Jane F. Fulcher. The Composer as Intellectual: Music and Ideology in France 1914-1940. New York: Oxford University Press. 2005. Pp. xiv, 473. $74.00
Identifieur interne : 001584 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001583; suivant : 001585Jane F. Fulcher. The Composer as Intellectual: Music and Ideology in France 1914-1940. New York: Oxford University Press. 2005. Pp. xiv, 473. $74.00
Auteurs : Gisèle SapiroSource :
- The American Historical Review [ 0002-8762 ] ; 2006-10.
English descriptors
- Teeft :
- Amateur culture, Andre gide, Anna boschetti, Arnold schoenberg, Arthur honegger, Artistic counterpart, Beloved mentors, Careful consideration, Catholic artists, Catholic modernism, Catholic revival, Chantilly conferences, Chapter deals, Charles koechlin, Classical style, Claude debussy, Communist paul vaillantcouturier, Composer charles tournemire, Comprehensive inquiry, Conservative schola cantorum, Contemporary composers, Crucial contribution, Cultural hegemony, Cultural policy, Cultural projects, Cultural publications, Darius milhaud, David stevenson london school, Defensive commander, Democratic values, Dominant style, Ecole normale, Ecoles primaires superieures, Emile rougon, Erik satie, Essential truths, Exorable laws, External constraints, Extreme right, Fascist conception, Fascist currents, Federation musicale popu, French classicism, French composers, French music, French politicians, French resilience, French strategy, Future investigation, General erich, Germaine works, German romanticism, Ghting fascism, Greater part, Herve serry, Heuristic value, Higher weight, Ideological constraints, Ideological function, Ideological hegemony, Ideological issues, Ideological stakes, Ideological struggles, Igor stravinsky, Inchoate matter, Individual reactions, Internal approach, Internal force, Ironic distance, Ivory tower, Last period, Legitimate music, Legitimate references, Ligue nationale, Louis durey, Major decisions, Major role, Many artists, Marginal members, Maurice ravel, Metaphysical reasons, Military establishment, Modern music, Modern nivelle, Modern phenomenon, Multifront effort, Musical canon, Musical education, Musical groups, Musical practices, Musical works, Musique francaise, Mystic modernism, Nancial support, National community, National culture, Nineteenth century, Nonconformist intellectuals, Novel techniques, Novelist georges bernanos, Olivier messiaen, Other nationalists, Oxford university press, Painter georges rouault, Paris stephen schloesser, Patriotic task, Personal tragedies, Philosopher jacques maritain, Philosophical optimism, Pierre bourdieu, Plainchant music, Poesie partout, Political constraints, Political imperatives, Political issues, Political science jane, Popular front, Popular front regime, Positivist ideology, Positivist science, Postwar development, Postwar paris, Postwar renouveau, Powerful instrument, Pragmatic debate, Prestigious conservatoire, Professional concerns, Prominent reference, Public commands, Public discourse, Public role, Realist aesthetics, Realist insistence, Realist modes, Recent historiographical trends, Recent research, Reference october, Relational approach, Remarkable study, Renouveau, Renouveau catholique, Republican france, Resistance tendencies, Revolutionary culture, Richard wagner, Romain rolland, Salonika expedition, Same period, Sapiro cnrs, Schloesser, Scholastic philosophy, Scribe german music, Stephen book, Supreme commander, Symbolic domination, Symbolic power, Third republic, Thomas aquinas, Toronto press, Traditional views, Tragic side, Train music teachers, Union sacree, Universal meaning, Unprecedented carnage, Vindicates ferdinand foch, Wartime nationalism, Young generation.
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DOI: 10.1086/ahr.111.4.1261
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ISTEX:E7DBF3B4004CCB221489C985D84711405A43760FLe document en format XML
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Fulcher. The Composer as Intellectual: Music and Ideology in France 1914-1940. New York: Oxford University Press. 2005. Pp. xiv, 473. $74.00</title><respStmt><resp>Références bibliographiques récupérées via GROBID</resp><name resp="ISTEX-API">ISTEX-API (INIST-CNRS)</name></respStmt></titleStmt><publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority><publisher scheme="https://publisher-list.data.istex.fr">The University of Chicago Press</publisher><availability><licence><p>© 2006 American Historical Association. All rights reserved.</p></licence><p scheme="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-GTWS0RDP-M">oup</p></availability><date>2006</date></publicationStmt><notesStmt><note type="book-reviews" scheme="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-PBH5VBM9-4">book-reviews</note><note type="journal" scheme="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</note><note>FulcherJane F.. The Composer as Intellectual: Music and Ideology in France 1914–1940. 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<article-title>J<sc>ane</sc> F. F<sc>ulcher</sc>. <italic>The Composer as Intellectual: Music and Ideology in France 1914-1940</italic>. New York: Oxford University Press. 2005. Pp. xiv, 473. $74.00</article-title>
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<p>Although it seems to be the most apolitical of all arts, music has ever been an instrument of what Pierre Bourdieu calls “symbolic power.” The ideological function of music was especially emphasized in France during the Third Republic. In the wake of growing competition with Germany, music was nationalized and came to represent national culture and identity. This process reached its peak during World War I, when music was assigned the patriotic task of unifying the national community. The musical canon itself was at stake: French music was to be promoted and the German influence in France, especially that of Richard Wagner, to be combated.</p>
<p>How did composers react to these ideological constraints? Far from retreating into an ivory tower, French composers responded by committing themselves as intellectuals. The material and symbolic benefits they could obtain by endorsing the public role the state assigned them were important: promotion of French composers in programs, public commands, financial support for institutions. As Jane F. Fulcher puts it, “the dominance now being exercised by the state was powerful precisely because, in the interests of ideological hegemony, it played upon deeply rooted professional concerns” (p. 34). But, as she demonstrates in this very thorough and comprehensive inquiry, the response was never direct. Using concepts such as ideology, cultural hegemony, and symbolic domination as well as Bourdieu's theory of cultural fields, she shows that the political constraints were refracted or mediated through the specific issues and stakes of the French musical field. This relational (anti-essentialist) approach allows her to analyze the ideological struggles between the right and the left for appropriating the most legitimate references of the canon such as Ludwig van Beethoven, described either as revolutionary or as religious, while excluding contemporary composers like Wagner, Arnold Schoenberg, or Darius Milhaud as representative of German romanticism as opposed to French classicism, modern as opposed to classical style, foreign (Jewish) as opposed to French.</p>
<p>The book is divided in four chapters, covering four periods. Each chapter begins with a frame of the ideological issues, political constraints, and state cultural policy, turning then to analyze collective and individual reactions. These include not only the public discourse and interpretation of works in musical and cultural publications but also the way that ideological issues were translated in the musical works themselves.</p>
<p>The first chapter deals with wartime nationalism. During World War I, classicism, promoted by the extreme right, became the dominant style. The head of the Conservative Schola Cantorum, Vincent d'Indy, represented this trend, although contrary to other nationalists like Camille Saint-Saëns he refused to proscribe German music from the canon and thought Wagner had helped to “purify” French music from foreign influence, mainly Jewish. The republicans soon responded by appropriating the reference to classicism, while giving it a more humanist and universal meaning. Founded in 1916, the Ligue nationale pour la Défense de la musique française embodied the dominant ideology of “Union sacrée.” Nevertheless, a few composers resisted this ideology: namely Claude Debussy, Maurice Ravel, and Erik Satie, who introduced some ironic distance in their works of this period, or references to jazz, which was proscribed.</p>
<p>The ideological function imposed on music favored the postwar development (chapter two) of a policy aiming at diffusing legitimate music to the whole French people. A reform made musical education compulsory in the Écoles primaires supérieures. In 1919 the École normale de musique was created to train music teachers and was open to foreigners, unlike the prestigious Conservatoire. A critic of the nationalist dominant order, Ravel refused the official award of the Légion d'honneur, explaining that it implied agreeing to be judged by the state. Unlike Debussy, he was a reference for the young generation, the <italic>Groupe des Six</italic>—Georges Auric, Louis Durey, Arthur Honegger, Milhaud, François Poulenc, Germaine Tailleferre—whose works articulated the dilemmas between national and universal, tradition and modernity. Igor Stravinsky was also a prominent reference, harshly contested by the right as was André Gide in the literary field.</p>
<p>The Popular Front (chapter three) assigned to culture the task of fighting fascism and symbolizing democratic values. Art should no more be considered as a luxury but as something indispensable. Although it promoted the concept of <italic>fêtes du peuple</italic>, the cultural policy of the Popular Front consisted in diffusing “high” culture to the people—the radio providing a powerful instrument for this purpose—rather than promoting popular or amateur culture or developing a new revolutionary culture. The Fédération musicale populaire, a branch of the Maison de la Culture, embodied this policy: it created 140 musical groups in the summer of 1936 and launched the music firm <italic>Le Chant du monde</italic>. Linked to prominent leftist intellectuals such as Romain Rolland and the communist Paul Vaillant-Couturier, the Fédération promoted modern music against the fascist conception of the modern as “degenerate art.” Its head, Charles Koechlin, was close to members of the <italic>Groupe des Six</italic>, who got involved in cultural projects of the Popular Front and became official musicians of the regime. They contributed to great collective works like Rolland's <italic>Le 14 Juillet</italic>.</p>
<p>But the fascist currents were reviving romanticism. As the Popular Front regime declined, there was a return to spirit (chapter four), promoted by a new generation (among which Olivier Messiaen) close to the nonconformist intellectuals who refused the choice between right and left. In this last period, the seeds of both collaborationist and resistance tendencies can already be identified—but Fulcher leaves the war period for future investigation.</p>
<p>This remarkable study illustrates the heuristic value of Bourdieu's theory of fields, which has successfully been applied in recent research about literature in the same period (Anna Boschetti, <italic>La poésie partout: Apollinaire, homme-époque</italic> [2001], Hervé Serry, <italic>Naissance de l'intellectuel Catholique</italic> [2004]). Although emphasizing political issues and interpretations can induce a bias by according them a higher weight than they really had, it was necessary in order to dismiss the purely internal approach that prevails in the history of music. Without reducing musical practices to the simple reflect of external constraints, this research is exemplary in demonstrating that processes of hierarchization always involve ideological stakes.</p>
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