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Musicology in the Third Reich: A Gap in Historical Studies

Identifieur interne : 002548 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 002547; suivant : 002549

Musicology in the Third Reich: A Gap in Historical Studies

Auteurs : Michael Meyer

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:9FBE8278BD4AB1A6DC29E8841FEFE5F3E1E1507F

English descriptors


Url:
DOI: 10.1177/026569147800800304

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:9FBE8278BD4AB1A6DC29E8841FEFE5F3E1E1507F

Le document en format XML

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<meta-value>349 Musicology in the Third Reich: A Gap in Historical Studies SAGE Publications, Inc.1978DOI: 10.1177/026569147800800304 Michael Meyer Nazi totalitarianism is in no need of an introduction to an audience of historians. Its controls over all expressions of public life have been amply documented and analysed. Consequently, one would assume that music in the Third Reich, too, would have been subjected to scholarly scrutiny. That is not the case. This astonishing gap in an otherwise nearly complete coverage of Nazi culture is rooted in the elusiveness of the musical material, its resistance to non-musical association and interpretation, and thus the reluctance of historians to deal with a subject they cannot study from the inside, on its own terms. This is an added impediment to the difficulties confronting historians interested in any kind of interdisciplinary work. For these formidable reasons, the scholarly representation of music, the systematized study of its history, forms, styles, and methods, have been relegated to the specialists called musicologists. I do not intend to dwell upon the difficulties inherent in the attempt to verbalize musical experience, nor to evaluate the merits of this or that musicological position, of absolutist or programmatic, representative or symbolic, material constructionist or idealist principles, though the problems suggested in these terms cannot simply be dismissed in any discussion of music. I am inclined to approach these issues dialectically, allowing for both the autonomy of the musical material (Schonberg: 'Music shall not adorn, but speak truth!') as well as the ritualistic origin of the art (Wagner had insisted that the highest goal of all theatre was ritual, referring to himself variously as priest, wizard, magician), its integration with other arts in its primal state, thus, its communal, communicative This paper was m part delivered at the Convention of the PacitiL Coast Branch of the American Histomal Association (Seattle, Summer 1974) Eutopean .Sludies Review (SAGE, London and Bevcrly Hills), Vol. 8 ( 1978), 349-64 76350 function. [he demands of the musical material and the musical needs of the community relate in an inevitable state of tension, which at times approximates to but never attains resolution.' Putting aside fundamental questions concer ning the essence of music here, I want to turn instead to the communicable function of music which reveals other than musical properties, thus inviting analysis of acoustics, psychology, aesthetics, social groups, institutions, economics, and politics. To illustrate further the potential role of the historian in examining music'.;; sociology and its relevance to the history of ideas and the humanities, music is often performed in combination with bodily, verbal, and visual expression, in dance, song, opera, and the cinema, all of which are accessible to non-musical interpretation. Music can reinforce ideas and emotions, can incite, relax, be suggestive and representative, while musicians are people who express themselves verbally, must earn a living, relate to audiences, represent institutions, social groups, and interests. Musicologists have drawn attention to these aspects of their subject, but in so far as wider cultural, social, and political perspectives and the relationship to the other arts are concerned, they have generally not satisfied the standards of social or intellectual history. Musicology's remoteness from the mundane is apparent even in the voluminous exegesis of Richard Wagner, a distinctly suggestive and ideological subject. There are of course the standard biographies of Carl F. Glasenapp, Henry T. Finck, Paul Bekker, and Ernest Newman, or the more recent ones of Robert W. Gutman, Ludwig Marcuse, Hans Mayer, Chappell White, and Curt von Western- hagen. There exists also a massive monograph literature, ranging from interpretations of his operas and his music to excursions into his political thought and Jungian interpretation of his myths. Leon Stein has ventured into Wagner's antisemitism, but only to reveal his (Stein's) lack of understanding of racism and of appreciation of broader aspects of volkisch ideas. By and large, inusicologists have neither been familiar enough with the historical setting nor sufficiently sensitive to the intellectual milieu which their subject helped shape. In all fairness it must be pointed out, however, that musicologists have written mainly about Wagner the musician, and the works of Gerald Abraham, Alfred Einstein, Donald J. Grout, Paul Henry Lang, Hugo Leichtentritt, and Rey M. Longyear, though extending beyond Wagner, may be read profitably by people not trained in music. Historians have also interpreted aspects of Wagner. Hans Kohn, Jacques Barzun, Louis L. Snyder, and Peter 77351 Viereck have devoted sections of books to him, while Maurice Boucher has written an entire book on The Polrtrcal Concepts of Richard Wagner which also betrays a lack of understanding of vo/kisch ideas. An in-depth intellectual biography remains to be written about this great artist, centre of one of the romantic cults of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and influential ideological figure. Inclusion of Wagnei in this paper relates some of the general problems considered here to the specific subject of musicology in the Third Reich. If Wagner, who has been called the most complex artist since Shakespeare, and who was certainly one of the major contributors to the volkisc-h-Gerinanic ideology, has not yet received his due from intellectual historians, it is not so shocking that music, Ger- many's outstanding cultural achievement in modern times, has not been examined in the context of National Socialism. Besides the above-mentioned aspects and functions of music which invite historical analysis, the musicological writing itself and the ideological statements of musicians have received little attention from historians. Dating from at least the time of Carl Maria von Weber, musicians have turned to explaining their artistic and technical principles in music criticism, music theory, and teaching. This need for explanation and self-justification is symptomatic of the loss of innocence, reflecting a state of crisis in the art, which in the nineteenth century was believed to be representative of social crisis. George Lukacs, George L. Mosse, and Fritz Stern have written about the ideological response to the general crisis, but musicians are not cited, in spite of the fact that few individuals have had as much influence on, have been as celebrated in volkisch, neo-romantic, nationalistic, and later Nazi thought pertaining to culture as Wagner. Yet, Wagner's political testament is an open book, recorded in volumes of his cultural-political prose.' An ideology of music had emerged from the pens of musicians, which paralleled political ideology, and was confused with it. In the context of the roinantic-volkisc-h world view, epitomized by Wagner and developed later in the same cultural-political polemics of the composer Hans Pfitzner,~ music was treasured as the most genuine expression of German genius and as possessing those regenerative qualities which would restore a spirituality and vitality to a healthier Germany. In H.S. Chamber- lain's list of eight great German spirits, three were musicians and some of the others were known to have had a keen interest in music. It is significant that Chamberlain, whom Alfred Rosenberg called the prophet of the Third Reich - the foremost formulator of the 78352 Germanic-Aryan ideology of the turn of the century - regarded himself above all else as an apostle and apologist of Wagner.a 4 Precursor of Nazi ideas, fount of musical-political commentary, and fixed reference point of Nazi musicology, Wagner suggests more than all that for our purposes here; he embodied the interdisciplinary principle. Consistent with the totalitarian beliefs of the nineteenth century, he lent expression to the dialectic of artistic, moral, and material realities. He strove for the reintegration of the arts, of art and life, thought and deed, all of which he believed possible through an heroic will, thus anticipating the cultural policies of National Socialism. A striking realization: the intellectual totalitarians of the nineteenth century and the practitioners of the twentieth century - the subject matter of this paper - share an interdisciplinary bias, assumptions and goals. We, who today plead for interdisciplinary studies, have roots. The models for the attempt to integrate music with socio-economic, political, and ideological considerations are the totalitarians themselves, followed by their epigones and exegetes. The most perceptive analysis of the common denominators of music and ideology, however, in rigorous scholarly terms, of music's tension between its inner dynamic and its communal function, 'of the dialectic of the mental and the material, of the content and the means of expression, of the will and the substratum of the will',5 and of Wagner's historical as well as methodological significance, is the musical-sociology of Theodor W. Adorno. This profound thinker applied to music the insights and methods of his Frankfurt Institute for Social Research, reflecting the thought of colleagues like Walter Benjamin, Max Horkheimer, Georges Lukacs, and Arnold Hauser. As composer - he was a student of Alban Berg - philosopher, sociologist, aesthetician, and critic, Adorno was ideally suited for the interdisciplinary work suggested here. Yet in spite of his joint authorship of The Authoritarian Personality, a product of his American exile from the Third Reich, he is relatively little known in the English-speaking world. Little of his voluminous literature is translated (perhaps due to the difficulty of the language), and general surveys of twentieth-century thought in this country often do not mention him. George Lichtheim tried to remedy this situation and examined Adorno and his work in the Times Literary Supplement of 28 September 1967, placing him in the line of classical German philosophy as the broad basis of his specific interest in music. 79353 What makes Adorno's work remarkable is that with turn the fusion ol aesthetic and historical concern is spontaneous, and as U were organic. In other domains he had been preceded by the neo-Mdl xms... In rctatlon to 111LISIL he has the field all to himself, and the proof that foriiial appreciation can be tused with sociology was his own dCl.omph~hl11ent. So tar as Lan be judged, the resulting doctrine has been adopted by the practitioners tlieiiiselves. the real test, attei all, ot any theoretical construction. 6 Turning from these general considerations to the subject proper, of musicology in the service of Nazi propaganda, a number of approaches are suggested. (1) It is possible to deal with music in general as an institution. Musical expertise is not required in what then amounts to an institutional study. The practitioners of music constitute an institution, they belong to institutions, are governed by constitutions, legal codes, and copyright regulations, and being in large part civil servants they were subjected to the Re-establishment of the Careeer Civil Service Act of 7 April 1933, as well as to other Gleichschaltungs-measures . To date, Joseph Wulf's documentation, Musik im Dritten Reich, is the only major work dealing with this subject in a section entitled 'Regimented Music'. The musicologist Nicolas Slonimsky's Music Since 1900 contains references to the major governmental measures dealing with music, affecting it institu- tionally. Aside from this limited material, the institutional historian is forced to comb through the extensive music journal literature, newspapers, Nazi journals and papers, governmental records, music- administrative records, records of major musical institutions like the famous Akademie der Kunste in Berlin, and much memoir literature with reference to the institutional-constitutional-legalistic conditions of music in the Third Reich.g (2) One might be tempted to examine qualitative and quantitative changes in the actual rendering of music in composition and performance. Aside from the organizational-administrative aspects which are suggested in the institutional approach, the historian faces further difficulties. Familiarity with music, perhaps even some musical training, seems to be necessary for this endeavour. As to sources, aside from the music itself, nothing specific exists on the subject. The music historian would have to scan programme notes, sift reliable musicological commentary from the generally politicized commentary, and turn to standard dictionaries and encyclopedias like Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart or Grove's Dictionary of Music and lvlusicians, and to the literature suggested under the institutional approach. The field of composition is especially important for any 80354 consideration of Nazism and music, because totalitarian claims ultimately had to be checked here in the experimental laboratory from which a new musical culture was to have emerged. Prospects appeared promising at the onset of the Third Reich when Richard Strauss, the outstanding living composer, agreed to being named president of the Reichsmusikkammer, as well as to the post of president of the composers' division in the chamber. Participating in the 'regeneration of German culture, the young composer no longer writes for an audience', commented the composer Hans Uldall on behalf of his profession in the pages of Die Musik (May 1937), 'but for his people'. Saved from the market-place, esoteric intellectuals and alien influences, 'the ideological foundation will give direction and purpose to artistic creativity, guidmg it into healthy and practical paths.... Art in the service of an idea has always been a fruitful undertaking.' Yet talented Nazi sympathizers and career-minded opportunists alike admitted late in the Third Reich that the political revolution would be realized in the area of musical creativity only in the future. Werner Egk, who headed the corporate profession of composers after 1941, wrote in the Volkischer Beobachter (14 February 1943), that the Nazi music culture was at present based on `folk-classical' forms, thus reversing the modernistic trends and leading to what he called 'a regenerative process which, indeed, has been manifested in music'. Egk was hoping for 'an alliance of ideal politics and art so that all human endeavour is again directed from its natural roots'. Egk gave expression to the anachronistic orientation of musicology in the Third Reich. Armed with völkisch and classical principles and the resources of the coercive mechanism of the Nazi state, musicologists devoted themselves to purging the avantgarde, which had presided over the revolutionary development of the Weimar period: hardly the key toward the discovery of the roots of life and music. The renaissance did not materialize. Ulrich Dibelius, music critic and commentator at the Bavarian Radio in Munich, notes in his book, Moderne Musik 1945-1965, that with the exception of the Viennese school of Schonberg, Webern, and Berg, music of the 1920s and 1930s must be styled as 'neoclassic'. He also points out that during the Third Reich music consisted mainly of 'victory hymns and marching' (which I find to be an over-simplification), while Goebbels, the head of all the Reich culture chambers, had referred to modern music as 'offensive dissonance of musical incompetence', thus dismissing the German avantgarde which was not 81355 heard frequently anyway during the Third Reich. An inteiesting excuse was offered by the race authority Richard Eichenauer, who criticized his party friends for expecting too much too soon. He blamed them for disregarding one basic assumption of National Socialism. that of racial improvement as a prerequisite for all success in music. He argued in his influential book, MLISik und Russe, that ~lgnllllLIIl! <.1Ild L'lldlllll1g renewal nmv bc expected m the wlmal pohnea) atea uni\ wltcn ilic biotogieai plcrcqlll~lIl'~ have been mahlmlrccl an endeavour ul 11 w wetr dsked \\hCllll" \\l' may look 101\\<.lId to gre</meta-value>
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<p>1 On the tension between radical innovation and established norms and institu tionalized style in music, see Paul Henry Lang (ed.),
<italic> Problems of Modern Music</italic>
(New York, 1962) and, from a Marxist perspective, Ernst H. Meyer,
<italic>Musik un Zeitgeschehen</italic>
(Berlin, 1952) More specifically — dealing with musical crisis in the context of the development of major composers — most illuminating are: Winfried Zillig,
<italic>Von Wagner bis Strauss. Wegbereiter der neuen Musik</italic>
(Munich, 1966) and Peter Yates,
<italic>Twentieth Century Music. Its Evolution from the End of the Harmonic Era into the Present Era of Sound</italic>
(New York, 1967), both regarding the history of music as as unbroken series ot events which determine each other, in the seventeenth century culminating in Bach, during the nineteenth in Schonberg. These works con trast with William W Austin,
<italic>Music in the Twentieth Century From Debussy Through Stravinsky</italic>
(New York, 1966), an attack on the dialectic interpretation of musical development. Wilhelm Furwangler, Germany's outstanding conductor of the era reviewed here, has also suggested that many composers persist in writing the kind of music they want to write (irrespective of strictures of men like Yates). See his thoughts in
<italic>Vermachtnis Nachgelassene Schriften</italic>
(Wiesbaden, 1965) and Frank Thress (cd ),
<italic>Wilhelm Furtwanglers Briefe</italic>
(Wiesbaden, 1964) The 'progressive posi tion' with its emphasis on musical autonomy and intellectual integrity, had well-known proponents in Ferrucci B Busoni, Paul Bekker, H.H. Stuckenschmidi, Arnold Schonberg, and Theodor W. Adorno Adorno's essay on 'Reaktion und Fortschritt' (1930), republished in
<italic>Moments Musicaux</italic>
(Frankfurt am Main, 1958) assessed the conflict from a radical perspective, which he developed in a series of publications:
<italic>Dissonanzen, Musik in der verwalteten Welt</italic>
(1956),
<italic>Philosophie der neuen Musik</italic>
(1958), and
<italic>Einleitung in die Musiksoziologie</italic>
(1962)</p>
<p>2. Wagner's views of the arts and especially their social function and meaning were published throughout his creative period, which can be divided into four major periods: the stay in Paris, the time of exile following the Dresden uprising, the time of reinstatement at the Bavarian court, and the final phase of Wagner's articles for the
<italic> Bavieuth Blatter</italic>
In succession he wrote:
<italic>Ein Ende in Paris, Webers Freischutz und deutsches Musikleben</italic>
(both 1839), after 1849,
<italic> Kunst und Revolution, Kunstwerk der Zukunft, Kunst und Klima, Oper und Drama, Judentuin in der Musik</italic>
, and the later works,
<italic>Uber Staat und Religion, Zukunftsmusik, Was ist Deutsch?</italic>
, all in Richard Wagner,
<italic> Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen</italic>
(Berlin/Leipzig, 1911) See the com mentary in Friedrich Welter,
<italic> Musikgeschichte un Umriss</italic>
(Leipzig, 1939), 198 Welter was a musicologist of note before the onset of Nazi power, but his writing thereafter was most representative of the new tone of the political craft. Suggestive secondary treatment is also contained in Jacques Barzun,
<italic>Darwin, Maix, Wagner</italic>
(Munich/Zurich, 1964; Khaur ed.), the most brilliant analysis to date; Peter Viereck,
<italic>Metapohlitics. Roots</italic>
of the
<italic>Nazi Mind</italic>
(7th edition, New York, 1965), somewhat super ficial and biased. The Nazi view of Wagner is recorded in such a vast literature that Welter's brief comments have to suffice here.</p>
<p>3. On nationalism and music and the Romantic apotheosis of the folk song already Herder and Goethe can be read. Complementing Wagner in the twentieth cen tury, see Hans Pfitzner,
<italic>Gesammelte Schriften</italic>
(Augsburg, 1926), especially:
<italic>Futuristengefahr</italic>
and
<italic>Die neue Asthetik der musikalischen Impotenz</italic>
. Pfitzner figured as a formulator of Nazi views toward music. However, he resisted joining the party, even after 1933, and refused to sign solidarity proclamations during the Third Reich — a truly lonely figure. I am told that when Baldur von Schirach asked Pfitzner to write a piece of music for the Hitler Youth, Pfitzner replied that he would be glad to write such a piece, a 'Symphonie in Bal-Dur'.</p>
<p>4. Franz Schonauer has noted in
<italic>Deutsche Literature im Dritten Reich</italic>
(Olten, 1961), 27, that 'the romantic pan-Germanism of Langbehn and Lagarde had received its artistic-cultish consecration through Richard Wagner'. See also Georg Schott,
<italic>Chamberlain der Seher des Dritten Reiches</italic>
(Munich, 1934).</p>
<p>5. Arnold Hauser, The
<italic> Social History</italic>
of Art (New York, 1951) Vol. 1, 4.</p>
<p>6. With the new interest in the European exile in the 1930s and 1940s, the Frankfurt Institut fur Sozialforschung and Adorno have been discussed and analysed in recent years. See particularly Martin Jay,
<italic>The Dialectical Imagination: A History</italic>
of
<italic>the Frankfurt School and the Institute of Social Research, 1923-1950</italic>
(Boston/Toron to, 1973); H. Stuart Hughes,
<italic>The Sea Change: The Migration of Social Thought, 1930-1965</italic>
(New York, 1975); and various articles on or by Adorno in
<italic> Telos</italic>
in Spring, Summer, and Fall 1974.</p>
<p>7. Hitler's 'legal revolution' was applied to all German musicians in early 1933. The dominion of Goebbels's Propaganda Ministry was extended over music in March, and the Re-establishment of the Career Civil Service Act affected musicians as civil ser vants. Especially the 'Aryan-paragraph' (no. 3), dealing with 'unsuitable' racial elements, Communists, and others 'who cannot be trusted to support the national state without reservation', led to dismissals, resignations, emigrations, and the making and unmaking of careers — thus, 'realizing the racial demands of National Socialism'. Ilse Staff (ed.),
<italic>Justiz im Dritten Reich. Eine Dokumentation</italic>
(Frankfurt am Main/Ham burg, 1964), 64-5. Legal and organizational measures paralleled self-co-ordination
<italic>(Gleichschaltung)</italic>
of cultural institutions, producing the Reich Culture Chamber Law (22 September 1933), and thus the Reich Culture Chamber organization (with Goeb bels as president) which, in turn was subdivided into seven chambers, including the Reich Music Chamber (Richard Strauss was president until 1935, then Peter Raabe, a very active Nazi). See Karl Friedrich Schneber,
<italic>Das Recht</italic>
(Hamburg, 1963); Heinrich Grensemann,
<italic> Leitfaden fur der Geschaftsbetrieb</italic>
der Reichskulturkammer (Berlin, 1935) and Willy Hoffman and Wilhelm Ritter,
<italic>Das Recht der Musik</italic>
(Leipzig, 1936). On the organization of the arts see Hildegard Brenner,
<italic>Die Kunstpolitik des Na tionalsozialismus</italic>
(Hamburg, 1963), Heinrich Grensemann,
<italic>Leitfaden fur den Geschaftsbetrieb der Reichskulturkammer</italic>
(Berlin, 1937); George L. Mosse, Nazi
<italic>Culture. Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich</italic>
(New York, 1968); Georg-Wilhelm Muller,
<italic>Das Reichsministerium fur Volksaufklarung und Propaganda</italic>
(Berlin, 1940); Paul Ortwin Rave,
<italic> Kunstdikiatur im Dritten Reich</italic>
(Hamburg, 1949); Joseph Wulf,
<italic>Die Bildenden Kunste im Dritten Reich</italic>
(Gutersloh, 1963) and
<italic>Literatur</italic>
und
<italic>Dichtung im Dritten Reich</italic>
(Gutersloh, 1963); Z.A.B. Zeman,
<italic>Nazi Propaganda</italic>
(2nd edition, London/Oxford/New York, 1973). On the organization of music in the Third Reich see E.A. Dreyer (ed.),
<italic> Deutsche Kultur im neuen Reich. Wesen, Aufgabe, und Ziele der Reichsmusikkammer</italic>
(Berlin, 1934); Hellmuth von Hase (ed.),
<italic>Jahrbuch der deutschen Musik</italic>
(Leipzig/Berlin, 1943); Albert Dreetz and Hellmuth von Hase (eds.),
<italic> Jahibuch der deutschen Musik</italic>
(Berlin/Leipzig, 1944); Peter Raabe,
<italic> Die Musik im Dritten Reich</italic>
(Regensburg, 1936); Nicolas Sionimsky,
<italic> Music Since 1900</italic>
(4th edi tion, New York, 1971) 561-824. The most comprehensive collection of primary material is Joseph Wult,
<italic>Musik im Dritten Reich</italic>
(Gutersloh, 1963).</p>
<p>8. Especially interesting was the representative process revealed in largely un published archival material of the Prussian Academy of the Arts (at the Akademie der Kunste, West Berlin). Under the presidency of the composer Max von Schillings,
<italic>Gleichschaltung</italic>
and
<italic>Entjudung</italic>
advanced rapidly, involving celebrated German ar tists,beginning with Heinrich Mann, president of the literature section, and such famous composers as Arnold Schonberg and Franz Schreker. Dismissals were always based on the Career Civil Service Act. The process began with a questionnaire, ad ministered by Alexander Amersdorffer, Secretary of the Academy, and Wolfgang von Staa, who was secretary in Rust's Education Ministry and the official legal and ad ministrative expert of the Academic Senate. It was Amersdortfer who wrote that 'naturally the Academy is ready to assume the cost of checking out the ancestry of members working abroad'. When asked to check up on the composer Ermanno F. Wolf-Ferrari, he cautioned against this in deference to Italian authorities. Cor respondence of this sort was either directed to the Education Ministry or to the Office of Genealogical Research of the Interior Ministry. Goring, too, intervened in Academy affairs in his capacity as Prussian Minister President, who had empowered Rust to supervise the arts in administrative and personnel matters.</p>
<p>9. The politics of music suggests both a Nazi policy toward music and music as a tool of Nazi propaganda. However, a Nazi musicologist wrote in 1944 that, 'it the con cept of
<italic>Musikpolitik</italic>
had not been formulated a generation ago, of necessity it would have been invented this past decade.' Wolfgang Stumme,
<italic>Musik im</italic>
Volk (Berlin, 1944), 11, in Wult,
<italic>Musik</italic>
, 139. The term is no Nazi invention.</p>
<p>10. See note 7, particularly Wulf's documentation, whose title is really misleading. Not dealing with music in the Third Reich, he selected the material in illustration of the political colouring of musicology and other musical commentary, of the imposition of totalitarian controls of music, and of the contribution of music to that system.</p>
<p>11. The progressive
<italic> Melos</italic>
had been under attack by the 'national' press before 1933. In 1933 the editors of the
<italic>Zeitschrift fur Musik</italic>
claimed to have contributed to the silencing of that 'Melos joke sheet' of Hans Mersmann. In May Mersmann was dismissed from his post as chief editor. The name of the journal was changed to
<italic>Neues Musikblatt,</italic>
appearing as such from August 1934 to November 1946. Mersmann was also pressed into leaving his post at the German Broadcasting System for having pro pagated 'atonal music' Hermann Matzke, 'Volkische Kunstpflege',
<italic> Zeitschrift fur Musik</italic>
(March, 1933), 263. Melos no longer existed, but Mersmann was allowed to publish a book,
<italic>Eine Deutsche Musikgeschichte</italic>
(1934) which received devastating reviews in the regimented press. Other editors were dismissed. Alfred Jeremias, the respected curator of the Peters Music Library, was replaced by a leader of the Cultural-Political Department of the NSDAP, F.A. Hauptmann. While the previously neutral journal,
<italic> Die Musik</italic>
, reported musical-political events — one of the outstanding sources of the period — it seemed to have been fully co-ordinated with National Socialism only in the June issue, entitled 'The New Germany'. Goebbels introduced personally: 'If art wants to shape its time, it has to confront its problems. German art of the next decades will be heroic, hard as steel and romantic, sentimental and factual, national with great pathos, and it will be binding and demanding — or it will not be' (641 ) As some journals were thus brought into line, others were founded. A new musicological journal,
<italic> Deutsche Musikkultur</italic>
, founded in 1936, brought together leading Nazi and
<italic>volkisch</italic>
authors, Peter Raabe (President of the Reich Music Chamber, after replacing Richard Strauss in 1935), Fritz Stein (who had advanced to a major position in the chamber and to the directorship of the Berlin Music Academy — who also after the war disclaimed any Nazi sentiments in conversation with Kail Ulrich Schnabel, as the latter told me recently), Joseph Muller-Blattau (well-known
<italic>volkisch</italic>
musicologist), et al., dedicated to 'building up folk-song research and furthering the folk culture'. Kurt Hubei, 'Der Aufbau deutscher Volkshedforschung und Volksliedp flege' (June-July, 1936), 65. Nazi organizations used these journals as official organs. Goebbels had access to each one, but the
<italic>Volkischer Beobachter</italic>
and the
<italic>Amthche Mit teilungen der Reichsmusikkammel</italic>
were his official platform with regards to music. Rosenberg's
<italic>Kulturgemeinde</italic>
declared Die
<italic>Volkische Kunst</italic>
as its official organ, but in strictly musical matters
<italic>Die Musik</italic>
served in official capacity here too. Also the Hitler Youth Leadership under Baldur von Schirach made
<italic>Die Musik</italic>
its official organ, besides publishing its views in
<italic>Musik in Jugend und Volk</italic>
, the latter journal also serv ing as official organ of the Music Department of the influential
<italic> Hauptkulturamt</italic>
of the NSDAP.
<italic>Gleichschaltung</italic>
had been achieved in musicology and music journalism.</p>
<p>12. For bibliographical information on Beethoven in the Third Reich see Wulf,
<italic>Musik</italic>
, 240-1; Walther Rauschenberger,
<italic>Volk und Rasse</italic>
(1934), 198-9; on Bach: Richard Eichenauer,
<italic>Musik und Rasse</italic>
(Munich, 1932), 170; on Gluck: ibid., 196; on Schubert: ibid., 232; on Reger: Karl Hasse speech at Reger Festival, Freiburg i.B.,
<italic>Zeitschrift fur Musik</italic>
(July, 1936), 84; on Chopin: Ernst Krienitz, 'Kampt um Chopin',
<italic>Die Musik-Woche</italic>
(October, 1939), 1-2, and Friedrich W. Herzog,
<italic>Deutsche Mitte</italic>
, in Wulf,
<italic>Musik</italic>
, 253-5; on Liszt and Lehar: Wulf,
<italic>Musik</italic>
, 437-9; on Brahms: Welter,
<italic>Musikgeschichte</italic>
, 216. In addition to these brief references consult Wulf,
<italic>Musik</italic>
, with respect to all names; major musicological works: Walter Abendroth (one of the most active Nazi musicologists),
<italic>Hans Pfitzner</italic>
(Munich, 1935); Karl Blessinger,
<italic>Mendelssohn, Meverbeer, Mahler</italic>
(Berlin, 1939); Friedrich Blume (an internationally acknowledged musicologist writing along Nazi lines), Das
<italic>Rassenproblem in der Musik</italic>
(Wolfenbuttel/Berlin, 1939); Wolfgang Boetticher,
<italic>Robert Schumann</italic>
(Berlin, 1941); Ernst Bucken,
<italic>Deutsche Musikkunde</italic>
(Potsdam, 1935),
<italic>Musik der Deutschen</italic>
(Col ogne, 1941), and the well-known
<italic>Worterbuch der Musik</italic>
(Leipzig, 1940), Wilhelm Furtwangler,
<italic> Brahms und Bruckner</italic>
(Leipzig, 1941), (a non-Nazi work, representative of the conservative tradition, during the Third Reich maintaining itself in 'inner emigration'); Karl R Ganzer (a student of the Nazi and antisemitic historian Karl Alexander von Muller, who replaced Friedrich Meinecke as editor of the
<italic>Historische Zeitschrift</italic>
in 1936),
<italic>Richard Wagner, der Revolutionar gegen das 19. Jahrhundert</italic>
(Munich, 1934), and
<italic>Richard Wagner und das Judentum</italic>
, in
<italic>Forschungen zur Juden frage,</italic>
Vol. III (Hamburg, 1938), (clearly establishing Wagner as spiritual forebear of National Socialism — representative works of the times, and suggestive for our pur poses today too); Fritz Gysi,
<italic>Richard Strauss</italic>
(Potsdam, 1934), (dealing with one of the controversial musicians of the period after his departure from office in the Third Reich); Friedrich Herzfeld,
<italic>Wilhelm Furtwangler</italic>
(Leipzig, 1941), (easily the most con troversral, celebrated and denounced, musician of that era, one of the dramatic lives, representative ot the effort to maintain integrity within the Nazi state); Wilhelm Heinitz,
<italic>Die Erforschung rassischer Merkmale</italic>
an
<italic>der Volksmusik</italic>
(Ham burg, 1938); Walter Kuhn,
<italic>Fuhrung zur Musik</italic>
(Lahr i.B., 1939); Hans Kutz,
<italic>Hans Pfitzner</italic>
(Munich, 1938), Friedrich Mahlmg,
<italic>Ideal</italic>
und
<italic>Wirklichkeit. Warum Treiben wu Kusikgeschichte</italic>
(Wurzburg, 1940), Herbert Gerigk (ed.),
<italic>Meister der Musik</italic>
und
<italic>Ihre Werke</italic>
(Berlin, 1936); Otto Schumann (ed.), Meyers
<italic>Konzertfuhrer</italic>
(Leipzig, 1933), Hans J. Moser,
<italic>Kleine Deutsche Musikgeschichte</italic>
(Stuttgart, 1938) and the well- known
<italic> Musik-Lexikon</italic>
(2nd edition, Berlin 1943); Joseph Muller-Blattau,
<italic>Ger manisches Erbe in der deutschen Tonkunst</italic>
(Berlin, 1938), and
<italic>Geschichte der deutschen Musik</italic>
(Berlin, 1944); Ludwig Schiedermann,
<italic>Die deutsche Oper</italic>
(Bonn/Breslau, 1940), Georg Schnoor,
<italic>Oratorten und weltliche Chorwerke</italic>
(Leipzig, 1940); Oswald Schrenk,
<italic>Berlin und die Musik</italic>
(Berlin, 1940), and
<italic> Wilhelm Furtwangler</italic>
(Berlin, 1940); Otto Schumann,
<italic>Geschichte</italic>
der
<italic>deutschen Musik</italic>
(Leipzig, 1940); Adolf Seifert,
<italic>Volkslied und Rasse</italic>
(Berlin, 1940); Fritz Stege (one of the most active music commentators throughout the journal world),
<italic>Bilder aus der deutschen Musik kritik</italic>
(Regensburg, 1936); Fritz Stein,
<italic>Max Reger</italic>
(Potsdam, 1939); Walter Trienes,
<italic>Musik in Gefahr</italic>
(Regensburg, 1940). The relationship between history, musicology, and ideology is demonstrated in this brief bibliographical selection. See particularly the relationship between von Muller and Ganzer</p>
<p>13. Segregation was the theme of the
<italic>Lexikon</italic>
. For example: Achron, Joseph — attempted to create a Jewish national art music. Bloch, Ernst — attempted founding of a Jewish music on the basis of the character and spirit of his race. Contrast this with comments on Goldmann, Curt — thirty pseudonyms, many compositions to leftist titles: 'Bolshevik Dance'. Then after 1933 a turn to National Socialist titles. 'National March: Hail Germany Hail, Germany Has Awakened'; another: 'SA, Always Ready For Combat', etc. Segregation was practised and, at times, institutionalized. 'Non- Aryans were organized with their own periodicals and journals in 1933.' Ferdinand Beussel, 'Im Zeichen der Wende', Die
<italic>Musik</italic>
(June, 1933), 669. A Jewish Cultural Organization (Judischer Kulturbund) also was founded under the leadership of the musician-physician Dr Kurt Singer, which produced 600 perlormances between 1933 and 1941. By November 1933, the organization counted 19,000 members, including 125 musicians and actors. The conductor Joseph Rosenstock was
<italic>Generalmusikduektor</italic>
until he emigrated in 1936. Singer clung to the organization even when offered a chair at Yale while on a visit to New York in 1939. His life ended in a concentration camp at Theresienstadt in 1944. See Wulf,
<italic>Musik</italic>
, 82-4. The theme of segregation has not received enough attention, due to being overshadowed by the 'final solution'.</p>
<p>14. I have refrained from using the term 'music critic' because that individual, as we know him ceased to exist as of November 1936. By ordinance of the Propaganda Ministry, he was replaced by the 'music observer and commentator'. One such com mentator wrote that thus 'a word has been removed from the vocabulary and, hopeful ly, from the consciousness of the public'. Wilhelm Zentner, 'Musikbetrachtung statt Musikkritik',
<italic>Zeitschrift fur Musik</italic>
(March, 1937), 260-1. The
<italic> Musikbetrachter</italic>
was the last and necessary component of the machinery which rendered music political. Dismissal of undesirables alone had not sufficed to Nazify the critical profession. Under the guise of restoring art directly to the people and of defending the pure artist against a pejorative institution, that institution, or at least the symbol of a critical society, was eliminated, transformed into an implement of official propaganda. See also Mosse,
<italic> Nazi Culture,</italic>
the section on 'Building of a Total Culture', 133-96, specifically on art criticism, 162-3.</p>
<p>15. For an introduction to the Nazi effort of 'Building Myths and Heroes', see Mosse,
<italic>Nazi Culture</italic>
, 93-131 See also Michael Meyer's article on The Nazi Musicologist as Myth Maker in the Third Reich',
<italic>Journal of Contemporary History</italic>
(October, 1975), 649-65</p>
<p>16. From the
<italic>Levikon</italic>
Kestenberg, I eo — He became the Marxist music director of Prussia A most characteristic gesture was his appointment of Franz Schreker to the position of director of the State Academy of Music at Berlin Arnold Schonberg to a master class ..Paul Bekker to the position of
<italic>Intendant</italic>
.. Otto Klemperer to Opera director... He was friendly with the Communist Rosa Luxenberg.</p>
<p>17. As the political regime pressed churches into line, the 'German ( hristians' undermined authority from within. The 'Aryan paragraph' was applied in accordance with the Church I aw of 6 September 1933. I he Concordat with the Catholic Church (20 July 1933) and the creation of the German Evangelical Reich Church accorded with Hitler's attempt to 'deconlessionalize public life'. Walter Hofer (ed.),
<italic> Der Na tionalsozialismus Line Dokumentation</italic>
(Frankfurt am Mam/Hamburg), 121, 128. The church musicians who identified with the Deutsche Christen organized in the Nazi culture organization, the
<italic>Kampfbund fur deutsche kultur</italic>
, which had been founded by Alfred Rosenberg and Hans Hinkel in 1928. They published their own journal,
<italic>Ku chenmusik un Dritten Reich,</italic>
the cover of which was adorned by swastika and cross. Solidarity proclamations and articles dealing with the integration of church music with the Third Reich were published throughout the period. See 'Frklarung',
<italic> Zeitschrift fur Musik</italic>
(June 1933), 599-600, also Herbert Schulze, 'Die Orgelbewegung und ihre gegenwartige I age in Deutschland',
<italic>Zeitschrift fur Musik</italic>
(June, 1913), 594-9, and Wulf,
<italic>Musik</italic>
, 65-71, for additional references.</p>
<p>18.
<italic>Musikgeschichte</italic>
, 7-16. See also Helmuth Schmidt-Garre, 'Des rassische Stil der nordischen Musik',
<italic>Volksparole</italic>
(Dusseldorf, 24 October 1934), in Wulf,
<italic>Musik</italic>
, 236-7. On the reactionary character of Wagnerian myth see Adorno,
<italic> Versuch uber Wagner</italic>
(the entire analysis is relevant), which is related to general bourgeois resigna tion after 1848. See also, Lukacs,
<italic>Die Zerstorung der Vernunft</italic>
, 174, and Viereck,
<italic>Metapolitics</italic>
, 99-106. We are reminded of Thomas Mann's description of the German intellectual in his political condition as
<italic>machtgeschutzte Innerlichkeit</italic>
, in
<italic>Adel des Geistes</italic>
(Stockholm, 1945), 379, demonstrated in Ludwig II's patronage of Wagner.</p>
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