DebussyV1, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 002778

Consumption and the Postmodern City

Identifieur interne : 002778 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 002777; suivant : 002779

Consumption and the Postmodern City

Auteurs : Derek Wynne ; Justin O'Connor ; Dianne Phillips

Source :

Urban studies (Harlow. Print) [ 0042-0980 ] ; 1998-05.

RBID : ISTEX:144E8C1381078D4EF66859885E6B98E0A9369B01

English descriptors

Teeft :
- Active commitment, Active opposition, Activism, Allen unwin, Baudrillard, Bourdieu, Broad attendance, Category quanti, Cation, Cation theorists, Centre, Century metropolis, Chicago press, City centre, City council, Class fraction, Classical music, Club scene, Commodity form, Connor, Consumer culture, Correspondence analysis, Cultural awareness, Cultural capital, Cultural change, Cultural consumption, Cultural economy, Cultural facilities, Cultural forms, Cultural industries, Cultural intermediaries, Cultural policy, Cultural producers, Cultural regeneration, Cultural spaces, Culture industry, Derek, Discrimination measures, Distinction strategy, Economic capital, Enthusiastic users, Everyday life, Featherstone, Gentri, Global city, Global economy, High culture, High score, High scores, Household income, Inner cities, Intermediary, International journal, Justin, Leisure studies, Lifestyle, Local authority politics, Local democracy, Manchester institute, Manchester university press, Manton building, Middle class, Middle grouping, Multiple correspondence analysis, Object scores, Other forms, Popular culture, Postmodern, Postmodern city, Postmodern culture, Postmodern lifestyle, Postmodern lifestyles, Postmodernism, Postmodernity, Recent years, Regeneration, Regional research, Residential developments, Routledge, Sample population, Sociability, Social groups, Social life, Social mobility, Style activism, Such change, Survey population, Symbolic exchange, Theatre attendance, Traditional forms, Transaction press, Urban form, Urban regeneration, Urban studies, Urry, Weak commitments, Yuppie, Zukin.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/document/144E8C1381078D4EF66859885E6B98E0A9369B01/fulltext/pdf

DOI: 10.1080/0042098984583

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:144E8C1381078D4EF66859885E6B98E0A9369B01

Le document en format XML

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<json:string>Maffesoli, 1988</json:string>
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<json:string>Clarke, 1997, p. 234</json:string>
<json:string>but see also Featherstone, 1991</json:string>
<json:string>Bourdieu, 1984, p. 310</json:string>
<json:string>Benjamin, 1973</json:string>
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<json:string>Shields, 1992b</json:string>
<json:string>Donald, 1992</json:string>
<json:string>Smith and Williams, 1986</json:string>
<json:string>Bourdieu, 1984</json:string>
<json:string>Castells and Hall, 1994</json:string>
<json:string>Crewe, 1996</json:string>
<json:string>Beck, 1992</json:string>
<json:string>Hill and O’ Connor, 1996</json:string>
<json:string>Sassen, 1991, 1994, 1996</json:string>
<json:string>Crewe and Forster, 1993</json:string>
<json:string>September 1992</json:string>
<json:string>Lash and Urry (1987)</json:string>
<json:string>Featherstone, 1987, p. 167</json:string>
<json:string>Caygil, 1990</json:string>
<json:string>Whimster, 1992, p. 332</json:string>
<json:string>Chambers, 1990</json:string>
<json:string>1993a, 1993b</json:string>
<json:string>Scott, 1997, p. 323</json:string>
<json:string>Lash and Urry (1994)</json:string>
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<affiliation>Manchester Institute for Popular Culture, Manton Building, Manchester Metropolitan University, Rosamond Street West, Manchester, M15 6LL, England, UK,</affiliation>
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         <contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>O'Connor</surname>
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<aff>Manchester Institute for Popular Culture, Manton Building, Manchester Metropolitan University, Rosamond Street West, Manchester, M15 6LL, England, UK, <email xlink:type="simple">j.oconnor@mmu.ac.crk</email>
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         <contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Phillips</surname>
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<meta-value>841 Consumption and the Postmodern City SAGE Publications, Inc.05/1998DOI: 10.1080/0042098984583 DerekWynne Department of Sociology, Manchester Metropolitan University, Manton Building, Oxford Road, Manchester, M15 6LL, England, UK, D.Wynne@mmu.ac.uk JustinO'Connor Manchester Institute for Popular Culture, Manton Building, Manchester Metropolitan University, Rosamond Street West, Manchester, M15 6LL, England, UK, j.oconnor@mmu.ac.crk DiannePhillips [Paper received in final form, December 1997J Introducing the End In a recent article which addresses this very same issue of consumption, postmodernity and the city, the author-following an exposition of Baudrillard's conception of hyper-reality and a following logic which asserts the suburbanisation of the city through the hypermarket (Baudrillard, 1994)-is led to conclude that the experience of the postmodern, postur- ban world assumes the form of an immedi- ated experience of the aleatory transformation of space-time ... all future understandings of the city must proceed to ex-appropriate it as an impossible object. We have truly witnessed the sophistication of the city-its transposition to the realms of simulation (Clarke, 1997, p. 234). We are tempted to say "Well, we know where you're coming from, but would the last person to leave please switch off the lights!" Lest such response be seen as unfair, we would quickly add that Clarke's piece provides a useful historical overview for those who wish to trace the origins of Bau- drillard's thought and the more extravagant of his claims regarding the postmodern. Introduction In this paper, we will say very little about Baudrillard other than to suggest a retrieval of the social from this `logical end'. While certainly wishing to acknowledge a debt to Baudrillard's seminal work in symbolic exchange and the commodification of the sign (Baudrillard, 1981), we believe that his announcement of the death of the social-including the city-is somewhat premature; though again, we can see where he is coming from. Rather, we will attempt to introduce some of the work that has been central to our own research, prior to a presentation of some of that work and its findings. For those working in a cultural studies tradition, the city has provided both a topic and a resource for their enquiries wherein the city is seen as a text to be read and interpreted (Chambers, 1990; Donald, 1992; Shields, 1996). As a number of writers have suggested-most recently, Clarke (1997)- processes of commodification, the production of the consumer and places (palaces) of consumption became central to the transformation of the city in the 19th century (Benjamin, 1973). In addition, such developments also saw the emergence of new cultural experiences connected to them, in particular those related to new forms of sociability in the developing galleries and department stores (Laermans, 1993). We would argue that in spite of a tendency for such 842 work to ignore the economic and political dimensions of changing urban form in favour of a textual approach to the city, it has nevertheless provided what have been amongst the most stimulating commentaries and debates on the city and cultural change in recent years. (Again, see Clarke, 1997, for the most recent overview and commentary.) In what one might term a more conventional urban studies tradition most commentaries and analyses of the relationship between postmodern culture and urban form have been centred around three processes or transformations associated with the contemporary city. These are: first, the transformation of the derelict, wasteland, and no longer productive areas of the city traditionally associated with a disappearing, or at least displaced, urban working class-such transformation being understood as gentrification (Zukin, 1982, 1987, 1992b, 1995). Secondly, the transformation of the declining industrial, producing or 'working' city through the development of arts and leisure- led regeneration programmes in an effort to attract new investment usually addressed towards the financial and administrative services and cultural tourism (Wynne, 1992; O'Connor and Wynne, 1996a, 1996b; Bian- chini and Parkinson, 1994). Thirdly, and often implicated in the development of the former, has been a transformation, or attempted transformation, by a reimaging of the city through a series of 'partnerships' which, in attempting the gentrification and reinvestment programmes cited above have been accused of adopting undemocratic and exclusionary polices which have seen local democracy diminished and accountability removed, and which have produced 'two-tier' cities comprised of the 'haves' and 'have- nots'. Such a process has been identified in a number of British and American cities, perhaps most devastatingly in the analysis of Los Angeles by Mike Davies in City of Quartz (1990) and his work published in the New Left Review (1993a, 1993b). This, of course, has been linked to structural socio- economic changes associated with the new global economy (Sassen, 1991, 1994, 1996; Castells, 1994; Castells and Hall, 1994). To the extent that an attempted understanding of these transformations has been made by invoking any of that body of thought understood as the postmodern, particularly that associated with consumer culture either as the culture of consumption or the consumption of culture, the critical response has invariably been one of denial or dismissal. One response has been to define much of the work that has attempted to uncover some of the processes associated with these transformations as essentially celebra- tory, and therefore lacking any real critical dimension (or, indeed, 'complicit'-see Tay- lor et al., 1996). Here the suggestion is that either the research topic addressed is of no significance in itself, or that researchers themselves lack any real critical awareness of the nature of the phenomena that they are investigating. A second response suggests that such concerns as are associated with the study of consumer culture and the postmodern city neglect what should be the 'real' concerns of the contemporary urban researcher. These are identified exclusively as being about unemployment and its solution, the loss of a manufacturing base and its recovery, the disappearance of local democracy and its restoration-usually bemoaning the loss of some mythic golden age in local authority politics. A third response which is invariably, though not always, incorporated in the other two is to declare the concern with consumer culture, consumption and postmodernism as inadequate and fundamentally flawed because of its emphasis on a phenomenon which is seen as secondary, transitory and ephemeral, as opposed to issues of `production'-concerned with the 'real' world of the political and economic. Notwithstanding the above other than to note the responses which could be made regarding the 'democratic' nature of traditional forms of local authority politics, or the role of ideas (culture?) in the construction of the political and the economic, we would contend that the questions and issues raised by 'the postmodern turn' have a history 843 rooted in social theory, rooted in the modernist debate itself and rooted in the attempt to understand the role of the city in social life. Additionally, we would contend that the concerns of, and issues raised by, those working in this area have developed an agenda both for the theorist of the urban and of contemporary social change, and for the practitioner concerned with the future development of the city. While there is little current agreement as to the status of postmodern culture either as a temporally located response to a perceived collapse of 'modernism' as a cultural project (Jameson, 1991) or as a failure or new turn within the project of `modernity' itself (Harvey, 1989), there is a recognition that the contemporary world and the nature of the social have undergone considerable change. For some, such change is associated with the economic restructuring associated with the move from an industrial to a post-industrial society, including a move from Fordist to post-Fordist regimes. Such positions are taken by a variety of authors including Lash and Urry (1987), Harvey (1989) and Jameson (1991). For others, the development of post-modernism stems from a cultural dynamic operating within modernist culture and is therefore understood not as a response to a set of economic restructurings, but rather from a continual debate with modernity. As such no fundamental `break' is premised and postmodern cultural forms are seen to reside alongside those associated with modernism itself (Berman, 1982; Pred, 1995). Clearly the former position posits postmodern culture as implicated in an economic shift, while for the latter no such shift can be understood as determinant. While not wishing to argue that the dichotomy created above be understood simply as a heuristic device, we would also point out that one recent history of the debate around post-modernism has concerned itself with the development of a variety of positions between these dichotomous poles, with authors, including some of those above exploring the ground between these two positions (Featherstone, 1991; Lash, 1990; Lash and Urry, 1994; Giddens, 1992). Commodification and Consumer Culture In contextualising the role of consumption, we would argue that an understanding of the increasing commodification of culture is central to any understanding of the postmodern, and therefore, that an historical grounding of the postmodern is a necessary precursor to a discussion of consumption and the postmodern city. For us, this requires an understanding of the changing nature of the relationship between culture and the commodity form and recognition of an increasing inter- penetration of the cultural and the economic. In this context, we would argue that theorists of consumer culture and cultural consumption in the city need to acknowledge the growing importance of cultural production to the city. Most recently Scott, in his article on the cultural economy of cities, has argued that As we enter the twenty-first century, a very marked convergence between the spheres of cultural and economic development seems to be occurring ... capitalism itself is moving into a phase in which the cultural forms and meanings of its outputs become critical if not dominating elements of productive strategy, and in which the realm of human culture as a whole is increasingly subject to commodification ... an ever-widening range of economic activity is concerned with producing and marketing goods and services that are infused in one way or another with broadly aesthetic or semiotic attributes (Scott, 1997, p. 323). Such a view reflects those expressed in some of our earlier work (Wynne, 1992; Wynne and O'Connor, 1992; O'Connor and Wynne, 1996a, 1996b), where we argue that one aspect of the process related to the emergence of 'new cultural intermediaries' is the way in which new cultural producers are actively involved in promoting the collapse of the traditional distinctions between high and popular culture, and the way in which 'everyday consumer goods' are increasingly infused with symbolic value-part of that 844 process referred to by Featherstone as the 'aestheticisation of everyday life'-one of the defining characteristics of postmodern culture (Featherstone, 1991). Furthermore, this de-differentiating dynamic identified by Lash (1990) and Lash and Urry (1994) is also seen in the 'flexible' working practices of these small cultural producers in the cultural industries (Wynne and O'Connor, 1992; Crewe, 1996; Crewe and Forster, 1993; Lury, 1996; Purvis, 1996; Hill and O'Connor, 1996; Lovatt et al., 1996; O'Connor, 1998). Retrieving Baudrillard Baudrillard's work on the commodity form, the sign and symbolic exchange is fundamental to much of the work outlined above and to the development of analyses of consumer culture. His claims for 'the end of the social' and for the emergence of a world of hyper-reality reflect a truth in the observation that 'the centre no longer holds', if we locate that centre in 'relations to the means of production' (Baudrillard, 1981). For Baudrillard, as mass consumption and the consumer economy develop in the 20th century, the value of commodities is seen to derive not from their use or exchange value but rather from the way such products function culturally as signs within coded systems of exchange. As such, the distinction between real and false needs collapses, as does the distinction between commodities and signs-signs themselves come to take on a life of their own rather than as signifiers of any external reality. The implications of such a position are that we can no longer read-off a reality signified by sign consumption. The 'triumph' of a postmodern signifying culture produces a simulational world of endless re-produc- tions. It is this loss of the 'real' and its replacement by simulation which allows Baudrillard to claim 'the end of the social'. However, rather than a passive acceptance of Baudrillard's essentially pessimistic conclusions, we would turn to Featherstone's analysis of consumer culture which, employing Bourdieu, offers an escape from this seeming impasse. Originally in a 1987 paper (but see also Featherstone, 1991), Featherstone begins with an analysis of Baudrillard and the claim of postmodernism to signal the ' end of meaning', a move towards a society beyond fixed status groups, producing a proliferation of signs which cannot be ultimately stabilised. However, rather than seeing such sign-consumption as producing the `end of the social', Featherstone retrieves Baudrillard to suggest that, the [post-modernist] proclamation of a beyond [the social] is really a within, a new move within the intellectual game which takes into account the new circumstances of production of cultural goods, which will itself in turn be greeted as eminently marketable by the cultural intermediaries (Featherstone, 1987, p. 167). This retrieval is accomplished by suggesting, as per Bourdieu (1984), that social groups competing for control in particular social fields, use their relative amounts of economic and/or cultural capital accumulated to promote their own symbolic ordering in attempts to control such fields. For these new social groups, it is argued that postmodernist cultural productions offer a schema whereby new cultural producers and other cultural intermediaries, together with `service' professionals, combine to promote their own cultural and economic productions in order to establish their position in a changing social world, which judges people by their capacity for consumption, their `standard of living', their lifestyle, as much as by their capacity for production (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 310). A similar position has also been offered by Lash and Urry (1987) and Savage et al., (1992). However, for these authors postmodern culture is tied strongly to the emergence of a new middle class, understood, as per Bourdieu (1984), as a class fraction of the middle class. This is the position developed in the work of those `gentrification theorists' who have attempted to understand gentrification and the re-valuation of the city 845 centre as a process primarily associated with its redevelopment as a residential space for the new middle class. However, rather than a view of consumer culture as being primarily concerned with the purchase and display of consumer goods amongst a particularly residentially located fraction of the middle class, we would argue that its impact has to be understood in all its forms. These include the very making of culture itself, the legitimation practices that it produces, and its aesthetics. As such, consumer culture provides, like other cultural forms, the means by which social structure is mediated to and by individuals. Consumer culture, like other cultures, provides the `stuff' that allows for such mediation. It is here that we would argue that the processes of cultural commodification outlined above have had a destabilising effect on the very nature of the cultural and the individual's s relationship to it, and that such a changed relationship casts some doubt on the contemporary relevance of Bourdieu's original project in Distinction (1984) and, therefore, on some of the work of such `gentrification theorists'. Consumer Culture and the Postmodern City Our own research seeks to attend to this debate by concentrating on two specific aspects : first, that associated with urban regeneration and the changing role of the city, secondly, that associated with the construction and deconstruction of identities claimed by much of postmodern theorising (Featherstone, 1991; Harvey, 1986 and 1989; Lash, 1990; Shields, 1991; Smith and Williams, 1986; Zukin, 1982, 1987,1988, 1992a, 1992b and 1995; Beauregard, 1986; Bramham and Spink, 1994). In addition, we are particularly concerned to relate our research to that undertaken by Bourdieu (1984). Given the impact of Bourdieu's work in the sociology of contemporary cultural change, and the implicit debt owed to Bourdieu in much of the work on gentrification, our research has attempted to incorporate some of the concerns of his thesis into our own investigations. The last decade has seen a growing literature on this area of cultural change and on those groups which are seen to be central to the active dissemination and promotion of such change-the new cultural intermediaries (Betz, 1992; Bourdieu, 1984; Featherstone, 1991; Lash and Urry, 1987). In this context, our research seeks to investigate the claims made by those who would use Bourdieu to characterise culturally based urban regeneration as integral to a distinction strategy of this fraction of the new middle class and that this class fraction can be identified as being among the prime bearers of postmodern lifestyles.' We examined these claims by choosing a study population which had recently moved into the new and refurbished residences in Manchester city centre, hypothesising that these would conform most closely to the above model. The residential developments were closely linked to a culturally based urban regeneration strategy. The lack of any recent tradition of city centre living, the particular quality and style of the developments and the relatively condensed time-span in which these were occupied, suggested that our survey would pick up a sufficiently homogeneous group against which to test these claims. Methods Data were collected by questionnaire (210 households), in-depth interview (50 households) and ethnography and the research design employed quantitative and qualitative approaches in an interactive and complementary way. The questionnaire asked respondents for information on 104 items related to cultural consumption and included a number of 'eth- nographically developed' questions regarding preferred choices of bars, clubs, shops, theatres and galleries and other venues in the city centre.2 Fifty in-depth interviews were undertaken to uncover information associated with the practices of use and reflexive monitoring of 846 activity which quantitative methods are less able to discover.3 In this context, our in-depth interviews provided us with an extended discussion of biographies, goals and life-structures of interviewees, together with the ways in which they 'used' or 'lived' in the city including the nature of 'apartment' life and their domestic arrangements. Our ethnography began with a mapping of the cultural and social facilities of the city centre which also assisted with the development of the questionnaire. This task was facilitated by the ethnographer's extensive formal and informal knowledge of the city, including involvement in its cultural life through membership of a theatre group based in the city centre, and formal and informal contact with proprietors and other providers and users of the city's bars, cafes and clubs gained through extensive participation. In addition to this field work, the ethnography was also concerned with uncovering emergent networks at the policy level, and the relationship between these and providers. Results The structural characteristics of our survey population can be found in Figures 1-5 and in Tables 1-2. The group were predominantly young and young middle-aged with a mean average age of 36 years and a modal age of 27 years (Figure 1). Only 17 per cent of the sample were married and currently living together. Their current marital and household condition is shown in Figures 2 and 3. Our respondents possessed relatively high levels of educational qualifications: 52 per cent had first degrees or higher, and the majority of others had been educated beyond '0' level. Although a number of students in our sample led to some low-income respondents and households, outside this category, as Figure 4 indicates, household income was fairly evenly distributed up to levels beyond £50 000 per annum. One-quarter of the group were in managerial and professional occupations (Registrar General classification 1) and a further 34 per cent in RG2, the largest Figure 1. Age-groups of survey population. single group being teachers. A breakdown of occupations is provided in Table 1. Some of our respondents were clearly middle class in origin, others were from backgrounds which indicated substantial social mobility. A crude indication of social mobility, using Registrar General Figure 2. Marital status of survey population. 847 Fig- ure 3. Household types of survey population. classifications of respondents and their fa- ther's occupations, is provided in Table 2. The usual levels of mobility over short ranges are notable, but nonetheless, for example 12 persons in (1) were of two ranks or more away. As Figure 5 indicates, the majority of the sample had moved within Greater Manchester and its suburbs-that is, they had Figure 4. Household incomes of survey population. traded living from somewhere within the Manchester area for the city centre itself. Cultural Consumption, Lifestyle and the City In an effort to examine cultural consumption by our sample of city-centre residents we asked a variety of questions related to their leisure and cultural activities and preferred modes of spending their leisure time. The group are, in general, enthusiastic users of the city-centre facilities. Those on which we report below are taken from a variety of materials and responses which were gathered during the course of our empirical investigations. Classical music concert attendance was limited in comparison to other forms of cultural consumption, but still above the national average: 15 per cent had been to Manchester's own Halle Orchestra in the last six months, although under 5 per cent were regular visitors. The relative limitation of their consumption of classical music was also reflected in the scores on the questions involving knowledge of classical music- only 19 people knew 6 or more composers in our questions on concert works. Serious music users were widely distributed across the occupational structure, with notable numbers of teachers and managers. Theatre attendance was very much higher. In particular, the Royal Exchange, Manchester's major producing theatre, had been visited by 50 per cent of the group in the last 6 months. The popular and varied diet of the Palace and Opera House receiving theatres had attracted over 30 per cent of the group. However, attendance at the smaller, more specialist, venues staging plays were lower: 14 per cent for the Library Theatre and 7 per cent for the Contact Theatre- Manchester's youth theatre. Gallery attendance was similarly high, 44 per cent had visited the City Art Gallery and 30 per cent the Whitworth. Some 10-20 per cent were clearly serious gallery users, with the major private galleries getting this level of attendance, as well as the Tate North (Liverpool) and the major London galleries. 848 Table 1. Occupation of survey population Questionnaire responses on art were those which Bourdieu would take as safe-but we must admit that opportunities within the questionnaire to display advanced enthusiasm were limited. What characterised these answers could equally be represented as openness: they were willing to look, but were not exactly seekers. For example, attendance at the Festival of Expressionism held in the city in September 1992 was relatively low, at 18 per cent. Film attendance and awareness (including some measure of knowledge of film directors and their work) was medium or high for 50 849 Table 2. Social mobility of survey population: occupation by father's occupation per cent, and high for the usual 10-20 per cent of specialists. There was a quite substantial openness to new and varied kinds of cinema, 13 per cent expressing interest in experimental film, and 37 per cent interested in 'independent' cinema. The baseline of video taste-horror-held little appeal, but thrillers (40 per cent) and comedies (50 per cent) could be classified as mainstream enthusiasms. The questionnaire did not reveal exceptional tastes in popular music. Soul was the most popular category. Interestingly, the scene music of the time-Manchester Independent, and House-only rated 'enthusiast' scores, of around 18 per cent. One of the most popular bars, which had seen over 50 per cent of the group, the Cornerhouse Bar, can be described as a 'designer-style' bar located in the city's independent cinema/gallery. Other bars aiming at a new fashion in continental bottled beers and expresso coffee tended to attract around 35 per cent of the group. Regular and frequent discotheque and club use occupied around 30 per cent of our sample, and a further 30 per cent were aware of, and made some use of, the club scene. However, 40 per cent had limited knowledge, and made little or no use of this scene. In club awareness and use, the Hacienda stood out, not surprisingly given its international reputation in the 'club scene'. Almost 40 per cent of the group had visited it, and over 12 per cent went often. Respondents are very clear about their choice of friends. They like them lively (50 per cent), sociable (63 per cent) and amusing (65 per cent). They respond only 850 Figure 5. Previous place of residence of survey population. minimally to them being refined (8 per cent), well-bred (8 per cent) or artistic (15 per cent). Such responses could be seen as indicative of the contemporary changes outlined by Maffesoli (1988) in comparison to Bourdieu (1984). Their politics were altogether more striking. What got their support, passive rather than active, was the politics of the expanding circle, a 'good-cause', new politics. Organi- sations such as Greenpeace, Oxfam and Friends of the Earth received levels of strong approval of 70 per cent and above and 50 per cent expressed clear support for both gay and feminist movements. Orthodox political parties received altogether lower levels of approval and support. Membership, generally, was low-with 70 per cent support, only 4 per cent claimed membership of Greenpeace. While 41 per cent would support Labour, only 3 per cent were members of the Labour Party-the lowest membership of each of the main parties. Similarly, 58 per cent supported the Greens, but membership was under 2 per cent. The Conservatives were supported by 24 per cent, and 5 per cent were members of this party. The group in general were hence not classically political but left- ish', with a massive expressed support of, though not membership of, new socio-political movements. While we would conclude that our respondents are enthusiastic users of the facilities of their city, it is clear that much of their use is what could be described as the 'open middle'. Where access is unfamiliar, or there is a threat of boredom or pretension, usage falls away. Although overall they are enthusiastic users, 25 per cent made little or no use of cultural facilities such as galleries or theatres and this could suggest some continuing socio-cultural boundaries in usage of a traditional and familiar kind. Correspondence Analysis: Factors Underlying Cultural Consumption Central to our concerns, we carried out a multivariate homogeneity analysis in an attempt to achieve a map of the cultural consumption of city-centre residents (for details of correspondence analysis, see Phillips, 1994). In this procedure, the relationships between seven `cultural indicator' variables were explored. The seven variables used as 'cultural' indicators derived from discussions of the preliminary statistical, in-depth interview and ethnographic results outlined above. They are shown in Table 3. Our initial results suggested that an attempt to reduce the dimensions to two would produce only a poor representation of the 851 M C,5 </meta-value>
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<back><notes> 
         <p><list list-type="order"> 
               <list-item><p>1. Promoting the constant attention to (and preoccupation with) the self as presented through 'lifestyle' (includes age trajectory and traditional social routes); the blurring of traditional cultural boundaries, especially those of 'highbrow' and more 'popular' cultural forms; and an emphasis on play, hedonism and spectacle. This growth of 'new cultural intermediaries', of 'para-intellectuals', is crucial for an understanding of postmodernism.</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>2. The HOMALS procedure within CATEGORIES (SPSS) was used for multiple correspondence analysis. As the name hints, this is the form of multiple correspondence analysis which uses homogeneity and analysis-i.e. it seeks to optimise the homogeneity of variables. HOMALS was used to explore the relationships between the seven indicator variables. For a fuller discussion of correspondence analysis and its use in this research project see Phillips (1994).</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>3. Responses to six open-ended questions in the questionnaire were entered into AskSam, a free-form database. The preliminary analysis of the AskSam text files of the responses to the open-ended questions provided suggestions for themes and topics which were included in the schedule for the qualitative interviews.</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>4. This comes out in a revealing exchange response to an interlocutor who suggests just such a process: "In my view, there are higher markers, places in which the dominant codes remain absolutely efficient; and these places are where the main games are played—that is, in the academic system (in France, the <italic>Grandes Ecoles</italic>
 system, the places from which the executives are selected)". But this is to sidestep the question as to what happens to these codes if large sections of the social spectrum no longer subscribe to a universal classification system. (See Bourdieu and Eagelton, 1992.)</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>5. See the above note. In that exchange, he sees the valuation of "mass culture, popular culture and so on" as part of a "dominant chic" amongst intellectuals whose positive evaluation of something such as rap is really a form of distinction, saying "You don't see that, but I do and I am the first to see it". Any such positive evaluation of pop music 'overestimates the capacity of these new things to change the structure of the distribution of symbolic capital.' "You mystify people when you say 'Look, rap is great'. The question is: does this music really change the structure of the culture?" We would argue that the very rhetorical nature of the question underlines the inadequacy of this response.</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>The separate question of working-class culture is crucial here, but goes beyond the scope of the study.</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>6. For an overview of the literature and competing definition of the word 'yuppie' see Whimster (1992). The role of this word as catch-all explanation is revealed in the last paragraph where Whimster makes the contradictions of the yuppie life bear the weight of the contradictions of modernity itself: "Whether the young professional will work out an expressive and secular redemption (a la Habemas), or a salvation through consumption (Bourdieu), or whether he or she will be, at last, simply beyond redemption are questions and directions that should repay further investigation" (Whimster, 1992, p. 332).</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>This provides a very unsteady basis for an investigation of urban regeneration—our research has been premised on the absolute necessity to begin to ground these sorts of pronouncement of contemporary cultural shifts in some form of empirical investigation.</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>Two recent articles underline this. Betz (1992) has shown that many of the 'new middle class' are in fact politically active in a way rarely acknowledged in discussions on this subject. This is supported by our own research and that done by Bramham <italic>et al.</italic>
 (1992) in Leeds. See also Bonner and Du Gay (1992). They attempt to found a theoretical account of the ethical and political positioning of this 'new middle class' based purely on a reading of the television programme <italic>Thirty something.</italic>
</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>7. Note the difficulty of translating Debussy, which Bourdieu sees as quintessentially French, to an equivalent—Elgar?!</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>8. This involved certain questions in the questionnaire and a related study undertaken by O'Connor and in the process of completion. The survey found a broad middle-class attendance at a range of <italic>avant-gard</italic>
 forms.</p>
</list-item> 
               <list-item><p>9. The festival was one of the first to integrate traditional art venues with newer spaces (bookshops, design centres) and pop cultural spaces such as bars, pubs, jazz clubs and cafes. There was also an expressionist 'pub crawl' and an expressionist cocktail <italic>(The Scream!).</italic>
</p>
</list-item> 
            </list>
</p> 
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