MusiqueCeltiqueV1, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 000161

Towards a Sociology of Art Collections

Identifieur interne : 000161 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000160; suivant : 000162

Towards a Sociology of Art Collections

Auteurs : Marta Herrero

Source :

International sociology [ 0268-5809 ] ; 2002-03.

RBID : ISTEX:A6849F1A355D30E21BA2FA3B98FF27A567D4DD09

English descriptors

KwdEn :
- Aesthetic judgements, Authentic expression, Bauman, British colony, Cambridge university press, Camille pissarro, Case study, Celtic revival, Claidheamh, Claidheamh solais, Claude monet, Complex situation, Cultural nationalism, Distinctive irish modernity, Douard manet, Douglas hyde, Dublin, Edgar degas, Edward martyn, French impressionism, French works, Gaelic league, George moore, George russell, Good taste, Herrero, Hugh lane, Impressionism, Impressionist, Impressionist paintings, Impressionist pictures, Intellectual debate, Intellectual practice, Intellectual practices, International sociology, Ireland, Irish, Irish intellectuals, Irish ireland, Irish nation, Irish painters, Irish party, Irish revival, Irish school, Irish studies, Irish times, Irish works, January, Lady gregory, Leicester university press, Literary culture, Luxembourg gallery, Modern irish, Modern painting, Modernity, Municipal gallery, National gallery, Newspaper industry, Oxford university press, Particular worldview, Political allegiances, Polity press, Public collections, Public intellectuals, Purchase fund, Royal hibernian academy, Social order, Sociological approach, Solais, Trinity college, Visual arts, William murphy, Worldview.
Teeft :
- Aesthetic judgements, Authentic expression, Bauman, British colony, Cambridge university press, Camille pissarro, Case study, Celtic revival, Claidheamh, Claidheamh solais, Claude monet, Complex situation, Cultural nationalism, Distinctive irish modernity, Douard manet, Douglas hyde, Dublin, Edgar degas, Edward martyn, French impressionism, French works, Gaelic league, George moore, George russell, Good taste, Herrero, Hugh lane, Impressionism, Impressionist, Impressionist paintings, Impressionist pictures, Intellectual debate, Intellectual practice, Intellectual practices, International sociology, Ireland, Irish, Irish intellectuals, Irish ireland, Irish nation, Irish painters, Irish party, Irish revival, Irish school, Irish studies, Irish times, Irish works, January, Lady gregory, Leicester university press, Literary culture, Luxembourg gallery, Modern irish, Modern painting, Modernity, Municipal gallery, National gallery, Newspaper industry, Oxford university press, Particular worldview, Political allegiances, Polity press, Public collections, Public intellectuals, Purchase fund, Royal hibernian academy, Social order, Sociological approach, Solais, Trinity college, Visual arts, William murphy, Worldview.

Abstract

This article draws on Zygmunt Bauman's concept `legislator' - the intellectual practice of modernity - to explore the relationship between Irish intellectuals and modernity. The case study selected for this purpose is the intellectual debate that took place around the making of Dublin's first modern art collection, which led to the opening of the Municipal Gallery of Modern Art in 1908. Its premise is that art collections are the outcome of intellectual practices, which legitimate and define their role. Overall, this example is used to investigate the complex ways in which Irish intellectuals sought to renegotiate Ireland's relation to modernity, a discourse that positioned it as a `peripheral' country. The article concludes by saying that the making of a modern art collection was used as a means to renegotiate a more constructive view of Ireland, and suggests `modernities' as a term that captures the various intellectual practices of modernity.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/document/A6849F1A355D30E21BA2FA3B98FF27A567D4DD09/fulltext/pdf

DOI: 10.1177/0268580902017001003

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:A6849F1A355D30E21BA2FA3B98FF27A567D4DD09

Le document en format XML

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<abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This article draws on Zygmunt Bauman's concept `legislator' - the intellectual practice of modernity - to explore the relationship between Irish intellectuals and modernity. The case study selected for this purpose is the intellectual debate that took place around the making of Dublin's first modern art collection, which led to the opening of the Municipal Gallery of Modern Art in 1908. Its premise is that art collections are the outcome of intellectual practices, which legitimate and define their role. Overall, this example is used to investigate the complex ways in which Irish intellectuals sought to renegotiate Ireland's relation to modernity, a discourse that positioned it as a `peripheral' country. The article concludes by saying that the making of a modern art collection was used as a means to renegotiate a more constructive view of Ireland, and suggests `modernities' as a term that captures the various intellectual practices of modernity.</p>
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            <p>This article draws on Zygmunt Bauman's concept `legislator' - the intellectual practice of modernity - to explore the relationship between Irish intellectuals and modernity. The case study selected for this purpose is the intellectual debate that took place around the making of Dublin's first modern art collection, which led to the opening of the Municipal Gallery of Modern Art in 1908. Its premise is that art collections are the outcome of intellectual practices, which legitimate and define their role. Overall, this example is used to investigate the complex ways in which Irish intellectuals sought to renegotiate Ireland's relation to modernity, a discourse that positioned it as a `peripheral' country. The article concludes by saying that the making of a modern art collection was used as a means to renegotiate a more constructive view of Ireland, and suggests `modernit<italic>ies</italic>
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<meta-value> 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 57            Towards a Sociology of Art Collections               Irish Intellectuals, Modernity and the Making of a                                   Modern Art Collection                                         Marta Herrero                                           University of Dublin                    abstract: This article draws on Zygmunt Bauman's concept                    `legislator'  the intellectual practice of modernity  to                    explore the relationship between Irish intellectuals and                     modernity. The case study selected for this purpose is the                    intellectual debate that took place around the making of                    Dublin's first modern art collection, which led to the opening                    of the Municipal Gallery of Modern Art in 1908. Its premise                    is that art collections are the outcome of intellectual practices,                    which legitimate and define their role. Overall, this example                    is used to investigate the complex ways in which Irish intel-                    lectuals sought to renegotiate Ireland's relation to modernity,                    a discourse that positioned it as a `peripheral' country. The                    article concludes by saying that the making of a modern art                    collection was used as a means to renegotiate a more con-                    structive view of Ireland, and suggests `modernities' as a term                    that captures the various intellectual practices of modernity.                   keywords: art collection  intellectuals  Ireland  modern art                                                modernity                                             Introduction           The aim of this article is to examine the relationship between intellectuals,           modernity and the making of art collections. The case study selected for           this purpose is the intellectual debate around the making of Ireland's first           modern art collection, that led to the foundation of Dublin's Municipal           Gallery of Modern Art in 1908. My main concern here is to use this debate           to assess the possibilities of the concept `legislator'  the ideal type of           intellectual of modernity  as presented by Zygmunt Bauman (1987, 1992,                           International Sociology  March 2002  Vol 17(1): 5772                            SAGE (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi)                                    [0268-5809(200203)17:1;5772;021591]                                                    57 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 58                                   International Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1              1995). Hence, rather than taking for granted the explanatory power of the              category, I want to question its usefulness for a study of intellectual prac-              tices in one of the so-called `peripheries' of modernity.                Bauman uses the term `legislator' to designate the intellectual practice              of modernity. It was through the practices of legislators that the world-              view and social order of modernity came into being. In turn, their               knowledge-making activities legitimated their role `as spokesmen and              guardians of society as a whole, as carriers/practitioners of society's              supreme values and destiny' (Bauman, 1995: 227). Intellectuals cooperated              with the modern state to create a body of knowledge that would produce              and support a theory of social order: culture. This theory was based on              the premise that men and women were unprepared to meet the demands              of social life, and that these demands could only be met through edu-              cation. To put this theory into practice, legislators classified and divided              the world into an ordered totality (Bauman, 1987: 4). One of their projects              was to render practices into superior  those that could be objectively              classified  and inferior  those that resisted classification. In this way              they articulated a hierarchy of knowledge with its own categories that              established what was the `norm' and what was `different' from it. Legis-              lators applied their knowledge in areas such as ethics, history and the              arts, but the field of art and the practice of artistic judgement was the area              in which their authority, power and control remained most ubiquitous              and unchallenged (Bauman, 1987: 140). As Bauman explains:                Being in control meant operating, without much challenge, the mechanisms                transforming uncertainty into certainty; making decisions, pronouncing                authoritative statements, segregating and classifying, imposing binding defi-                nitions upon reality. . . .  In  the case of aesthetics the power of intellectuals                seemed particularly unchallenged, virtually monopolistic. In the West, at least,                no other sites of power attempted to interfere with the verdicts proffered by                those `in the know'. (Bauman, 1987: 134)              This quote gives us an idea of the close relationship between the making              of aesthetic judgements and the definition and classification of `reality'              through the grid of modernity's worldview. Even definitions that helped              segregate `art' from `non-deserving', `non-art' were built upon the              division of social groups as superior/inferior, which corresponds to the              opposition `noble' (and hence with good taste) vs `vulgar' (lacking in good              taste). This article is based on the premise that the making of art collec-              tions was one of the ways whereby legislators carried out their taste-              making judgements, classifying some works as `art' and hence acceptable              as part of a public collection.                Bauman's ideas provide a useful springboard for understanding the              knowledge-constituting activities of the intellectuals of modernity and the                                                      58 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 59                          Herrero Towards a Sociology of Art Collections           creation of concepts through which to understand this particular world-           view. However, the term `legislator' applies to those intellectuals situated           in `the West', in the ` "leading" countries' of modernity (Bauman, 1995:           229). This becomes clear if we think that one of the tasks of legislators           was the creation of a theory of history, which presented as `natural' an           ordered hierarchy of nations ranking from those most `civilised' to those           `uncivilised' or `lagging behind' (Bauman, 1987: 11). If a theory of history           classified countries as more or less modern, arguably, intellectuals            operating within these countries were positioned within asymmetrical           relationships of power. Following from that, if intellectuals in `core' coun-           tries such as Britain and France legislated a modernity that favoured their           nations as the apex of western civilization, how can we situate and explain           the activities of those intellectuals who were articulating value judge-           ments  outside  these legislating centres of modernity? Were they able to           legislate their own modernity? In Life in Fragments, Bauman (1995) argues           that it was in the `periphery' of civilization that the conditions for the           estrangement of legislators from the ruling state and the `self-assertion of           intellectuals' (Bauman, 1995: 228) first appeared. In this new self-assert-           ing position intellectuals became critics of their own society  as opposed           to supporting the prevalent status quo. What we have here is an argu-           ment about where and how the legislator role came to its end, which still           leaves unexplained their role in the making of modernity, while the leg-           islating practice was still being carried out.             A study of the activities of Irish intellectuals in the field of visual arts           is particularly relevant for a number of reasons. At the time, Ireland was           in the paradoxical circumstance of being a European country and a British           colony since the 17th century.1 Moreover, a number of sociologists and art           historians have investigated the changing power relations that legitimated           and authorized new ways of consumption and production of the arts in           the so-called modern era (see Bourdieu, 1993; Lorente, 1998); however, in           the Irish context a sociological approach to the arts, both in its historically           and contemporary context, is practically absent.2 Added to this is the           scarcity of sociological investigations of Irish intellectuals (O'Dowd, 1985:           6) and a need to redress the emphasis given to the study of literary,           nationalist and clerical intellectuals (O'Dowd, 1988: 8).             I want to situate this discussion in the context of a sociology of arts.           Although the term does not describe a clearly defined discipline or unitary           methodology (Outhwaite and Bottomore, 1993: 28), sociologists justify           their contribution to this field by treating the arts as a social construction           (Wolff, 1981; Zolberg, 1990; Zolberg and Cherbo, 1997). This means investi-           gating the relationship between the meanings and motivations involved           in the production of art objects, and wider social processes and structures           (Eyerman, 1998: 280). My specific purpose and contribution here are to                                                 59 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 60                                  International Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1              present a sociological approach to the making of art collections that places              the definition and role of collections as the outcome of intellectual debate.              In this case, Dublin's collection took place in a debate in which two visions              emerged  introspective and internationalist. Drawing on Bauman's argu-              ment, the specific questions that I want to address are: how do the prac-              tices of Irish intellectuals relate to the making of modernity's worldview?              How do Irish intellectuals legislate a particular definition of Irish art? Are              they legislating a distinctive Irish modernity?                    Modernity and the Arts: Situating Art Collections              Sociologists and art historians are among those who have investigated the              changes that the advent of modernity brought to the art world, particu-              larly in the ways art and artists achieved authority and legitimacy. We              find particular examples of this approach in Bourdieu, who has observed              how the challenge posed by Manet's work was the beginning of a dis-              tinct aesthetic mode of perception, a symbolic revolution that did away with              the monopolistic power of the Academy and led to the emergence of a              `pure gaze' (Bourdieu, 1993: 239). Similarly, Fyfe has explored how `artist'              as a `person endowed with extraordinary gifts and powers of imagin-              ation' is a distinct modern concept that goes back to the Renaissance,              when some image-makers acquired an awareness of being different from              the rest of society (Fyfe, 2000: 2). Closer to the topic of this article, art              historian Lorente (1998) has made explicit the link between a cultural              modernity and the emergence of museums of contemporary art. He              argues that a study of the social relations of the first museums of con-              temporary art  the Luxembourg Gallery in Paris founded in 1818 was              the first of its kind  must go beyond a simple analysis of the art scene              that surrounded them. His study pays attention to both the sociopolitical              agendas of those behind the museums of contemporary art and wider              cultural changes (Lorente, 1998: 2430). (For example, the marked tend-              ency, in the 19th century, towards specialization in all fields of knowledge              that led to the partition of art collections into different periods.)                Investigations of art collections have explored their role and position              in the social order of modernity. According to this line of thought, mod-              ernity brought a change in the nature of power, and art collections              reflected this distinction  namely, that between `public' and `princely'              collections. Princely collections recreated a world vision around the              central figure of the prince, a symbolic representation that stood for his              dominion over reality, and justified his position as sovereign (Hooper-              Greenhill, 1989: 64). Conversely, public collections came to represent not              the power of the prince but the worldview of modernity;3 an evolutionary              narrative that validated the belief that modern man was the apex of                                                   60 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 61                          Herrero Towards a Sociology of Art Collections           western civilisation (Bennett, 1995: 97).4 Overall, there is a tendency to           analyse collections as mediators between their material form and the           realm of significance that they represent. In this sense, as Pomian says,           collections articulate `the opposition between the visible and the invisible'           (Pomian, 1990: 24). A number of studies exemplify this approach. For           example, Duncan and Wallach show how the display of art collections            in the Louvre embodied the ideology of the state disguised in the form           of artistic genius (Duncan and Wallach, 1980: 463). Similarly, Pearce            refers to museum collections as providing `the real objects' or material           evidences that verify a modern narrative (Pearce, 1992: 4). Although these           approaches theorize one important aspect of the relationship between            collections and the social world that they represent, there is still room to           explore collections as one of the knowledge-constituting activities of legis-           lators, which contributed to shaping a particular worldview of modernity.                     A Collection of Modern Art: An Intellectual                                            Debate           The aim of this section is to explore a rather complex situation in which           Ireland's first collection of modern art was given at least two functions:           it became seen as a means to develop a national art tradition along Celtic           lines, while also helping Ireland `climb up' in modernity's hierarchy of           nations (see Herrero, 2000). Let me put this debate in context.             Since the 1880s, the Celtic Revival had been seeking to construct a dis-           tinct Irish culture. In 1893, the Gaelic League led by Douglas Hyde and           the Literary Theatre of William Butler Yeats were founded as the linguis-           tic and literary institutions of the Revival. The whole movement was a           form of `cultural nationalism', which sought to recreate `an authentic           national identity by which to transform Irish society' (Hutchinson, 1987:           49).5 For some the founding of the Municipal Gallery has been seen as a           symptom of the Revival (Sheehy, 1980; Kennedy, 1991). Nonetheless, the           visual arts were disadvantaged compared to the revival of the Irish lan-           guage and a literary culture, which were the main targets of the Celtic           Revival. The lack of cultural venues for the display of contemporary art           was an important setback to the promotion of an interest in painting, for           example. The Royal Hibernian Academy (RHA) showed contemporary           art but was suffering from a lack of patronage, and the National Gallery           of Ireland continued to display old master paintings.6 In this state of           affairs, Hugh P. Lane, the art dealer behind the creation of the Municipal           Gallery of Modern Art, arrived in Dublin in 1901.7             The category `intellectuals'  as I use it in this article  encompasses           those individuals who participated in and shaped a public debate about           the state of the visual arts in Ireland. It is possible to distinguish those                                                61 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 62                                     International Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1              who made their contributions as identifiable public intellectuals  this is              the case of Lady Gregory, Hugh P. Lane, Edward Martyn, George Moore              and William Murphy (see biographical details).8 Added to these were a              series of anonymous participants who spoke from their position as jour-              nalists or casual contributors to newspapers or journals. Given that both              groups equally used the public press as a medium to represent their ideas,              I have included a short introduction to the political divisions in the               newspaper world in Dublin at the time.9 However, the divisions of              opinion in the following debate are not to be equalled to the political               allegiances of the newspapers in which they were published. As we will              see next, the debate brought together individuals of different religions              and political allegiances in an effort to support the project of the country's              first collection of modern art.              A School of Painting for Ireland              A crucial contribution to the debate was Hugh Lane's public announce-              ment in a letter to The Irish Times, 15 January 1903, of his plans for the              foundation of a gallery of modern painting in Dublin.10 The benefits of              this gallery lay in the opportunity it would provide for `study, support,              and encouragement' of the great moderns, which would lead to produc-              ing `a school of painting equal in importance and profit to any in the              world'. Importantly, Lane gave weight to his idea by arguing that the lack              of an art education had kept Ireland in its `backward state' but that a              gallery could help overcome this situation because `by nature' the Irish              were one of the most artistic of peoples. Lane's initial statement, which              prompts most of the ensuing intellectual debate, goes some way towards              answering the question of how the making of an art collection and gallery              can relate to the worldview of modernity. What seems to be articulated              from the start is a discourse of modernization through nation building.              In other words, a gallery would provide Irish painters with an oppor-              tunity to initiate its own school of painting and thus recreate Ireland as              a better, or `less backward' nation. My aim in the rest of this analysis is              to show how I think this discourse of modernity is represented by two              seemingly opposed views on the collection, which we could call intro-              spective and internationalist.                Reactions to Lane's words did not take long. The following day William              Murphy agreed with the need to improve the situation of the arts in              Ireland. However, he did not endorse Lane's initiative to import foreign              art for the gallery, which would make `an Irish Art Gallery a kind of cross              between a Theatre of Varieties and a Caf Chantant'. For Murphy, `modern              art' was equal to national art, and if an Irish school of painting were to              exist, it would have to be built upon the representation of Irish historical              motifs. As he said:                                                      62 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 63                            Herrero Towards a Sociology of Art Collections              If by it is meant some of the more recent productions of certain British, French,              German, and Italian masters, we entertain no burning desire to have them              exhibited in Dublin. . . . The stones of Celtic legend and Celtic song, the dark              but sometimes lightsome pages of the history of our country, afford many sub-              jects for the brushes of skilful painters. . . . We believe that what Ireland needs              for the creation of a genuine school of native art is not the wholesale impor-              tation of works of alien painters, but the development of Irish artistic taste and              skill on distinctly Celtic lines.11           Although Murphy did not disagree with the idea of having an Irish school           of painting he, nonetheless, wanted such a school to be introspective, or           representative of a Celtic Ireland. Murphy's ideas stand in contrast to the           views of those `outward looking' intellectuals in this debate.           French Impressionism           In 1904, Lane organized an exhibition at the RHA with a collection that           was to form the nucleus of the proposed gallery. The display included a           considerable number of French works, and, in particular, French Impres-           sionists such as Edgar Degas, Claude Monet and Camille Pissarro.12           Although Lane owned some of the works, most of them had been bor-           rowed and were on sale. He sought the financial support of those who           could afford to make such expenditure or contribute with their donations           to a purchase fund  a small elite, including members from various           political and religious factions.13 In the exhibition catalogue, Lane empha-           sized the possibilities of the collection on display, which if it was to           become Dublin's collection would then rank among the greatest in the           world.             Conversely, writing in Claidheamh Solais, Edward Martyn's main           concern was to discuss the Irish works on display at the exhibition, as his           title `Irish Ireland at the Hibernian Academy' pointed out. He did not           mention any of the non-Irish works in the collection, and devoted his           whole discussion to the excellence of Irish painters in relation to `an Irish           Ireland standard'  a standard that included the representation of Irish           subjects in portraiture, and of the Irish landscape. He hoped that, in the           future, the development of a national art tradition would be inspired by           religious subjects, and despised cosmopolitanism in art, `with its atten-           dant vices of vulgarity and ineptitude'.14 Martyn's critique was probably           addressed to the inclusion of non-Irish pictures in the collection.             Also writing in Claidheamh Solais, Lady Gregory provides an alterna-           tive viewpoint. She emphasized the benefits of French Impressionism and           appealed for funds to buy some of these paintings. Of particular interest           are her ideas about the benefits of French art to the `dignity' of the Irish           nation, and as a contribution to its heritage.15 In an article in The Irish           Times, she added that if French art was secured for Ireland `London will                                                     63 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 64                                    International Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1              become a mere provincial town, and Dublin the capital of the British Isles              as far as modern art goes. . . . Dublin will become a place of pilgrimage              for devotees of modern art.' The `dignifying' effect of French art stood              here as a means to give the Irish capital an advantaged position from              which to compete with its rival, colonial `centre', London.16 A month later,              Lady Gregory would invoke the same internationalist rhetoric in an article              in the Freeman's Journal.17 Here the proposed collection would mean `an              advance in the dignity of our country in its place among nations', since              the French art collection on display at the RHA was `the best represen-              tation of art outside Paris'.                In 1906, George Moore also spoke with enthusiasm, at Lane's request,              of the prestige and benefits of French art. For him, France and French              Impressionism in particular were the source of modern art. Referring to              the gallery and its collection as `impressionist', he said:                . . . no collection would help an Irish or American town as much as a collec-                tion of impressionist pictures. . . . I believe that a gallery of impressionist                 pictures would be more likely than any other pictures to send a man to France,                and that is the great point. Everyone must go to France. France is the source                of all the arts. (Moore, 1906: 42).18              So far, the responses to the collection seem to present at least two ways              in which intellectuals deployed a discourse of modernization through              modern painting, a discourse that was based on the premise that such a              collection would benefit the Irish nation. For William Murphy, for              example, modern, foreign art was not adequate for the development of              an Irish school, although Irish themes and subjects were most adequate              for this purpose. For Edward Martyn, the Irish works in the collection              would help develop a national art tradition because they represented an              Irish pictorial tradition or an Irish Ireland standard. Alongside these              views, Hugh Lane, Lady Gregory and George Moore exemplified a more              outward looking view of the collection, which was seen as a means to              give Ireland international prestige and a distinct Irish school of art based              on international French art.                      1908. The Opening of the Municipal Gallery of                                               Modern Art              On 21 January 1908, the Municipal Gallery of Modern Art opened its doors              to the public. On display was its collection of 300 works including Irish,              British, Dutch, Italian and French schools and Impressionist masterpieces              by Pierre Auguste Renoir and Camille Pissarro. The Irish Times praised the              collection as one of the most representative and educative in the whole              world, which would give Dublin a claim to international distinction.19                                                         64 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 65                           Herrero Towards a Sociology of Art Collections           The international impetus of the collection was highlighted. The gallery           `had not been founded for the exhibition of modern Irish art only; there           is no parochialism in art, and the aim of the Dublin gallery will be to illus-           trate modern art generally'.20 Rather, the gallery and its collection repo-           sitioned Ireland's status as a nation, `the Cinderella of the nations' had           from that day something to be proud of, a `jewel of singular beauty and           distinction'21 was hung about the image of the city. Lane's statement in           the exhibition's catalogue echoed the view that the gallery meant a defi-           nite improvement to the Irish nation. As he said:              Till to-day Ireland was the only country in Europe that had no Gallery of              Modern Art. There is not even a single accessible private collection of Modern              Pictures in this country. That reproach is now removed.22           The catalogue supported this claim to international distinction by adding           the following words by the then US president, Theodore Roosevelt: `[the           gallery] would be an important step toward giving Dublin the position it           by right should have'. 23             The Sinn Fin magazine praised Lane's achievement of giving Dublin           its gallery of modern art, adding that `If every Irishman in his own sphere           acted in the same spirit, Ireland ten years hence would be a country of           self-reliant men and women.' From a rhetoric of self-reliance, of an Ireland           that relied on the virtues of its inhabitants, the author continued to praise           the advancement that the gallery would bring to the Irish nation in           relation to other nations:              The opening of the Municipal Art Gallery on Monday was the opening of an              art epoch in Ireland. It is a noble thing for the capital of Ireland to possess the              finest modern Art Gallery in Europe, but it is a greater thing for Ireland that              she has now within herself the power to evolve a school in Art which will              enable her to rank amongst the distinctive nations.24           The complexity of this view is echoed in the English editorial of Claid-           heamh Solais, which referred to the gallery as a real manifestation of the           new life `commencing to surge through the veins of Ireland'. The author           recalls the underlying theme of this debate, the detrimental situation of           Irish art. The gallery seemed to be a remedy to this situation since it would           help Ireland `to put herself into communion with her own past'. Refer-           ring to Hugh Lane, the article explained:              He has made it possible for young artists so to educate themselves here at              home in Ireland that their message of beauty may be delivered to Irish ears in              accents which they shall understand, their secrets whispered to Irish hearts in              tones which shall stir their inmost chords . . . there will grow up in our midst              a school of painters and sculptors whose work will be an authentic expression              of the soul of Ireland, because it will be the creation of artists who are in a              genuine sense Irish.                                                    65 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 66                                  International Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1              Although we are left without knowing how an `authentic expression of              the soul of Ireland' is to develop from Ireland's new international               collection, the editorial shifted to the prevalent rhetoric of international              prestige. That is, the collection could bring Dublin a prestige granted              `nowhere else in Europe save in Paris and (to a lesser extent) in              London'.25 These last views suggest a theme that shapes this debate,              namely, that even where disagreement prevailed as to what type of              school was a best model for Irish art, the gallery and its collection were              a benefit for Ireland.                To write a conclusion to the history of the gallery is necessarily an              incomplete project. The gallery still exists in Charlemont House, the per-              manent location that was found for it in 1933. The school of Irish art as              Lane and his followers wanted it never emerged. Lane, tired of waiting              to find an adequate building for the gallery, donated his collection of              Impressionist paintings to the National Gallery in London. His death in              1915 meant that Ireland was left without its main patron. In these circum-              stances, those who wanted to adopt aspects of modernist art  for              example, Jack B. Yeats, Mainie Jellett, Evie Hone, Harry Clarke  travelled              to France, where Cubism and Fauvism had been replacing Impression-              ism. Dublin, however, continued to be dominated by the academicism of              the RHA. When those artists who adopted modernist tendencies tried to              exhibit in Ireland, they suffered the incomprehension of art critics and the              RHA.                                             Conclusion              Let me start by making some connections between the previous analysis              and the suggested theoretical approach to the study of art collections. My              approach was based on the premise, first, that art collections were intel-              lectual constructions, the result of intellectuals' struggles over their role              and definition. Second, that the definition of collections was part of the              work of legislators, the intellectuals of modernity, whose practices led to              the constitution of this particular worldview. This framework aimed to              explore the possibilities of the category `legislators', which initially did              not seem to qualify the activities of intellectuals situated outside mod-              ernity's main legislating centres. To conclude, I want to use the previous              debate as a springboard to discuss the questions I set in this introduction:              can we argue that the intellectuals in this article legislated a particular              definition of modern Irish art? How do their practices relate to the making              of modernity's worldview? Were they legislating a distinctive Irish               modernity?                The intellectuals in this article made aesthetic judgements, distin-              guishing and classifying art, in the process `Irish modern art' became a                                                   66 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 67                          Herrero Towards a Sociology of Art Collections           contested category. For some good art was a form of Irish art inspired on           Celtic motifs. For the majority, good art was to emerge from a combination           of French Impressionism with Irish talent. However, I would not go as           far as to say that the definition of Irish art by intellectuals is a legislative           practice. What we have here is the establishment of a collection whose           highlight was French Impressionism, a form of art that arrived in Dublin           after having acquired prestige in the French art world. Hence those who           supported the idea of an Irish school of painting following international           lines relied on the aesthetic judgements made by some French intellec-           tuals: Irish art could be `good art' if it included foreign, innovative tech-           niques. Similarly, the project of setting up a gallery of modern art  an           initiative supported by all intellectuals in this article  was not originally           Irish; it was following a European model which had started in 1818 when           Paris became the first European capital to have a museum of contem-           porary art  the Luxembourg Gallery. It is possible to say that the Munici-           pal Gallery of Modern Art was a pioneer in the field of contemporary art           galleries for exhibiting a collection of foreign art, at a time when this type           of museums had a nationalist emphasis becoming a showcase for the           latest art by artists of each particular nation (Lorente, 1998). However, this           argument does not have enough weight to qualify the making of modern           Irish art as a legislative strategy. Although for some the inclusion of French           art was a means for Dublin to rival the art scene in London, which at the           time did not have such a collection, it was also a means to obtain an Irish           school of renown. Finally, the establishment of a school of Irish painting           never took place, although the gallery was set up, Irish artists still had to           deal with the standards set up by the RHA. The study of those art intel-           lectuals involved in the RHA is another chapter in the history of Irish art           that demands close analysis.             If Irish intellectuals were not `legislators', can we still argue that they           legislated a distinctive Irish modernity? It is possible to say that the           making of a modern art collection was an attempt by Irish intellectuals           to negotiate Ireland's relationship with an intellectual project of mod-           ernity that defined Ireland as `inferior', `lagging behind' modernity's           advantaged nations. This can be seen as a distinctive Irish modernity, a           form of intellectual intervention, which attempted to elevate Ireland from           its disadvantaged status in modernity's hierarchy of nations. Given the           association of the term `legislator' with the practices of those intellectuals           in the `centre', I suggest that Irish intellectuals were not legislating but in           competition  with their given position within modernity, and trying to            reinvent a discourse that would position them in its centre (Eyerman,           1996: 478). If the term `legislator' does not represent the practices of Irish           intellectuals, maybe we can think about the different intellectual practices           of modernity as particular `modernities'.                                                 67 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 68                                     International Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1                                                     Notes              I would like to thank Hilary Tovey, Philip McEvansoneya and the three anonymous              reviewers of International Sociology for their helpful comments on an earlier version              of this article.               1. Although the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland goes back to the 12th century,                  Ireland first became a British colony in the 17th century with the BritishIrish                  civil wars of 164091. It was in the late 18th century, when the term `Empire'                  was used to describe the United Kingdom's possessions, that it became                  possible to think about Ireland as part of the British Empire (Howe, 2000: 13).                  A number of studies have revealed some of the strategies whereby the Irish                  were represented as an `inferior' race, and a `backward' nation. See, for                  example, Curtis (1971); Foster (1993); Douglas et al. (1998).               2. The lack of a sociology of arts in Ireland does not mean to suggest a similar                  lack in publications on the visual arts. Although scarce in comparison with                  studies of Ireland's literary culture, some important contributions to the field                  of contemporary/modern art are: Kennedy (1991) Irish Art and Modernism and                  Walker (1997) Modern Art in Ireland.               3. It is important to distinguish `public collections', that is collections accessible                  to the public display, from `public collections' as those collections that were                  publicly owned. Usually, the beginning of public displays in the 18th century                  did not immediately lead to a change in the ownership of collections from                  private to public hands (Lorente, 1998: 19).               4. See Hooper-Greenhill (1989) for an account of the shift from princely and                  scholarly collections prevalent throughout the Renaissance, to public collections.               5. The cultural nationalist movement has been subject of a number of studies                  (Lyons, 1982; Hutchinson, 1987), which, unfortunately, seem to be caught in                  a vicious circle. The common claim that the main areas of intellectuals' involve-                  ment were language and literature is followed by a failure to explore the arts                  as an area of intellectual debate. This is an important point because, as we see                  next, this new area of enquiry problematizes existing definitions of intellec-                  tuals as representing opposed views of culture, namely Anglo-Irish vs Irish-                  Ireland (Lyons, 1982).               6. For a historical view of the RHA, see de Courcy (1986).               7. Hugh P. Lane (18751915), Protestant. Although born in Ireland, he was reared                  in England. Due to ill health and family circumstances, Lane did not receive                  a formal education. This did not stop him from becoming a successful art                  dealer of old masters in London by 1901. Lane was the nephew of Lady                  Gregory and got first involved in the revival of the Irish art scene during a                  visit to his aunt in 1901. He helped gather a collection of contemporary British                  and European art for the Johannesburg Gallery first opened in 1910. For                  biographies of Hugh Lane see Bodkin (1956); Lady Gregory (1973); Dawson                  (1993); O'Byrne (2000).               8. My use of the term `public intellectuals' does give cohesion to a rather complex                  situation in which individuals from different religious and political orien-                  tations supported Dublin's collection for a number of reasons.                                                        68 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 69                           Herrero Towards a Sociology of Art Collections                George Moore (18521933): born a Catholic, he converted to Protestantism              in 1903. He lived in London and Paris where he became a fervent admirer of              Edgar Degas and douard Manet. Although initially a supporter of the Irish              Revival and one of the founders of the Irish Literary Theatre, he would              abandon the project for what he thought was the lack of value of nationalism              and Irishness. He wrote poetry and fiction, and was also a playwright and an              art critic (Frazier, 2000).                 Lady Gregory (18521932), Protestant, Hugh Lane's aunt. She was a prolific              playwright and very instrumental in the Gaelic League; she set up the Abbey              Theatre together with J. B. Yeats, Edward Martyn and George Moore. She was              one of the staunchest supporters of Lane's project (Kohfedt, 1985).                 Edward Martyn (18591932), devout Catholic, a leading figure of the Irish              Revival, and a supporter of the cause for an Irish-Ireland. He contributed              financially to the promotion of Irish music, language and literature, and              assisted Arthur Griffith when he was editor of the United Irishman, to republish              his series of articles that were to become the ideology for the Sinn Fin              movement (Gwynn, 1930).                 William Martin Murphy (18451919), Catholic; his financial ventures              included: the transport and construction sector, electricity generation, the              ownership of Dublin gasworks and a number of hotels, and the newspaper              industry. He first got involved in the newspaper industry through his political              affiliation to the anti-Parnellite faction of the Irish Party. He opposed the              Freeman's Journal  the organ of the Irish Party  by acquiring and relaunch-              ing the Nation  and the Irish Daily Independent in 1900 and, in 1905, founded              the Irish Independent (Morrissey, 1997).            9. The initial selection was based on the albums of newspaper cuttings, part of              the Hugh Lane archive, held at the National Library of Ireland. Although the              albums include, sometimes, articles from the British press, due to the nature              of this study, the present sample only includes newspapers published in              Ireland. My selection of articles has thus been based in accordance with the              ideas being expressed, rather than with the ideology of the publication.              However, given that the albums largely ignore the advanced-nationalist               newspapers  namely, Claidheamh Solais (the official publication of the Gaelic              League) and Sinn Fin  I have decided to include them to make the sample              as representative as possible of the political climate at the time. Thus, the              survey for this article includes, mainly, those newspapers from the unionist,              nationalist and advanced-nationalist press, which engaged in a debate about              the position of Irish culture and language. The difference between the              divisions I have presented here lies in their political orientation. The advanced-              nationalist press promoted a de-Anglicized Irish-Ireland in the belief that a              separate Irish culture could provide evidence of a distinct nationality and              could help guarantee it politically (Glandon, 1985: vii). The nationalist press               i.e. the Freeman's Journal  supported the Irish Parliamentary Party in its              struggle for Irish Home Rule. In 1891, the newspaper abandoned the Parnell              cause to promote the anti-Parnellite faction (Glandon, 1985: 2). The Irish Daily              Independent was planned to support Parnell and counteract the Freeman's with-              drawal from this cause. The Irish Times, the leading unionist newspaper, was                                                   69 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 70                                    International Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1                 the organ of Protestant interests in Ireland, although it provided a platform                 for those Catholics and Protestants who supported the existing political order.              10. I use the term `modern' here because this is the original term Lane deployed                 in his letter. In this case, Lane does not appeal to `modernist' art but to contem-                 porary art, or art by living artists. Throughout the debate the term `modern                 art' seems to qualify a reference to the contemporary.              11. Irish Daily Independent, 16 January 1903.              12. The exhibition took place in the RHA and was put together through loans                 from the Staats Forbes collection and the French art dealer Durand-Ruel (RHA,                 1904). This was the first time that Lane exhibited French Impressionism. It is                 only possible to suggest some reasons that might have led Lane to add French                 Impressionist paintings to the collection, given his lack of knowledge about                 this type of art. Several authors have suggested that the first time Lane saw                 Impressionist paintings was during a trip to Paris with his friend and painter                 William Orpen. There they visited the art dealer Durand-Ruel and, following                 Orpen's advice, bought works for Dublin's collection by douard Manet,                 Claude Monet and Camille Pissarro.              13. The financial running and supervision of the gallery were the responsibility                 of Dublin's Corporation. However, Lane was able to remain in charge of the                 gallery through his appointment as director by the Corporation. Among                 Lane's supporters we find Alderman Thomas Kelly, later a Sinn Fin MP, as                 well as important figures of the Celtic Revival such as W. B. Yeats, George                 Russell and Douglas Hyde. Lady Gregory herself was among those who                 signed a letter to The Irish Times, 5 January 1905, in support of a purchase fund                 for French works, in particular those by douard Manet and Claude Monet,                 which she deemed `essential to a study of modern art'.              14. Claidheamh Solais, 9 April 1904.              15. Claidheamh Solais, 7 January 1905.              16. The Irish Times, 21 November 1904.              17. Freeman's Journal, 13 December 1904.              18. George Moore delivered this paper on 8 December 1904 at Lane's request.                 Moore's view articulated a form of proto-modernism, where Paris was seen                 as the main artistic centre at the time. His view, however, is rather unusual                 because for him the gallery was not valuable as a means to participate in the                 cultural nationalism propagated by Lady Gregory and other members of the                 Gaelic League. Rather, he favoured it for its supposed internationalism that                 would then encourage Irish men to go to France and bring nationalism to an                 end (for further reading see Moore's biography by Frazier, 2000).              19. The Irish Times, 21 January 1908.              20. The Irish Times, 2 January 1908.              21. The Irish Times, 20 January 1908.              22. Municipal Gallery of Modern Art (1908).               23. Municipal Gallery of Modern Art (1908).              24. Sinn Fin, 25 January 1908.              25. Claidheamh Solais, 25 January 1908.                                                         70 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 71                               Herrero Towards a Sociology of Art Collections                                              References           Bauman, Z. (1987) Legislators and Interpreters.  On Modernity, Post-Modernity and              Intellectuals. London: Polity Press.           Bauman, Z. (1992) Intimations of Postmodernity. London: Routledge.           Bauman, Z. (1995) `Morality and Politics', in Life in Fragments: Essays in Postmodern              Morality. Oxford: Blackwell.           Bennett, T. (1995) The Birth of the Museum: History, Theory, Politics. London:              Routledge.           Bodkin, T. (1956) Hugh Lane and his Pictures. Dublin: The Stationery Office. (Orig.              pub. 1932.)           Bourdieu, P. (1993) `Manet and the Institutionalization of Anomie', The Field of              Cultural Production. Oxford: Polity Press.           Curtis, L. Perry (1971) Apes and Angels: The Irishman in Victorian Caricature. Newton              Abbot: David and Charles.           Dawson, B. (1993) `Hugh Lane and the Origins of the Collection', in E. Mayes and              P. Murphy (eds) Images and Insights. Hugh Lane Municipal Gallery of Modern Art,              pp. 1331. Dublin.           De Courcy, C. (1986) The History of the Royal Hibernian Academy of Arts', in              A. M. Stewart (ed.) Royal Hibernian Academy of Arts: Index of Exhibitors              18261979. Vol. 1 A-G, pp. xixix. Dublin: Manton Publishing.           Douglas, R., Harte, L. and O'Hara, J. (1998) Drawing Conclusions: A Cartoon History              of Anglo-Irish Relations 17981998. Belfast: The Blackstaff Press.           Duncan, C. and Wallach, A. (1980) `The Universal Survey Museum', Art History              3(4): 44869.           Eyerman, R. (1996) `Intellectuals in Historical and Comparative Context', in L.              O'Dowd (ed.) On Intellectuals and Intellectual Life in Ireland: International,              Comparative and Historical Contexts, pp. 3151. Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies,              Queen's University and the Royal Irish Academy.           Eyerman, R. (1998) `Towards a New Sociology of Art Worlds: Bringing Meaning              Back In', Acta Sociologica 41(3): 27783.           Foster, R. F. (1993) Paddy and Mr Punch. London: Penguin.           Frazier, A. (2000) George Moore 18521933. New Haven, CT and London: Yale              University Press.           Fyfe, G. (2000) Art, Power and Modernity: English Art Institutions, 17501950.              London: Leicester University Press.           Glandon, V. E. (1985) Arthur Griffith and the Advanced-Nationalist Press Ireland              19001922. New York: Peter Lang.           Gregory, Lady (1973) Sir Hugh Lane: His Life and Legacy. Gerrard's Cross: Colin              Smythe.           Gwynn, D. (1930) Edward Martyn and the Irish Revival. London: Jonathan Cape.           Herrero, M. (2000) `From "the Cinderella of the Nations" to "One of the Fairest              Cities on the Earth": Modernity and National Identity in Dublin's Municipal              Gallery of Modern Art', unpublished paper.           Hooper-Greenhill, E. (1989) `The Museum in the Disciplinary Society', in S. M.              Pearce (ed.) Museum Studies in Material Culture, pp. 6172. London: Leicester              University Press.                                                      71 03Herrero (bc/d)  12/2/02  2:29 pm  Page 72                                      International Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1              Howe, S. (2000) Ireland and Empire. Colonial Legacies in Irish History and Culture.                 Oxford: Oxford University Press.              Hutchinson, J. (1987) The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism: The Gaelic Revival and                 the Creation of the Irish Nation-State. London: Allen and Unwin.              Kennedy, S. B. (1991) Irish Art and Modernism 18801950. Belfast: The Institute of                 Irish Studies, Queen's University.              Kohfedt, M. L. (1985) Lady Gregory: The Woman behind the Irish Renaissance. London:                 Deutsch.              Lorente, J. P. (1998) Cathedrals of Urban Modernity: The First Museums of Contem-                 porary Art 18001930. Aldershot: Ashgate.              Lyons, F. S. L. (1982) Culture and Anarchy in Ireland 18901939. Oxford: Oxford                 University Press.              Moore, G. (1906) Reminiscences of the Impressionist Painters. Dublin: Maunsel.              Morrissey, T. S. J. (1997) William Martin Murphy. Dublin: Dundalgan Press.              Municipal Gallery of Modern Art (1908) Illustrated Catalogue. Dublin: Dollard.              O'Byrne, R. (2000) Hugh Lane 18751915. Dublin: Lilliput Press.              O'Dowd, L. (1985) `Intellectuals in 20th Century Ireland: And the Case of George                 Russell (AE)', Crane Bag 9: 625.              O'Dowd, L. (1988) `Neglecting the Material Dimension: Irish Intellectuals and the                 Problem of Identity', The Irish Review 3: 817.              Outhwaite, W. and Bottomore, T., eds (1993) The Blackwell Dictionary of Twentieth-                 Century Social Thought. Oxford: Blackwell.              Pearce, S. M. (1992) Museums Objects and Collections: A Cultural Study. London:                 Leicester University Press.              Pomian, K. (1990) Collectors and Curiosities: Paris and Venice, 15001800. Cambridge:                 Polity Press.              RHA (Royal Hibernian Academy) (1904) Catalogue of Pictures Presented to the City                 of Dublin to Form the Nucleus of a Gallery of Modern Art. Also Pictures Lent by the                 Executors of the Late Mr. J. Staats Forbes, and Others.              Sheehy, J. (1980) The Rediscovery of Ireland's Past: The Celtic Revival 18301930.                 London: Thames and Hudson.              Walker, D. (1997) Modern Art in Ireland. Dublin: Lilliput Press              Wolff, J. (1981) The Social Production of Art. London: Macmillan.              Zolberg, V. L. (1990) Constructing a Sociology of the Arts. Cambridge: Cambridge                 University Press.              Zolberg, V. L. and Maya Cherbo, J., eds (1997) Outsider Art: Contesting Boundaries                 in Contemporary Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.              Biographical Note: Marta Herrero is currently completing her PhD on intellectual                practices and the making of art collections in the Department of Sociology,                University of Dublin, Trinity College, Dublin. She holds a Master's in Women's                Studies from the University of Lancaster, UK, and a BA in English from the                University of Barcelona, Spain.              Address: Sociology Department, University of Dublin, Trinity College, Dublin 2,                Ireland. [email: mherrero@tcd.ie]                                                         72 </meta-value>
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<back><notes>     
         <p>I would like to thank Hilary Tovey, Philip McEvansoneya and the three anonymous reviewers of <italic>International Sociology</italic>
 for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this article. <list list-type="order"><list-item><p>1. Although the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland goes back to the 12th century, Ireland first became a British colony in the 17th century with the British-Irish civil wars of 1640-91. It was in the late 18th century, when the term `Empire' was used to describe the United Kingdom's possessions, that it became possible to think about Ireland as part of the British Empire (Howe, 2000: 13). A number of studies have revealed some of the strategies whereby the Irish were represented as an `inferior' race, and a `backward' nation. See, for example, Curtis (1971); Foster (1993); Douglas et al. (1998).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>2. The lack of a sociology of arts in Ireland does not mean to suggest a similar lack in publications on the visual arts. Although scarce in comparison with studies of Ireland's literary culture, some important contributions to the field of contemporary/modern art are: Kennedy (1991) <italic>Irish Art and Modernism</italic>
 and Walker (1997) <italic>Modern Art in Ireland</italic>
.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>3. It is important to distinguish `public collections', that is collections accessible to the public display, from `public collections' as those collections that were publicly owned. Usually, the beginning of public displays in the 18th century did not immediately lead to a change in the ownership of collections from private to public hands (Lorente, 1998: 19).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>4. See Hooper-Greenhill (1989) for an account of the shift from princely and scholarly collections prevalent throughout the Renaissance, to public collections.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>5. The cultural nationalist movement has been subject of a number of studies (Lyons, 1982; Hutchinson, 1987), which, unfortunately, seem to be caught in a vicious circle. The common claim that the main areas of intellectuals' involvement were language and literature is followed by a failure to explore the arts as an area of intellectual debate. This is an important point because, as we see next, this new area of enquiry problematizes existing definitions of intellectuals as representing opposed views of culture, namely Anglo-Irish vs Irish-Ireland (Lyons, 1982).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>6. For a historical view of the RHA, see de Courcy (1986).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>7. Hugh P. Lane (1875-1915), Protestant. Although born in Ireland, he was reared in England. Due to ill health and family circumstances, Lane did not receive a formal education. This did not stop him from becoming a successful art dealer of old masters in London by 1901. Lane was the nephew of Lady Gregory and got first involved in the revival of the Irish art scene during a visit to his aunt in 1901. He helped gather a collection of contemporary British and European art for the Johannesburg Gallery first opened in 1910. For biographies of Hugh Lane see Bodkin (1956); Lady Gregory (1973); Dawson (1993); O'Byrne (2000).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>8. My use of the term `public intellectuals' does give cohesion to a rather complex situation in which individuals from different religious and political orientations supported Dublin's collection for a number of reasons.</p>
<p>George Moore (1852-1933): born a Catholic, he converted to Protestantism in 1903. He lived in London and Paris where he became a fervent admirer of Edgar Degas and Édouard Manet. Although initially a supporter of the Irish Revival and one of the founders of the Irish Literary Theatre, he would abandon the project for what he thought was the lack of value of nationalism and Irishness. He wrote poetry and fiction, and was also a playwright and an art critic (Frazier, 2000).</p>
<p>Lady Gregory (1852-1932), Protestant, Hugh Lane's aunt. She was a prolific playwright and very instrumental in the Gaelic League; she set up the Abbey Theatre together with J. B. Yeats, Edward Martyn and George Moore. She was one of the staunchest supporters of Lane's project (Kohfedt, 1985).</p>
<p>Edward Martyn (1859-1932), devout Catholic, a leading figure of the Irish Revival, and a supporter of the cause for an Irish-Ireland. He contributed financially to the promotion of Irish music, language and literature, and assisted Arthur Griffith when he was editor of the <italic>United Irishman</italic>
, to republish his series of articles that were to become the ideology for the Sinn Féin movement (Gwynn, 1930).</p>
<p>William Martin Murphy (1845-1919), Catholic; his financial ventures included: the transport and construction sector, electricity generation, the ownership of Dublin gasworks and a number of hotels, and the newspaper industry. He first got involved in the newspaper industry through his political affiliation to the anti-Parnellite faction of the Irish Party. He opposed the <italic>Freeman's Journal</italic>
 - the organ of the Irish Party - by acquiring and relaunching the <italic>Nation</italic>
 and the <italic>Irish Daily Independent</italic>
 in 1900 and, in 1905, founded the <italic>Irish Independent</italic>
 (Morrissey, 1997).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>9. The initial selection was based on the albums of newspaper cuttings, part of the Hugh Lane archive, held at the National Library of Ireland. Although the albums include, sometimes, article from the British press, due to the nature of this study, the present sample only includes newspapers published in Ireland. My selection of articles has thus been based in accordance with the ideas being expressed, rather than with the ideology of the publication. However, given that the albums largely ignore the advanced-nationalist newspapers - namely, <italic>Claidheamh Solais</italic>
 (the official publication of the Gaelic League) and <italic>Sinn Féin</italic>
 - I have decided to include them to make the sample as representative as possible of the political climate at the time. Thus, the survey for this article includes, mainly, those newspapers from the unionist, nationalist and advanced-nationalist press, which engaged in a debate about the position of Irish culture and language. The difference between the divisions I have presented here lies in their political orientation. The advanced-nationalist press promoted a de-Anglicized Irish-Ireland in the belief that a separate Irish culture could provide evidence of a distinct nationality and could help guarantee it politically (Glandon, 1985: vii). The nationalist press - i.e. the <italic>Freeman's Journal</italic>
 - supported the Irish Parliamentary Party in its struggle for Irish Home Rule. In 1891, the newspaper abandoned the Parnell cause to promote the anti-Parnellite faction (Glandon, 1985: 2). The <italic>Irish Daily Independent</italic>
 was planned to support Parnell and counteract the <italic>Freeman's</italic>
 withdrawal from this cause. <italic>The Irish Times</italic>
, the leading unionist newspaper, was the organ of Protestant interests in Ireland, although it provided a platform for those Catholics and Protestants who supported the existing political order.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>10. I use the term `modern' here because this is the original term Lane deployed in his letter. In this case, Lane does not appeal to `modernist' art but to contemporary art, or art by living artists. Throughout the debate the term `modern art' seems to qualify a reference to the contemporary.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>11. <italic>Irish Daily Independent</italic>
, 16 January 1903.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>12. The exhibition took place in the RHA and was put together through loans from the Staats Forbes collection and the French art dealer Durand-Ruel (RHA, 1904). This was the first time that Lane exhibited French Impressionism. It is only possible to suggest some reasons that might have led Lane to add French Impressionist paintings to the collection, given his lack of knowledge about this type of art. Several authors have suggested that the first time Lane saw Impressionist paintings was during a trip to Paris with his friend and painter William Orpen. There they visited the art dealer Durand-Ruel and, following Orpen's advice, bought works for Dublin's collection by Édouard Manet, Claude Monet and Camille Pissarro.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>13. The financial running and supervision of the gallery were the responsibility of Dublin's Corporation. However, Lane was able to remain in charge of the gallery through his appointment as director by the Corporation. Among Lane's supporters we find Alderman Thomas Kelly, later a Sinn Féin MP, as well as important figures of the Celtic Revival such as W. B. Yeats, George Russell and Douglas Hyde. Lady Gregory herself was among those who signed a letter to <italic>The Irish Times</italic>
, 5 January 1905, in support of a purchase fund for French works, in particular those by Édouard Manet and Claude Monet, which she deemed `essential to a study of modern art'.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>14. <italic>Claidheamh Solais</italic>
, 9 April 1904.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>15. <italic>Claidheamh Solais</italic>
, 7 January 1905.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>16. <italic>The Irish Times</italic>
, 21 November 1904.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>17. <italic>Freeman's Journal</italic>
, 13 December 1904.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>18. George Moore delivered this paper on 8 December 1904 at Lane's request. Moore's view articulated a form of proto-modernism, where Paris was seen as the main artistic centre at the time. His view, however, is rather unusual because for him the gallery was not valuable as a means to participate in the cultural nationalism propagated by Lady Gregory and other members of the Gaelic League. Rather, he favoured it for its supposed internationalism that would then encourage Irish men to go to France and bring nationalism to an end (for further reading see Moore's biography by Frazier, 2000).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>19. <italic>The Irish Times</italic>
, 21 January 1908.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>20. <italic>The Irish Times</italic>
, 2 January 1908.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>21. <italic>The Irish Times</italic>
, 20 January 1908.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>22. Municipal Gallery of Modern Art (1908).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>23. Municipal Gallery of Modern Art (1908).</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>24. <italic>Sinn Féin</italic>
, 25 January 1908.</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><p>25. <italic>Claidheamh Solais</italic>
, 25 January 1908.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</p>   
      </notes>
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<name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Marta</namePart>
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<abstract lang="en">This article draws on Zygmunt Bauman's concept `legislator' - the intellectual practice of modernity - to explore the relationship between Irish intellectuals and modernity. The case study selected for this purpose is the intellectual debate that took place around the making of Dublin's first modern art collection, which led to the opening of the Municipal Gallery of Modern Art in 1908. Its premise is that art collections are the outcome of intellectual practices, which legitimate and define their role. Overall, this example is used to investigate the complex ways in which Irish intellectuals sought to renegotiate Ireland's relation to modernity, a discourse that positioned it as a `peripheral' country. The article concludes by saying that the making of a modern art collection was used as a means to renegotiate a more constructive view of Ireland, and suggests `modernities' as a term that captures the various intellectual practices of modernity.</abstract>
<subject><genre>keywords</genre>
<topic>art collection</topic>
<topic>intellectuals</topic>
<topic>Ireland</topic>
<topic>modern art</topic>
<topic>modernity</topic>
</subject>
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<identifier type="ISSN">0268-5809</identifier>
<identifier type="eISSN">1461-7242</identifier>
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<part><date>2002</date>
<detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption>
<number>17</number>
</detail>
<detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption>
<number>1</number>
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<extent unit="pages"><start>57</start>
<end>72</end>
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<identifier type="DOI">10.1177/0268580902017001003</identifier>
<identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_0268580902017001003</identifier>
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Towards a Sociology of Art Collections

Towards a Sociology of Art Collections

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