Saturday they go to Supermacs or `hang around the
town'). The lat- ter element does suggest a local element, which is made explicit in his
references to his town as `a very historic town because it has a castle that looks like
a round tower'. There is a further local element in his reference to supporting his
county in hurling (his own hobbies including hurling, soccer and gaelic football). The
global elements include a reference to global technology (playing with his com- puter
and watching TV); to the global entertainment industry (his favourite bands being Five,
Steps, Robbie Williams and Offspring and Manchester United being his favourite soccer
team) – with global and local elements reflected in his dream`to play soccer
for Manchester United and the Republic of Ireland'. There are also global political
elements – including a hope for world peace and an end to world starvation.
The written text concludes by re-stating his name, age, class and the name of his
school. There is no reference to a school crest, school activities or any aspect of
school life. The back page consisted of a careful draw- ing of his school crest
featuring the local castle in the centre, with the name of the school on the top and its
location in Irish underneath. It suggested a creative recognition of the visual
relationship between the two local elements (the school and the castle) and/or the
symbolic importance of the school itself. In both of these cases the drawing on the back
page added to our under- standing. In Amy Delaney's case it suggested that labels have
become very 241 much a part of these young people's perceptions of each other
– something that is not reflected in their written texts; while Kieran
Keogh's indicated the way in which symbols can be re-interpreted. 3 . D R AW I N G S B A
S E D M O R E L O O S E L Y O N C O N T E N T O F THE W R I T T E N TEXT In this type
the drawings added to our understanding of the nuances in the main text and undermined
the global/local distinction as defined. Thus, for example, Sean Deighan's written text
began by referring to his first name, his looks, his place of residence, his school, his
favourite sports (rugby and ten- nis) and his pet fish. However, it mainly revolved
around providing a social commentary about Ireland: its `grate bands' – U2,
B*Witched, Westlife and Boyzone – identifying his own favourite band as U2;
its four types of beer (`the most favourite of all wood be Guinness') and its `two main
sports that comes from Ireland … Herly and Gaelic Football'. Implicit in his
text is a strong iden- tification with and pride in Ireland, fuelled both by its global
and local achievements. On the back page there is a tricolour flag – and it
seems plau- sible to see this as the Irish flag. Thus, in this case the distinction
between global and local seems unhelpful in so far as both are used to express what is
essentially local pride. The relationship between the drawing and the written text was
even more subtle in Julia Brann's case. She gave her name and age, loved singing and
danc- ing and wrote that her dream was to become a singer. She identified her favourite
song as being by Britney Spears and said that she wanted to meet the band Five. Other
global elements included references to watching TV; to her favourite films; and her hope
that: `by the year 2099 … Cars will be safer … people will
probably be living in space … world hunger will die out and wars will stop'.
She referred to a wide range of other leisure activities including speech and drama, hip
hop, choir, playing the recorder and the keyboard. Her written text briefly referred to
her family and to her best friend. The only local element was her reference to various
games that were played at home (including volleyball, football, handball, basketball,
skipping). There was evidence in her text of her awareness of challenges to gender
stereotyping. Thus, Julia says that: `I think my life is fair, my friend Kerrie doesn't
Because girls cant play international foot- ball she says she will change it one day'.
One could suggest that this was part of a more general questioning of authority since
she describes the teachers as `Sometimes Mean'. The back page consists of a drawing of a
girl with earrings, carefully made up with eye shadow, mascara and lipstick, in a dress
with thin straps with a big heart drawn on the front. It seems possible to see this as a
stereotypically female depiction of women as sexy and caring within a socio- cultural
context where the definition of womanhood continues to involve a ser- vicing and
nurturing role for women (Jagger, 2002; O'Connor, 1998; Skeggs, 1997). Thus, her text
included just one local element as well as a range of ref- erences to global
entertainment, technology and global political awareness. 242 There was no reference to
fashion or kindness or compassion in the written text although her drawing suggested an
endorsement of a stereotypical kind of womanhood – which can also be seen as
implied by her rejection of her friend Kerrie's challenging of gender stereotypes. In
this type the drawings added to our understanding of the nuances in the main text and
undermined the global/local distinction as defined. In the case of Sean Deignan the
distinction between global and local seemed unhelpful since both kinds of elements were
the basis for local pride; while in Julia Brann's case the drawing of the woman seemed
to be endorsing a stereotypi- cal image of womanhood, although it was not classified as
local – thus under- lining the limitations of the global/local distinction as
defined. 4 . D R AW I N G S U N R E L AT E D T O W R I T T E N TEXT This type included
drawings that had no obvious relationship with the written text. The content of these
drawings were gendered, in the sense that particu- lar kinds of drawings were more
likely to be done by girls than boys. Thus, for example, drawings related in a general
way to nature (including drawings of a sunrise or a kite over the sea), animals
(including but not restricted to their own pets), as well as drawings of specific
friends and family were more likely to be done by girls than boys. The salience of
attachment figures in their draw- ings is compatible with girls' greater relational
connectedness – a pattern that is only beginning to be visible at
10–12 years as regards references to named friends, best friends and pets,
but which is very strong indeed by 14–17 years (O'Connor et al., 2004). Mary
Smith's text focused on what she called her life now. The only local ele- ments were the
description of her place of residence – a three bedroomed flat on the top
floor in the city where she lived with her mother, father, sister and dog. She refers to
the names and ages of her family and friends: `I really love my family and my friends';
her school, its furniture and her after school activ- ities, including playing in a pipe
band three days a week. She is critical of the amount of homework the teacher gives her
and of the man who leads the pipe band: `Its my favourite hobby only Joe Connelly really
annoys and gives out to you'. She concludes with the hope that the reader will
understand her writing. The text includes no global elements; with the only local ones
relating to her city centre place of residence. The back page made no reference to any
ele- ments on the front. It was a drawing of a flower under the caption `Nature is the
Future'. Other than suggesting the value attached to nature, it is impossi- ble to
interpret this. It was striking that drawings of houses by boys seldom identified them
as their own. It is impossible to know to what extent this reflects girls' identifica-
tion with the house as `female space' – although such an explanation would
seem to be compatible with Irish women's continued acceptance of dispropor- tionate
responsibility for that space (McGinnity et al., 2005) and/or their high valuation of
the housewifery role (Fahey et al., 2005). 243 Summary and conclusions This study was
concerned with looking at written texts and drawings done by young people aged
10–12 years old in a small fast changing society in response to an
invitation, to `tell their life stories', to write a page `describing themselves and the
Ireland that they inhabit', `to provide a national data base', `an invalu- able archive'
for posterity. The young people were given the option of using the back page for
drawings, poems, songs, lyrics or anything else that they wished to include. Just under
two-fifths of them used it for drawings or related texts which could be classified as
global/local and this article is particularly con- cerned with looking at the
relationship between the content of these and the written texts; the relevance of the
global/local dimension to both; and the use of these elements in doing boy/girl drawing
on a sub-sample (n = 341) written by the 10–12 year olds. At first glance one
might say that global elements permeated these young people's accounts since almost 90
percent of them included one or more of the global elements in their written texts
– and there was little gender difference in this. However, more than
three-fifths also included one or more of the local ele- ments in their written texts
– with boys being somewhat more likely to do this than girls – a
pattern that was not replicated in the overall sample of 10–12 year olds. It
was very unusual for these back pages to include both local and global elements
– whereas this was common in the written texts. It is impossi- ble to choose
between the written texts and the back page as the more valid indicator –
thus illustrating the difficulties involved in triangulation (Bryman, 1992; Deacon et
al., 1998). However, by looking at the drawings in relation to the written texts we can
get further insights. There was a suggestion that despite the highly globalized and
rapidly chang- ing nature of the society, Ireland is still very far away from a
situation where: `What gender identity is, and how it is expressed, has become itself a
matter of multiple options' (Giddens, 1991: 81). Thus, in the boys' texts, ways of doing
boy continued to be reflected in a narrow range of themes, with sports in general and
football in particular featuring prominently in their drawings, whether these were at
global or local level. Football seemed to be one of the few symbols of `doing boy' which
was unproblematically male – although this may change with the increasing
proportion of young women in Ireland playing football. There was greater variety in the
girls' drawings. However, insofar as they included global elements, they were likely to
reflect pop culture and to be associated with non- stereotypical ways of doing girl
(i.e. boundary crossing). Thus, in the case of girls, globalization arguably provided
support for non-stereotypical gender roles. Those drawings that included elements that
were not referred to in the writ- ten text (second type), and those that were more
loosely connected to the con- tent of the main text (third type) highlighted the
contribution that drawings can make to our understanding of young people and their
lives. Thus, Amy Delaney's drawing suggested that global merchandizing symbols had
become 244 part of the idiom of her perception of her siblings. This was not unique
– with such symbols featuring elsewhere on clothes. In other cases (such as
in the case of Kieran Keogh) considerable ingenuity was used in utilizing local sym-
bols. Particularly in the case of girls, drawings in type four (which were unre- lated
to the written text) suggested a focus on nature and/or on family relationships.
Furthermore, although boys and girls both drew houses, boys were less likely than the
girls to identify them as their own house – implicitly suggesting that boys
did not see this as a male space. Overall then it seems possible to conclude that, as
suggested by Ging (2005), globalization supports hegemonic ways of `doing boy'. However,
in a context where boundary crossing is eroding gender differences, global elements can
be used to extend the repertoire of ways of doing girl. The study also suggested how
drawings could provide insights into the way in which global idioms become part of young
people's perception of each other and their world. The actual content of these drawings
was also suggestive as regards identifying ways of doing boy/girl. Indeed, the fact that
typically, unlike the written texts, they did not include both global and local
elements, might suggest that they provide less ambiguous indicators of global/local
orientation and ways of doing boy/girl than that provided by the written text. One could
suggest that precisely because this kind of medium capitalizes on children's skills
(whereas the written text is likely to be more constrained by an adult world) it is a
pecu- liarly revealing medium for understanding children – particularly when
such drawings are juxtaposed with their written texts. Finally, the fact that global and
local elements were used to reflect ways of `doing boy' undermines the sig- nificance of
a distinction between global and local in the eyes of young people, living in a local
context characterized by the assimilation of global products. Thus, although this study
has focused on young people within one small rapidly changing society, it seems
plausible to suggest that the patterns emerg- ing are unlikely to be peculiar to such
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