Martinů's Three Wishes and their fulfilment: links between Paris and Prague in music of the 1920s
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Auteurs : Geoffrey ChewSource :
- French cultural studies (Chalfont St. Giles) [ 0957-1558 ] ; 2000-10.
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- Teeft :
- Absolute music, Andr6 breton, Bohuslava, Czech, Czech music, Dada, Dada movement, Divadlo, Divadlo bohuslava, Indolende, Kurt weill, Marguerite buffet, Martinu, Martinu archive, Music theatre, Neue orpheus, Piano accompaniment, Prague, Prague modernism, Robert vilain, Serin muet, Trois souhaits, Whole drama, Wordless chorus.
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DOI: 10.1177/095715580001103306
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<contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Chew</surname><given-names>Geoffrey</given-names></name><aff>Department of Music, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham Hill, Egham, Surrey TW20 0EX</aff></contrib></contrib-group>
<pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>10</month><year>2000</year></pub-date><volume>11</volume><issue>33</issue><fpage>367</fpage><lpage>376</lpage><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>367 Martinů's Three Wishes and their fulfilment: links between Paris and Prague in music of the 1920s SAGE Publications, Inc.2000DOI: 10.1177/095715580001103306 Geoffrey Chew Department of Music, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham Hill, Egham, Surrey TW20 0EX The composer Bohuslav Martinu arrived in Paris in 1923 to seek, in his own words as reported by his biographer Milos Safranek, 'the true roots of European civilization'. He was to remain there for nearly 20 years, even though he continued to visit his home country every year, as long as France and Czechoslovakia remained outside Nazi control. (He was blacklisted by the Nazis, and also avoided returning to communist Czechoslovakia after the war, though his work was not ultimately condemned by the communists.) J The year after his arrival in Paris he wrote an article for the periodical Ndrodni a stavovsk6 divadlo (17 October 1924), on some of the differences he had seen between the musical scene in France and that in Czechoslovakia.' He dated the beginning of a 'new era in French music', one yet to reach Czechoslovakia, to Stravinsky's composition in 1910-11 of Petrushka, the work which he regarded above all as embodying all the essential elements of Stravinsky's subsequent work, and which he related to the two fundamental principles of 'objectivity' and 'dynamism'. This new art of Stravinsky's was to be understood as a contrast to the pre-war background against which it appeared, of the international 'Romanticism and Impressionism' of Debussy, Richard Strauss and Scriabin, at a time when (as he points out) even Janacek and Suk had not yet been accepted generally in Bohemia and Moravia. Now the influence of Stravinsky on Martinu's ceuvre is obvious, as it is on that of many of the French composers of the inter-war years. It is particularly 1 Reprinted also in the extensive collection of documents relating to Martinů's theatrical music in Miloš Šafránek, ed., Divadlo Bohuslava Martinů (Prague: Supraphon, 1979), 152-3. 80368 clear in the large number of neo-classical instrumental works written by Martinu in the 1930s and later. But it seems worth focusing on one of Martinu's early works, in order to capture more precisely the distinctive, indigenous French characteristics of his ceuvre from Paris at this period. For this purpose, I have chosen Les Trois Souhaits (1929), one of the handful of compositions Martinu produced to librettos by Georges Ribemont-Dessaignes, who had been one of the leaders in the Dada movement earlier in the 1920s, and who was introduced to Martinu by Safranek, already mentioned, their mutual friend, who was the cultural attach6 at the Czechoslovak Legation in Paris, and one of Martinu's chief early apologists. Martinu was already known as a chic modernist well before he left for Paris. In 1919 he had come under attack: in a review of his ballet Stin Otakar Ostrcil, composer and conductor, refused to recommend the work for performance at the National Theatre in Prague.' Ostrcil found Martinu's 'modern, or rather fashionable' style to be informed by an unmotivated primitivism; he criticized the orchestration, for example, as being 'simple and crude, with undue use of piano and celesta ... The sound of the piano gives an orchestral piece the unduly trivial sound of a cafe band [kov6rensky šaraml]'. The respective attitudes to the primitive and the trivial indeed supply a central key to the distinctions to be drawn between the aesthetics of pre-war 'Viennese' Prague modernism (represented by Ostrcil among others) and post-war 'Parisian' Prague modernism, as represented by Martinu And a central factor in the shift was, no doubt, the appearance of Stravinsky's music on the Parisian scene from 1910, with the primitivism of Le Sacre du printemps (1911-13) or Les Noces (1921-3), and the use of Triviolmusik in the Piano Rog Music (1919), placed in the service primarily of the ballet. For Martinu Stravinsky's music appears not to have offered a series of particular models for direct imitation so much as a generalized model of eclecticism: he too draws on a range of heterogeneous models, capable of being directly juxtaposed in order to create a panorama of contrasted, well- defined forms, existing within the realm of absolute rather than descriptive music. Such forms appear to have offered him the 'objectivity' he admired in Stravinsky, and his choice chiefly of dance forms - very largely modern, popular dance forms - seems to correspond with the 'dynamism' he saw in the Russian composer. On both counts, the ballet seemed appropriate, offering as it did opportunities for grotesqueries of various types, by no means all derived from Stravinsky. Thus the dramatis personae in the lost Koledo of 1917 were the comic characters of Czech Baroque Christmas plays and pastorellas, those of Kdo je na svete nejmocnejai (1922) are mice, and those of the well-known Revue de cuisine (Kuchy'skd revue, 1927) are kitchen utensils. Opera at this time still presented problems to the composer. 2 Šafránek (ed.), Divadlo Bohuslava Martinu, 119. 81369 Introducing the performance of his Istar, a ballet (what he describes as a meloplastickj veœr, a 'meloplastic evening'), and clearly aware of the novelty of this work for the Prague public, he wrote in Tribuna (10 September 1924): '[The new problems of dramatic art] are a topical question, proceeding from a kind of stagnation in opera, or rather music drama, which is now ... in a cul-de-sac. It is also the result of the new direction in contemporary music, which is manifested in absolute music. Naturallv, this has led to the renewal of the ballet ... It is self-evident that the restoration of the ballet genre has been founded on new, modern principles ... [And] the works which signify the regeneration of the ballet are in the first place the works of Stravinsky: The Firebird, Mavra and, principally, Petrushka ... When I embarked in 1918 on the composition of Istar, I had not yet become aware of the new currents, which I have learnt for the first time this year in Paris." And it was precisely the stimulus of indigenous French attitudes to music theatre that appears to have suggested to Martinu the directions he should subsequently take, before in 1928 he embarked on the series of operas, 16 in all, which was to continue until the end of his life in 1959. Though Stravinsky himself had provided precedents for modern opera in Mavra (1921-2) and Oedipus rex (1926-7), a particular catalyst for Martinu seems to have been the avant-garde interest of 1920s Paris in films and film techniques, particularly the films of Charlie Chaplin.~ On tourne! (Natcici se!) of 1927 casts a ballet in terms of the production of a film, providing a narrative-within-a-narrative structure that we shall meet also in Les Trois Souhaits. It is difficult to pinpoint Martinu's own conception of the film; it seems to be definable in terms of successions of movements of absolute music, clearlv differentiated in formal terms, not essentiallv different from ballet movements. (Thus his Film en miniature. written in Paris in 1925, is a suite of short abstract piano pieces, a mixture of older and more modern dances (tango, waltz) and other character pieces (chanson, berceuse, etc.); an article on film by Vft6zslav Nezval of the same year emphasizes the abstractness of the medium, its independence of national tradition and, tongue in cheek, claims there is no such thing as an aesthetic of film.5) But from the theatrical point of view, film is of course different from ballet in that it is released from the latter's physical limitations; and Martinu seems to have sensed a parallel musical liberation in film, allowing him to feel that freer experimentation was possible than with the ballet, and encouraging him to incorporate surreal elements. His first opera, voj6k a tonecnice, was, however, not written to a French 3 Šafránek (ed.), Divadlo Bohuslava Martinů, 136-7. 4 Chaplin was also the subject of great interest in Czechoslovakia; for example, Louis Delluc's Charlie Chaplin (Paris: Brunoff, 1921) was translated by Jarmila Fastrová (Prague, 1924). 5 Český filmový svēt, 3, no. 10-11 (September 1925), 6-7, reprinted in Nezval's Collected Works, 24 (Manifesty, eseje a kritické projevy z poetismu (1921-1930) (Prague, 1967)), 68-71. 82370 libretto: the libretto was by J. L. Budin, a pseudonym for the Prague lawyer Jan L6wenbach, whose ideas on a modern version of comic opera were forcefully expressed in an article in Listy Hudebni l11atice - Tempo.' (Budín put some pressure on Martinu to write a parallel article himself, but the composer resisted doing so, and indeed seems to have resisted a number of suggestions of Budin's.) The path followed by Wagner and Strauss was, according to Budin, no longer viable; nor was the modern path of the Literaturoper, through which composers set dramas that had never been envisaged as music theatre. Instead, a renewal of opera buffa was required, allowing more freedom than was possible in serious opera, in which the action should be unimportant, and the music should be governed more by rhythm and movement than by lyricism. In this spirit, Budin's libretto represents a reinterpretation of the comedy of Plautus, which clearly still allowed scope for Martinu's characteristic grotesquerie, with a baffling variety of characters including sun and moon, statues, knives and forks and so on. The decisive step came in 1928, when Martinu began his collaboration with Georges Ribemont-Dessaignes, who had been prominent earlier in the decade in the Dada movement, and who used music as a stick with which to beat some of his collaborators (he claims, for instance, no doubt tongue in cheek, that Andr6 Breton hated music). He was at any rate musically literate to the extent of playing the flute and of composing a handful of works (though he says airily in his memoirs that his manuscripts are `lost').' Although he is known primarily as a writer, his music did feature in notorious Dadaist provocations of the early 1920s; for example, at a performance in Paris on 27 March 1920, a piano composition of his, entitled Le Pas de la chicorée fris6e, was performed besides theatre pieces by Andr6 Breton, Tristan Tzara and his own Le Serin muet. Ribemont-Dessaignes described the occasion more than once; he writes: 'I cannot conceal the fact that this music [which elsewhere he claims was 'composed in accordance with notes that I had plucked out arbitrarily, leaving their choice to chance'] provoked an unprecedented scandal. Was it greater than that which greeted the first performance of Le Socre du printemps in 1913 ...? I think not. But what is certain is that, while Marguerite Buffet, Picabia's cousin, was playing my music with beautiful imperturbability and a good deal of pluck, and while I was seated by her at the piano, to turn the pages, I seemed to hear nothing but the continual noise of breaking glass or crockery, made by the notes of the piano and shouting and whistling from the audience ... The public got a taste for scandal for 6 Listy Hudební matice - Tempo, 7 (1928), 248ff; reprinted in Šafránek (ed.), Divadlo Bohuslava Mortinů, 165-7. This work is due for a revival in Prague in December 2000. 7 See, for example, Georges Ribemont-Dessaignes, Déjà jadis, ou du mouvement Dada à l'espace abstrait (Paris: René Julliard, 1958), 104, 402; this is one of the poses the author repeatedly strikes. 83371 scandal's sake, and during an interlude people went out into the rue La Bo6tie to buy oranges, apples and tomatoes; others did not shrink from getting beefsteaks and escalopes and throwing them at the stage ... As for me, I was imprisoned in an immense cardboard funnel standing on end, swaying untiringly in time to the music which Marguerite Buffet was playing. But at the wide end of the funnel, the missiles whirled around before falling gently on my skull.'R By 1928, when Martinu and Ribemont-Dessaignes began their collaboration, the Dadaist movement was at an end, with the principal participants having redefined themselves as surrealists. Martinu had been well acquainted with Ribemont-Dessaignes's work for some time, and Ribemont-Dessaignes for his part had had contacts with Czech artists for decades; indeed during the 1920s two of his theatrical pieces had been performed at the Osvobozen6 divadlo (Liberated Theatre) in Prague, Le Bourreau du P6rou and Le Serin muet, the same work performed at the Paris occasion I have just mentioned.' Ribemont-Dessaignes provided Martinu in 1928 with a surreal one-acter entitled Les Larmes du couteau, first written as a play in 1926.10 In an undated letter to Safranek, Ribemont-Dessaignes complained that he might have lost the manuscript," and his French biographer, Franck Jotterand, also laments the loss of the piece,12 although it survives in the Martinu archive at Policka; an edition is greatly to be desired. He then proceeded with the more substantial Les Trois Souhaits, ou les vicissitudes de la vie. The gap in our understanding of this collaboration is, indeed, largely Ribemont-Dessaignes's fault, for at no point in his memoirs or his published writing in French does he make the slightest mention of his contacts with Czechoslovakia. Safranek reports on Martinu's disappointment at noticing this when, towards the end of Martinu's life, a copy of D6j6 jadis came into 8 Ribemont-Dessaignes, 'Un compositeur Dada', in Cahiers de l'Association internationale pour l'étude de Dada et du surréalisme, 2 (1968), 61-4; this passage at p. 63. Cf. his Déjà jadis, 100-1. 9 Šafránek (ed.), Divadlo Bohuslava Martinů, 41. 10 In a private communication Marcus Gammel informs me that Les Larmes du couteau ( Larmes de couteau, in Martinů's orthography, and also in the Ribemont-Dessaignes letter quoted below, n. 11) was published as a play in 1926. See 1 + 1 = 3: Les Larmes du couteau (Die Tränen des Messers), Deutsche Erstauffuhrung, Alexandre bis (Zweimal Alexander), Berliner Erstaufführung: Zwei Einakter von Bohuslav Martinů, Berlin, [1999]. I am grateful to Dr Gammel, and also to Dr Jarmila Gabrielová, who has made available to me an unpublished paper of hers on the dramaturgy of Les Larmes du couteau. Martinů's setting, which has recently been recorded, shortened and slightly rearranged the original. It was intended for the Baden-Baden summer festival in 1928, but was left unperformed until a performance at Brno in 1969 owing to the sensational subject matter (this also prevented its publication by Universal Edition). 11 Letter preserved at the Martinu archive at Polička (copy also at the Martinů Foundation in Prague): 'Quant à Larmes de couteau, je n'en ai plus le manuscrit. L'ai-je égaré? Je n'y comprends rien. Heureusement Martinů [sic] doit en avoir la copie.' 12 Franck Jotterand, Georges Ribemont-Dessaignes, Poètes d'aujourd'hui, 153 (Paris: Éditions Seghers, 1966), 56. 84372 his hands, though the disappointment may have been Safranek's rather than Martinu's.13 However, one wonders how far the history of the Parisian avant-garde of the 1920s is coloured by intentional or unintentional censorship of evidence of collaboration of this sort. Whether or not Ribemont-Dessaignes later wished to downplay his Czech connections for a French audience, he was evidently happy at the time to publish an enthusiastic article in the Prague journal Pestrý tyden (vol. 5, no. 1, 4 January 1930) on his collaboration with Martinu and in particular concerning Les Trois Souhaits.14 Consciously or unconsciously echoing the famous words of Mozart concerning the reception of Figaro in Prague, 'Meine Prager verstehen mich!', he writes: I think I encountered the greatest sympathy in Prague, and I am not a little proud of that ... One day, and not without great pleasure, I received a photograph of the production of Le Bourreau du Perou at the Osvobozen6 divadlo. Thus some of my thoughts remain in Prague. But another bond links me with Czechoslovakia: the fact that Martinu and I constructed an opera-film, of which it is possible to say that it has ' twin fathers. For though I provided mere food for music, Martinu was full of ideas for the libretto, and I must admit that, in contrast to what one . usually expects of musicians, rigid in matters of dramatic action and freedom of spirit, Martinu provided me with the most lively notions for : our piece, Les Trois Souhaits. The opera itself is cast in a prologue (not sung), three acts and a postlude. In the prologue, a film is about to be shot; we learn how expensive the production is, and we see Nina Valencia, who is to play Indolende in the film, flirting behind the back of her husband (Arthur de St. Barbe, who is to play Indolende's husband M. Juste), with Serge Eliacin, the actor, to play Adolphe. Act I introduces the film: M. Juste and Indolende, a bored bourgeois couple, wake up one morning, and M. Juste goes out hunting. In the forest he encounters La F6e Nulle, the last of her tribe, and takes her home to entertain his wife, who is not a 'realist' like himself but adores luxury, dreams and affairs of the heart. M. Juste agrees to give the fairy her freedom in exchange for three wishes. The first wish, made immediately, is for riches; their home is transformed into a palace in which they are entertaining high society and at the same time celebrating the engagement of Adolphe, Indolende's cousin, with Mlle Eblouie, to whom the fairy gives as a wedding present a golden castle on the Island of Gold. In Act II, the party is on board ship, bound for the castle. As the Isle of Gold is approached, everything starts to turn to gold: birds, clothing, sun and moon, and the ship itself; a storm of golden rain further weighs the ship 13 Šafránek (ed.), Divadlo Bohuslava Martinů, 45. 14 Reprinted in Šafránek (ed.), Divadlo Bohuslava Martinů, 171-2 (Šafránek points out that the editor of Pestrý týden worked from Ribemont-Dessaignes's French text). 85373 down, and it sinks. Arrived at a desert island evidently devoid of political correctness, Adolphe is confronted by a grotesque negress, singing, dancing and trying to seduce him. M. Juste makes a second wish, that Indolende should have her youth renewed; she instantly falls in love with Adolphe, who is thus saved from the clutches of the negress. Left alone, M. Juste makes his last wish, to be loved; but this love is bestowed on him not by Indolende but by Eblouie, Adolphe's ex-fianc6e, who, though undoubtedly still living up to her name, is now a beggar-woman, ugly, aggressive and jealous. She drives M. Juste to distraction, and he dies: 'la vie est difficile!'. But, with the three wishes granted, the fairy is set free, as the film ends. In Act III the film is being premiered in the cinema; Nina and Serge are still flirting. In the second scene, the actors are en route for New York; and finally, in a scene in an American bar named 'The Three Wishes' after what is by now a cult movie, Nina and Serge are dancing, the latest hit song is played on the gramophone, the actress who played the fairy performs a striptease, and Arthur is left alone at the bar. Finally, he gives up, pays the waiter and leaves, with a repetition of the end of the film; once more, 'la vie est difficile'." This work was not performed until 1969, despite the mention of a possible venue in Paris in an unpublished letter of 15 August 1928 from Ribemont-Dessaignes to Martinu. 16 and Martinu's own hope that it would be performed in Berlin. It is particularly regrettable that it had no contemporary performance in Prague, and that in consequence we have no Czech reviews of it, especially left-wing reviews (one by Nezval would have been interesting). Indeed the importance of the work has generally been minimized: it is usually understood merely in terms of experimentation, as a milestone on Martinu's path to the neo-classicism of the symphonies and the chamber music. Yet this collaboration of librettist and composer represents a fully realized achievement in itself. It is a key moment in the development of Czech music in the twentieth century: the decisive point at which international, Parisian avant-garde modernism, that of France and the Ballets Russes, became a viable alternative in Czech music to the other modernisms derived from Central European sources, and not merely as a pale imitation of Stravinsky. In Czech, and perhaps also French, music theatre it occupies a position similar to that of Der neue Orpheus and Roval Palace in the output of Kurt Weill at the same period (in his case, the avant-garde works written before the collaboration with Brecht in the 1930s). Both composers, in their 15 Marcus Gammel points out that the bar scene in the third act is less 'realistic' than this may suggest, since the stage directions require ambiguity as to whether the characters (Lilian Nevermore, the star; Arthur; the barman) are aware of each other's presence or not. 16 Letter (in the Martinů archive at Polička) from Neauphle-le-Château: 'J'ai appris que Mme Beriza a enfin un théâtre à elle. Donc vous aurez sans doute affaire avec elle.' 86374 slightly different ways, were seeking to construct a new classicism, not precisely identifiable with the later 'neo-classicism', that was socially aware in a left-wing sense, representing a rejection of the 'culinary' bourgeois consumerism represented, to their minds, by late Romanticism - owing much to the Junge Klassizit5t of Busoni, outlined some 20 years earlier." Of course, in both cases the social critique is the product of a bourgeois mentality; Ribemont-Dessaignes himself offers this interpretation of the Parisian Dadaist enterprise in his memoirs." And both cases display a remarkable, and paradoxical, combination of surrealist aesthetics with a strong commitment to clarity of structure. To understand this, a closer look at some aspects of the work will be advisable. The casting of the central fable, the 'pohddka', as a (fictitious) film, at once suggests that the action will go beyond realistic drama, and will generally exploit possibilities wider than those normally to be expected in theatrical productions. So when M. Juste, out hunting in Act I, is confronted by fantastic dream-like apparitions - flowers growing in an instant, in the shape of beautiful women, and immediately disappearing again; giant butterflies; tigers - the listener is unsurprised; the film can be expected to project surrealist images just as the framing prologue and Act III epilogue can be expected to project realistic images. Nevertheless, the narrative is more complicated than this, and neither the realism nor the surrealism is content to keep to its allotted sphere. The scene with M. Juste hunting is central to Act I: as the scene in which he meets and captures the fairy, it sets up the rest of the action within the film-within-the- opera. One of the central intertexts of this scene is Romantic opera of the German variety, whose plots so often involve the meeting of lovers who are made mortal and supernatural respectively in order to symbolize their essential incompatibility; this device fuels the routine necessity for the death of the heroine, and/or for the redemption of the hero through her exceptionally constant love. The first meeting of such lovers, usually also in the first act of the drama, will typically involve ecstasy in a passionate erotic embrace between hero and heroine, though with premonitions of doom. We might take Dvotdk's Rusalka as a representative, late example (exceptional only in that the plot requires the heroine to be dumb through most of the action, a disadvantage in an operatic heroine: the tenor has in consequence to maintain the erotic momentum in the Act I scene on his own). In Les Trois 17 Cf. Geoffrey Chew and Robert Vilain, 'Iwan Goll and Kurt Weill: Der neue Orpheus and Royal Palace', Yvan Goll - Claire Goll: Texts and Contexts, eds Eric Robertson and Robert Vilain (Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, 1997), 97-126. 18 Ribemont-Dessaignes, Déjà jadis, 18: 'Il ne vient à l'esprit de personne d'avancer que Dada soit d'origine prolétarienne: les tenants de Dada sont des intellectuels nourris de la culture bourgeoise, et c'est bien ce qui indignait la bourgeoisie.' 87375 Souhaits, too, the pair is incompatible, but in grotesque terms, by which I mean that there are unresolved disagreements between the Romantic, genre- derived aspects and the various anti-Romantic interjections. So M. Juste interrupts her effusions with farcical guesses as to her identity; equally when he attempts to set her free from the trap in which she is caught, she too abruptly drops the Romantic tone and angrily demands that he keep his hands off her. Moreover, it is clear that the fairy's Romanticism has itself passed its prime: the ridiculous text that she sings, and the (mostly) wordless chorus that accompanies her song, owe more than a little to popular Trivialkultur. (The care and skill with which Martinu sets up his evocations of kitsch are, though, astonishing; he was scathing about composers who wrote carelessly.) The second stanza of M. Juste's aria, like the first, begins with a neo-classical fugato in Stravinskian style before it is interrupted by the fairy (various miracles have passed before his eyes, but he resolutely refuses to recognize any of them). Despite his objections, she and her wordless chorus increasingly dominate the rest of the scene, which builds up to a climax in the manner the genre might lead us to expect, though the effect is radically undercut by the allusions to kitsch; after the climax, a return to the neo-classical fugato closes the scene. This scene is the point at which the principal themes of the opera are arguably set up, if one takes these to be the exposure of the fantasies with which philistine bourgeois people like M. Juste and Indolende dupe themselves, and the relationship between these fantasies, money and sex. For M. Juste and Indolende, the fairy represents money; but even before she appears on the scene, the persistent sounds, from the very beginning of the music, of the cuckoo and of M. Juste's hunting horn, remind us of the cuckoldry and the consequent loss of power that constantly threatens these characters. And it does so whether, like Indolende, they prefer dreams, or whether, like M. Juste, they would prefer to proclaim themselves realists, innocent of any sympathy with poetry. Further narrative complexity results from the way in which some numbers in the music reduplicate the general theme in miniature. During the course of Act III, the action of Acts I and II is partially recapitulated in a film sequence, projected on screen, which includes an interesting sequence of `film music', with an on-stage chamber ensemble. But the real centre of the whole drama is the Ballade in Act II, which once more has intertexts in a handful of nineteenth-century operas composed around ballads or other 'naive' songs (the prime example is Wagner's Der fliegende Holldnder, but the same device is found in Marschner's Hans Heiling and Cherubini's Les Deux fournées). In these operas, at some central point in the whole drama a main character sings a ballad or other song in folk style, whose narrative parallels that of the main action. Using a ballad in this way mythologizes the principal action (by which I mean that it raises it to a mythical level, both in the consciousness of the character on stage and in that of the audience), 88376 giving it a guarantee of authenticity and of wider significance. Thus Senta's daring to sing the ballad in the Dutchman means that she accepts the myth and its consequences for herself; the ballad is set off from the rest of the act, and musically too it provides material that can be used in reminiscence for highly dramatic effect; when the quiet 'redemption' theme of its second half recurs in the opera, its symbolic function is immediately recognizable. Martinu's Ballade fulfils a comparable function, and therefore represents a powerful unifying agent in the work. Ribemont-Dessaignes's simple, strophic text repeats phrases in almost ritual permutations, 'bien lourd', 'trop lourd', 'cœur lourd', 'sans amour', 'sans secours', undercutting any sentimentality and yet providing the opportunity for a touching setting. In the Czech tradition, unaccompanied male-voice choirs have quite often been used as the medium for ballads in the folk or heroic style; so despite the fact that the opera is scored for large orchestra, Martinu elects to use a male-voice quartet with piano accompaniment alone. But the setting, once again, simultaneously alludes to and undercuts generic expectations: the male-voice quartet is not heroic, but a barbershop ensemble. And the reflective, introspective fourth and fifth stanzas have a piano accompaniment that is in jazz style, as that term was understood at the time, avoiding sentimentality in favour of the 'objectivity' and 'dynamism' about which Martinu had written in 1924. Moreover, the ballad serves also to integrate the film element into the work as a whole: the composer's manuscript annotations of Ribemont-Dessaignes's typescript indicates that the storm and the sinking of the ship are projected on the curtain as the ballad is sung. And furthermore, this piece provides a point of reference that extends beyond the bounds of Acts I and II; at the end of Act III, when Arthur de St. Barbe leaves and the work comes to a close, a reminiscence of this ballad is heard once more. These examples may be sufficient to give some idea of the nature of the work and of the remarkable inventiveness of its music. In particular, the eclectic mixture of generic allusions and of musical style, so often regarded as a weakness in Martinu. is one of the strengths of this work: it represents one of the principal means by which the composer multiplies its points of reference, helping both to structure the narrative and (through parody) to undermine its stability. And the basic idea behind it, the projection of affective situations through unsentimental, stark juxtapositions of heterogeneous material, is clearly enough a borrowing from the French surrealist aesthetic of the 1920s; and this supplied a lasting foundation for one of the most important strands of Czech music of the entire century.</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes>
<p>1 Reprinted also in the extensive collection of documents relating to Martinů's theatrical music in Miloš Šafránek, ed., <italic>Divadlo Bohuslava Martin</italic>ů (Prague: Supraphon, 1979), 152-3.</p>
<p>2 Šafránek (ed.), <italic>Divadlo Bohuslava Martinu,</italic> 119.</p>
<p>3 Šafránek (ed.), <italic>Divadlo Bohuslava Martinů,</italic> 136-7.</p>
<p>4 Chaplin was also the subject of great interest in Czechoslovakia; for example, Louis Delluc's <italic>Charlie Chaplin</italic> (Paris: Brunoff, 1921) was translated by Jarmila Fastrová (Prague, 1924).</p>
<p>5 <italic>Český filmový svēt,</italic> 3, no. 10-11 (September 1925), 6-7, reprinted in Nezval's <italic>Collected Works,</italic> 24 (<italic>Manifesty, eseje a kritické projevy z poetismu</italic> (1921-1930) (Prague, 1967)), 68-71.</p>
<p>6 <italic>Listy Hudební matice - Tempo,</italic> 7 (1928), 248ff; reprinted in Šafránek (ed.), <italic> Divadlo Bohuslava Mortinů,</italic> 165-7. This work is due for a revival in Prague in December 2000.</p>
<p>7 See, for example, Georges Ribemont-Dessaignes, <italic>Déjà jadis, ou du mouvement Dada à l'espace abstrait</italic> (Paris: René Julliard, 1958), 104, 402; this is one of the poses the author repeatedly strikes.</p>
<p>8 Ribemont-Dessaignes, 'Un compositeur Dada', in <italic>Cahiers de l'Association internationale pour l'étude de Dada et du surréalisme,</italic> 2 (1968), 61-4; this passage at p. 63. Cf. his <italic>Déjà jadis,</italic> 100-1.</p>
<p>9 Šafránek (ed.), Divadlo <italic>Bohuslava Martinů,</italic> 41.</p>
<p>10 In a private communication Marcus Gammel informs me that Les <italic>Larmes du couteau</italic> (<italic> Larmes de couteau,</italic> in Martinů's orthography, and also in the Ribemont-Dessaignes letter quoted below, n. 11) was published as a play in 1926. See <italic>1</italic> + <italic>1 = 3:</italic> Les <italic>Larmes</italic> du <italic>couteau (Die Tränen</italic> des <italic>Messers), Deutsche Erstauffuhrung, Alexandre</italic> bis <italic> (Zweimal Alexander), Berliner Erstaufführung: Zwei Einakter von Bohuslav Martinů,</italic> Berlin, [1999]. I am grateful to Dr Gammel, and also to Dr Jarmila Gabrielová, who has made available to me an unpublished paper of hers on the dramaturgy of <italic>Les Larmes du couteau.</italic> Martinů's setting, which has recently been recorded, shortened and slightly rearranged the original. It was intended for the Baden-Baden summer festival in 1928, but was left unperformed until a performance at Brno in 1969 owing to the sensational subject matter (this also prevented its publication by Universal Edition).</p>
<p>11 Letter preserved at the Martinu archive at Polička (copy also at the Martinů Foundation in Prague): 'Quant à <italic>Larmes</italic> de <italic>couteau,</italic> je n'en ai plus le manuscrit. L'ai-je égaré? Je n'y comprends rien. Heureusement <italic>Martin</italic>ů [<italic>sic</italic>] doit en avoir la copie.'</p>
<p>12 Franck Jotterand, <italic>Georges Ribemont-Dessaignes,</italic> Poètes d'aujourd'hui, 153 (Paris: Éditions Seghers, 1966), 56.</p>
<p>13 Šafránek (ed.), <italic>Divadlo Bohuslava Martinů,</italic> 45.</p>
<p>14 Reprinted in Šafránek (ed.), <italic>Divadlo Bohuslava Martinů,</italic> 171-2 (Šafránek points out that the editor of <italic>Pestrý týden</italic> worked from Ribemont-Dessaignes's French text).</p>
<p>15 Marcus Gammel points out that the bar scene in the third act is less 'realistic' than this may suggest, since the stage directions require ambiguity as to whether the characters (Lilian Nevermore, the star; Arthur; the barman) are aware of each other's presence or not.</p>
<p>16 Letter (in the Martinů archive at Polička) from Neauphle-le-Château: 'J'ai appris que Mme Beriza a enfin un théâtre à elle. Donc vous aurez sans doute affaire avec elle.'</p>
<p>17 Cf. Geoffrey Chew and Robert Vilain, 'Iwan Goll and Kurt Weill: <italic>Der neue Orpheus</italic> and <italic>Royal Palace', Yvan Goll - Claire Goll: Texts and Contexts,</italic> eds Eric Robertson and Robert Vilain (Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, 1997), 97-126.</p>
<p>18 Ribemont-Dessaignes, <italic> Déjà jadis,</italic> 18: 'Il ne vient à l'esprit de personne d'avancer que Dada soit d'origine prolétarienne: les tenants de Dada sont des intellectuels nourris de la culture bourgeoise, et c'est bien ce qui indignait la bourgeoisie.'</p>
</notes></back></article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>Martinů's Three Wishes and their fulfilment: links between Paris and Prague in music of the 1920s</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>Martinů's Three Wishes and their fulfilment: links between Paris and Prague in music of the 1920s</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Geoffrey</namePart><namePart type="family">Chew</namePart><affiliation>Department of Music, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham Hill, Egham, Surrey TW20 0EX</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2000-10</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2000</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>French cultural studies (Chalfont St. Giles)</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0957-1558</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1740-2352</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">FRC</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spfrc</identifier><part><date>2000</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>11</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>33</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>367</start><end>376</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">C97D28D82F885B1A968BB634EC7C3FC529B8F241</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-KC9V737T-W</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/095715580001103306</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_095715580001103306</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/C97D28D82F885B1A968BB634EC7C3FC529B8F241/metadata/json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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