Book Review: Ireland (Inventing the nation series)
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Auteurs : Herman Van Der WustenSource :
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DOI: 10.1191/0309132504ph505xx
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<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>van der Wusten</surname><given-names>Herman</given-names></name><aff>University of Amsterdam</aff></contrib></contrib-group>
<pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>08</month><year>2004</year></pub-date><volume>28</volume><issue>4</issue><fpage>547</fpage><lpage>550</lpage><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Reviews</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value> Progress in Human Geography 28,4 (2004) pp. 547-563 Book reviews Comerford, R.V. 2003: Ireland (Inventing the nation series). London: Arnold. 279 pp. £50 cloth, f16.99 paper. ISBN: 0 3407 3111 7 cloth, 0 3407 3112 5 paper. 'Inventing the nation' sounds like a working pro- gramme for would-be nationalist leaders in their search for an iconic image; and also for historians who want to debunk the story of the nation once it has been dressed up as preordained, determined by forces outside the grasp of human agency, given. It is by now clear that there is a large free- dom to manoeuvre for the political entrepreneur who wants to bind his following by way of an image of shared nationhood. Yet the elusive ques- tion remains: how large? For a convincing nation- alism with a credible nation to emerge, does one need to stay close to an ethnic entity well estab- lished before modernity (as, for example, Anthony Smith has argued for a long time), or can one use the many known ingredients of nationalism and just arrange them in a new fashion as one deems fit like a do-it-yourself IKEA sleeping room (a metaphor introduced by the sociologist Lofgren, quoted in Thiesse, 1999: 14; this book deals with nation invention at the European scale)? Comerford's book about Irish inventions of the nation does not answer that question but he pro- vides us with an exciting catalogue of proposals, debates and practices in Ireland and elsewhere that deal with Irishness over time and demon- strate the ever-changing nature of that notion. He also engages in stimulating discussions of the conditions of the popularity of certain ideas about the Irish nation and puts his views in a European framework that allows a number of interesting comparative glimpses. The book is useful for geographers because nation invention is a process driven by perceptions of the geographical environment and full of territorial implications. In addition, this book has a far richer grasp of the sources that hold this reper- toire of nation inventions than geographers may be expected to gather. In the end, however, these riches could have been used to even greater effect, I would argue. The book is part of a series about nation inven- tion. Volumes on India and Pakistan, Russia, Italy and China have already appeared; books on Germany, France and the USA are in preparation. Apparently the idea is to deal with nation inven- tion in the framework of states that may be con- sidered the realization of nationalist aims (although very often the already existing state has been a powerful engine of the diffusion of the notion, e.g., Russia). What about attempts to create nations that have so far failed to capture a strong political home like the Arab nation, per- haps the European nation or even the Family of Man; or lost it in earlier times like many current regional movements in the nation states of Europe? The Irish nation as the core of the Irish nationalist message has given birth to the smallest state in the series. At the same time, the Irish case is extremely rich in the variation of vehicles used over time to spread the notion of the nation. It is also interesting because of the impact of the large Irish emigrant population in Britain and the USA in particular, and of the overwhelmingly powerful British state that has set a number of conditions for Irish nationalism. In between a short introduction and an exceed- ingly brief conclusion (two pages), the book has eight chapters. The first one sets the stage claiming there have been four recognizably different poli- ties since the mid-twelfth century on the British Isles. Ireland was one of these (the others being 10.1 1 91/03091 32504ph505xx ?U-,?', Arnold 2004 548 Book reviews Scotland, Wales and England, the predominant member of the family). Then there is a chapter on the continuing debate concerning the origin of the Irish nation giving pride of place to the work of historians and archaeologists and demonstrat- ing the ever-changing opinions on what is myth and what is history thus producing a series of 'mythistories' (McNeill, 1986) in the process. One of the big gaps in our knowledge is of course the changing resonance of these narratives in larger audiences over time. The next two chapters deal with religion and language, the two attributes that have in Ireland particularly been used, intended or put forward as markers to delineate nationalities. Roman Catholicism has provided the associational vehicle for the mass nationalist movement of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, although there were ups and downs in the relations between church and party, and individual Protes- tants have played a very significant role in craft- ing the narrative of the nation and leading the movement. The Anglicization of Irish society in the nineteenth century in terms of daily language use gave rise to a movement to resurrect Gaelic Irish as natural vernacular of the nation, which has made only very moderate progress despite large state support. The use of Gaelic as actual marker for membership of the Irish nation was never a practical possibility, but it was an aim of extreme nationalists to realize it in the future. Subsequently there are four chapters dealing with: literature; music, song and dance; sport; and artifacts. They all centre on imaginings of the Irish nation, but they also deal with the ways in which cultural practices have assisted in demarcating and strengthening the nation and have helped to build an international repu- tation for the Irish. The literary highlights in books and theatre plays are nearly all in English, giving rise to protracted debates about their Irish nature. Music, song and dance have gone through various reinterpretations in the course of time. The struggle about the 'respectability' of performances and the correct national interpret- ation has given rise to extensive control mechan- isms. Different organized sports have in the course of time been considered true manifes- tations of the national spirit and the organization of sports on a 26- or 32-county basis has been a bone of contention, particularly in athletics. Museums, galleries and monuments have been provided with national meaning, but the interpretation of those meanings has constantly shifted. While most of these cultural items refract interpretations of the older past, their use as icons of nationalism has been particularly pronounced since the late eighteenth century. Since the late twentieth century, many of them have been recon- verted and some have been invented anew for global popular attention and commercialized mass amusement and have to compete with media coverage of alternative subjects. Think of the high-profile use of 'Celtic' (tiger and other- wise), the step dance craze, soccer matches of the national team and the Irish pub. The question is whether the banal nationalism (Billig, 1995) that is still in place, plus these newly crafted manifes- tations of 'Irishness', provide a significant mould to preserve a semblance of the nation in real life. The packaging and repackaging of cultural icons has often been based on contested knowl- edge of the past and has given rise to disputes, awkward incidents and changes in insights or embarrassed silences. One case in point is the Irish harp and its image. The first Free State gov- ernment wanted to depict the most authentic example as its symbol and chose one in the collec- tion of Trinity College, bulwark of Protestant mis- givings of Irish independence in the centre of Dublin. Later it turned out that this harp had been badly restored in the 1840s. Its shape at the time misrepresented the character of the Irish harp. It regained its original shape after a new reconstruction in the British Museum in London in the 1960s. Comerford sees this story about the modern state's official symbol as an appropriate metaphor for nation invention in general: its nineteenth-century muddled reconstruction and British ultimate guidelines of proper shape. It closes the last substantive chapter (p. 265) and the harp is pictured on the front cover (it is unclear to me if this is the badly or well restored version). As mentioned before, the story of Irish nation inventors is set against the background of an Irish polity, originally backed up by an elite cul- ture of Gaelic writings (pp. 121-22) that has been in continuous existence since the mid- twelfth century (pp. 14, 15, 17, 22). Although Comerford is quick to indicate that there was nothing inevitable about this continuous survival, it provides him with a constant framework that can be used to clothe all the different versions of Irishness. He does not really solve the question Book reviews 549 of continuity, admitting occasional lapses, fragmentation and incorporation efforts from beyond the Irish sea, but insisting on their second- ary nature. In no way does this imply an effort to rescue the Irish nation as an original feature of the human occupation of the island, but it does indi- cate an interpretation that in the end favours the Irish mould across time. The question remains of whether this is right (for a hesitant admission in the other direction, see p. 57). An alternative version would run something like this. There is a long trail of Irish nation inventors who hang their wares on pre-existing units of associational life (church), who look at the island as their natural habitat, who use the ideological flavours of the period (liberalism, Celtic studies, Gaelic language) and the popular means of arousal (land), and, where these requirements do not sit easily together, make the appropriate accommo- dations by changing the argument depending on the audience. In addition, there are occasionally other nation inventors at work in the same area. In any particular instance, the question of who captivates the audience has to be resolved anew. If the different threads of this story had been picked up to make it truly into one at the end, we might have been provided with a bit more clarity on a number of important issues. One is the way in which Dublin has functioned as a centre of nationalism over time. Many of the manifestations of the national icons have been on display in the city over time. While it has been an administrative centre, a subordinate capital and then a capital of a state that translated the national ambition in a truncated form only, the city also functioned as the cultural centre where the Abbey theatre was and Croke Park stadium and a large number of monuments memorizing the march of the Irish nation through history. The ambivalences are captured by Comerford's story about the National Memorial for the dead of the first world war constructed by the first Free State government but underlining the interpretation of national history of the Home Rule programme of the Irish Parliamentary and the layout of the Garden of Remembrance much more in the centre but only erected two gener- ations later (p. 259). Once this task was accom- plished, a more extended treatment of Belfast's role as the centre of an alternative allegiance and its expressions in the various cultural prac- tices that are the content of the book might have been highlighted. A second interesting question that might have been treated concerns the sequen- cing of these different cultural practices as important manifestations of nationalism. For example, it looks as if the cultural apparatus of artifacts in Dublin, mainly propounded by or with the assistance of unsuspecting Unionists and also the strong renewed Church organization as crafted by cardinal Cullen and expressed in new churches all over the island, had been put in place before the modern social movements con- nected with Irish nationalism in politics and sports came into view. Is this more than a random sequence? From time to time the book opens up this type of general question (e.g., pp. 153 and 238, about the replacement of print by film and about the importance of reproducible images) but they do not get answers. This is an eminently readable book on an important issue. It uses social science theory on the nation and nationalism repeatedly but is emphatically presented as a product of the huma- nities, underlining the giving of meaning to social practice (pp. 2-3). It demonstrates the impressive production of Irish historiography over the last generation in its ample footnotes. It reminds us of the interest of most Irish historians since the 1930s to work together across the border between North and South inventing a federal structure of professional cooperation that in many ways is a true predecessor of the politicians' procedures put up in the last part of the twentieth century (p. 80). The book lavishly uses European compari- sons, but is overdoing it in some instances. Bene- dict Anderson's hypothesis about the frustrations of colonial functionaries cornered in their parts of the empire thus giving rise to nationalism and the different situation in the EU would imply that nationalism would now subside, but this is appar- ently not what is intended (p. 49). More telling examples are the comparisons of Ireland after Cromwell's conquest with Germany at the end of the Thirty Year's War (p. 30) and the puritanical streak in Catholicism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century plus the failure of multi- party confessionalism in Ireland compared with The Netherlands (pp. 111-14). I would have been interested in somewhat more discussion of Ireland as an island. Did it matter in the crafting of the different inventions? It would be an inter- esting point of comparison between all those on the Celtic fringe, a dubious categorization from 550 Book reviews a historical point of view as Comerford makes clear (pp. 68-84), but one enthusiastically embraced, also within the social sciences, as so many constructions in the realm of the nationalist imagination. Herman van der Wusten University of Amsterdam Billig, M. 1995: Banal nationalism. London: Sage. McNeill, W.H. 1986: Mythistory and other essays. Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press. Thiesse, A.-M. 1999: La creation des identities nationals Europe XVIIIe-Xxe sicle. Paris: Editions du Seuil. Dear M. and Flusty, S. 2002: The spaces of post- modernity: readings in human geography. Oxford: Blackwell. xviii +486 pp. f17.99 paper. ISBN: 0 631 21782 7. The diffusion of postmodern approaches within human geography has been one of the discipline's more significant and contentious developments over the last two decades. In some quarters, the advent of social constructionist perspectives and new research methodologies has been positively received, transforming the way in which geogra- phy is done. In others, the same approaches have met with considerable scepticism and hosti- lity. While the intensity of published debate around these issues appears now to have sub- sided - arguably reflecting both acceptance and accommodation - the rhythms of postmodern thought continue to shape the discipline. We can discern their presence, for instance, in discussions over how best to theorize relations between the material and immaterial dimensions of social life, and in debates concerning representation and practice. Although there have been a number of chapter-length reviews of these developments, anthologies of the academic writings implicated in the unfolding of postmodern human geogra- phy are harder to locate. It is this absence that this book seeks to address. The 39 chapters of the volume, each prefaced by a brief editorial commentary, are divided into two main parts. In Part One, 'Excavating the postmodern', the edi- tors work chronologically, charting the recent lineage of postmodern sensibilities in the discipline. Starting in the 1960s, they assemble contributions from a familiar series of authors - Haggett, Cox and Golledge, Harvey, Ley, Thrift and McDowell, among others - to narrate the movement from spatial science through beha- vioural, radical, Marxist and humanistic approaches, while also marking some of the disci- pline's early encounters with social theory. The deepening of this social-theoretic movement in the 1980s is explored through the engagements of Soja, Dear and Harvey with the work of Lefebvre and Jameson. Subsequent chapters then illustrate the diffusion of postmodern approaches within human geography, showcas- ing something of their diverse uptake during the 1990s. Readers encounter Julie Graham's work on anti-essentialist Marxism within economic geography, for example, while there are also chapters on postcolonial spaces (Jacobs), animal geographies (Wolch), GIS (Pickles) and critical geopolitics (O Tuathail). Part Two of the volume, 'Geographies from the inside-out', outlines an agenda for postmodern human geography, sketching some of its potential futures in a less linear, more rhizomic fashion. The intention is not to offer a definitive or pre- scriptive map - as if that were possible (or desir- able) - but rather to highlight a number of arenas of intellectual energy and creativity. Particular chapters here will appeal to particular readers; in its cultural theorizations of exclusion, I found Flusty's consideration of marginalized subjects in Los Angeles interesting, for example, and the piece by Law and Hetherington on network approaches similarly thought-provoking. The excerpt from a Salman Rushdie short story was also an intriguing evocation of the fluid spacing of human subjectivity. As a whole, however, there was a sense in which the diversity of these chapters left me unsure regarding their common- alities. In part, this is simply reflective of the strik- ing breadth of geographical work influenced by postmodern thought, a breadth that inevitably limits the connections that can sensibly be made. Nevertheless, a fuller discussion regarding shared themes across these chapters, and the rationale for their inclusion, would have been useful here. In bringing together a range of work that exemplifies postmodern human geography, Dear and Flusty's reader will be valuable for stu- dents and researchers alike. It incorporates what </meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><ref-list>
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<year>1999</year>: <source>La creation des identities nationals Europe XVIIIe-Xxe sicle</source>. <publisher-loc>Paris</publisher-loc>: <publisher-name>Editions du Seuil</publisher-name>.</citation>
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