DebussyV1, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 000034

Musical Encounters at the 1889 Paris World’s Fair. By Annegret Fauser. pp. xx + 391. Eastman Studies in Music, 32. (University of Rochester Press, Rochester, NY and Woodbridge, 2005, £40. ISBN 1-58046-185-9.)Debussy’s Letters to Inghelbrecht: The Story of a Musical Friendship. Annotated by Margaret G. Cobb. Trans. by Richard Miller. pp. xxii + 131. (University of Rochester Press, Rochester, NY, 2005, £45. ISBN 1-58046-174-3.)

Identifieur interne : 000034 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000033; suivant : 000035

Musical Encounters at the 1889 Paris World’s Fair. By Annegret Fauser. pp. xx + 391. Eastman Studies in Music, 32. (University of Rochester Press, Rochester, NY and Woodbridge, 2005, £40. ISBN 1-58046-185-9.)Debussy’s Letters to Inghelbrecht: The Story of a Musical Friendship. Annotated by Margaret G. Cobb. Trans. by Richard Miller. pp. xxii + 131. (University of Rochester Press, Rochester, NY, 2005, £45. ISBN 1-58046-174-3.)

Auteurs : Robert Orledge

Source :

Music and Letters [ 0027-4224 ] ; 2006.

RBID : ISTEX:BC746ED2C0054E0ABCF0843BA5CD44E622438DDA
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DOI: 10.1093/ml/gcl058

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<article-title><italic>Musical Encounters at the 1889 Paris World’s Fair</italic>
. By Annegret Fauser. pp. xx + 391. Eastman Studies in Music, 32. (University of Rochester Press, Rochester, NY and Woodbridge, 2005, £40. ISBN 1-58046-185-9.)<break></break>
<italic>Debussy’s Letters to Inghelbrecht: The Story of a Musical Friendship</italic>
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<body><p>In retrospect, the Universal Exhibition of 1889 showed Paris at the crossroads between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and it is to Annegret Fauser’s credit that she has been the first to produce a comprehensive book on the vital role that music played in this transition, both as entertainment and as an invaluable indicator of French socio-political views on Europe and Empire. The prevailing attitude of the many official organizers was to show French supremacy over the rest of the world, and most critics reiterated their nineteenth-century prejudices about race and gender to please a like-minded bourgeois readership, but there were a few who looked ahead, such as the ethnographically aware Julien Tiersot of <italic>Le Ménestrel</italic>
, who led the way towards a universal music theory, and Claude Debussy, who alone probed beneath the surface trappings of the Javanese and Vietnamese contributions and integrated the multi-layered gamelan textures, together with what he derived from the official Russian concerts, into a new heterophonic musical language.</p>

<p>‘Musical Encounters at the 1889 Paris World’s Fair’ is an ideal subject in various ways. Just as the Fair itself offered a safe, self-contained world tour to the travel-wary Parisian bourgeoisie in a good deal less than Jules Verne’s ‘80 days’, and inspired much-needed feelings of patriotism and supremacy during a troubled political period for President Carnot’s Third Republic, so it provided Professor Fauser with a self-contained subject, focused on a six-month period, in which she could display her undoubted skills as a historical musicologist and use a high percentage of her meticulous research into the bargain. Then, just as the Fair raised important issues for its critics in terms of the exotic Other, race, gender, sex, and politics, so it provided Fauser with the opportunity to interpret these views with the benefit of hindsight, and to reveal her prowess as an up-to-date and extremely widely read cultural analyst. If it might be said that there is a dichotomy in style between the directness of her objective historical reportage and the complexities of her socio-political reflections (which often drove me (unsuccessfully) to my dictionary to check the meanings of neologisms such as ‘acousmatic’ or ‘xenotopic’), then her treatment of the obvious feminist issues in chapter 3 about Augusta Holmès and her grandiloquent <italic>Ode triomphale</italic>
 was entirely balanced and, if anything, understated. If her desire to appropriate the latest American concepts into the world of 1889 (such as Bruce Smith’s ‘historical phenomenology’ (p. 231 n. 36), or Mateer and Cullens’s ‘discourse networks’ (p. 288 n. 16)) seemed artificial at first, then it has to be said that Fauser proved their relevance admirably. If one might observe that a potentially fascinating press argument about the role of words and music is underexploited in chapter 3 (including the wonderful comment from François Coppée on p. 111 that ‘True verses . . . never do suit musicians. I have worked for some of them, I know what it is like’), and that the changes in sound perception engendered by the telephonic transmission of opera were somewhat repetitively overexploited in chapter 6, then I suspect that her main aim as an author was in both cases to preserve an overall chapter balance. Moreover, her chapters follow in a logical order and the book becomes ever more fascinating as it unfolds, saving the exotic best and the activities of ‘le roi Edison’ till last.</p>

<p>After an overview of the Exposition Universelle, which was designed to celebrate the centenary of the French Revolution of 1789 from a Francocentric nationalist standpoint, and which attracted some 61,722 exhibitors between 6 May and 6 November 1889, Fauser explores the official concert contributions, from what the French saw as ‘musique ancienne’ to the revelatory Russian concerts conducted by Rimsky-Korsakov. All this is backed up by invaluable appendices (pp. 313–43), which list everything a visitor could have heard, right down to the times of the nightly performances at the Opéra-Comique, which put the Opéra to shame in terms of both novelty and zeal. The ‘ancient and modern’ concerts of French and Italian music provide a <italic>locus classicus</italic>
 of French (i.e. Parisian) supremacy in that they alone used early instruments, and the approved Italian programmes contained works by both Cherubini and ‘Lulli’, who were seen as nationalized Frenchmen. Wisely, the French presented their modern composers first, making safe rather than inspired choices, and the most remarkable thing about all the concerts at the Fair is their length (usually around a dozen substantial pieces). The only concerts not to be criticized for bias were the organ recitals mounted by Alexandre Guilmant, which also included unfashionable German music (Bach) and the sole English representative in any concert, Walter Handel Thorley from Blackburn Cathedral. Wagner remained conspicuous by his absence, despite the adulation of him in the 1870s and early 1880s, only appearing on Edison’s phonograph recordings. But Handel (German/English) proved immensely popular in the form of <italic>Alexander’s Feast</italic>
 and the ubiquitous <italic>Messiah</italic>
 and no one seemed to mind.</p>

<p>Chapter 2 looks at opera and ballet and in particular the premieres of Massenet’s <italic>Esclarmonde</italic>
 (whose immorality ensured good box-office receipts) and Ambroise Thomas’s ballet <italic>La Tempête</italic>
 (originally called <italic>Miranda</italic>
, as Jules Barbier chose to omit Prospero altogether!). As <italic>Esclarmonde</italic>
 never entered the repertory and <italic>La Tempête</italic>
 was essentially an old style ballet-pantomime with singing, neither could justify the authorities’ aims of creating opera or ballet of the future.</p>

<p>However, Holmès’s <italic>Ode triomphale</italic>
 (Palais de l’Industrie, 11 Sept. 1889) proved an ideal choice, even if it was composed independently of the abortive official competition. Drawing on the Bible, Gossec’s revolutionary cantatas, Roman gods, and even Masonic symbolism, Holmès created the success of her life and became identified with Marianne, the Republican Muse she unveiled for her popular finale (see ch. 3). Perhaps Fauser could have told us that Holmès bore three children as the mistress of Catulle Mendès and that Saint-Saëns unsuccessfully proposed to her, especially as this unlikely act casts a rather different light on his effusive poetic homage to her (pp. 136–7) in November 1889.</p>

<p>In chapter 4 (‘French Encounters with the Far East’) we reach the heart of the book, showing French composers and critics the real thing (or the purportedly ‘authentic’) in stark comparison to the exotic musical signifiers beloved of Bizet, Delibes, et al. Most visitors found the Annamite (Vietnamese) contributions cacophonous, as they did those of the Egyptians, Africans, and Tunisians discussed in chapter 5 (the word ‘charivari’ recurs frequently in critiques). However, the Kampong javanais was set apart from the other exhibits on the fringes of the fairground in what appeared a well-managed oasis of calm, a relatively sophisticated escape from the aural bombardment elsewhere. Thanks to unexpectedly adroit press management and an enviable publicity machine, its four young dancers became Parisian stars. Building on the 1977 article by Anik Devriès in the first of the <italic>Cahiers Debussy</italic>
 (pp. 25–37), which contains illustrations additional to those in the present volume, Fauser painstakingly comes as close as anyone is ever likely to in describing the instruments and music Debussy would have actually heard in the Kampong and the Annamite Theatre in 1889. She shows that the <italic>Danse javanaise</italic>
 in Western notation by Louis Benedictus (pp. 207–15) is more authentic than it might appear and that it was the Gamelan salendro from Bandung (with vocalist) that performed, together with dances from Western and Central Java. There was also a separate Sundanese marionette theatre, which helps explain Debussy’s later fascination with this medium.</p>

<p>In the case of the Ngu-Ho Annamite Theatre, who gave hourly afternoon and evening performances eight times a day from 5 June to 6 November 1889, we now know that the six musicians in the ‘hat boi’ ensemble from Saigon played a sort of oboe (not the clarinet that Debussy remembered in 1913), a battle drum, a two-string fiddle, a rice drum, and a gong (together with clappers), while the lone musician to the right of the stage with the largest drum provided a running commentary on the performance of the four episodes from the legend of <italic>Le Roi de Duong</italic>
 from the audience’s perspective (with a certain amount of poetic licence, no doubt). The classical theatre style came from around the artistic town of Hué (which miraculously escaped the ravages of the Vietnamese wars and still survives in all its splendour as it did in the seventeenth century). Even though Debussy’s typically French reaction in his article on ‘Taste’ in February 1913 was still to compare <italic>Le Roi de Duong</italic>
 with Wagner’s Ring cycle (also in four parts), his recollection that ‘a raging little clarinet guides the emotion; a Tam-tam organizes the terror’ found its outlet in his ballet <italic>No-ja-li ou Le Palais du Silence</italic>
, which he began for the Alhambra Theatre in London’s Leicester Square in January 1914. In fact, if one goes carefully through the sketches (preserved in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France (BNF) MS 17726), one finds that Debussy provided all the thematic material necessary to fit Georges de Feure’s surviving scenario, which has made my recent reconstruction (performed in Los Angeles on 8 May 2006) possible. One of the characteristics of Prince Hong-Lo’s music is indeed a high shriek from a clarinet; the terror is organized by his all-powerful ‘Guards of Silence’ and calls for tam-tams and gongs, consisting as it does of dissonant chords followed by a syncopated drum-like motif. Moreover, as those like Benedictus who tried to transcribe the Annamite music were conspicuously less successful because it resisted Western notation (see p. 193), it is quite understandable that Debussy should have resorted to the Javanese gamelan modes, textures, and intervals in his sketches for <italic>No-ja-li</italic>
. Fauser shows convincingly how he put this to good use in the music of 1890–2 too, as well as demonstrating that it is perfectly possible that he had this Javanese material in mind when he created the pliable, undulating motif for Mélisande, first heard on the oboe in the prelude to his opera of 1893–5 (see p. 204).</p>

<p>In the case of Erik Satie, it was the Romanian ‘lautars’ illustrated on page 260 that must have inspired him to create the genre of the <italic>Gnossienne</italic>
 on 8 July 1889. So we now know that what was erroneously published as his ‘Gnossienne No. 5’ by Salabert in 1968 is an evocation of the inflected arabesques of the panpipes (nai), with its accompaniment on guitars transferred to piano. The <italic>Gnossienne</italic>
 is a composition rather than a transcription because it is carefully structured through repetition and transposition, but like Debussy, Satie can be seen as echoing the views of contemporary critics rather than adopting the iconoclastic approach one might expect. The gentleness of his <italic>Gnossienne</italic>
 matches Tiersot’s view of Romanian music as ‘effeminate’ in comparison with the virility of the Hungarian ensembles. The latter is reflected in the brief <italic>Chanson hongroise</italic>
 that Satie drafted on the verso of his <italic>Gnossienne</italic>
 manuscript (BNF 10054(1)), which is contrastingly vigorous, rhythmic, and metrically irregular.</p>

<p>The illustration on page 260 also intriguingly shows what looks like a microphone suspended from a pole, which the ‘Marvels of Technology’ described in chapter 6 suggest was far from impossible. Here the emphasis was naturally on French achievements, with the telephone claimed as a French invention (by Bourseul in 1854), and with prominence given to Clément Ader and his stereophonic loudspeakers rather than the achievements of Alexander Graham Bell (a Scot). In the case of Edison, his presence was so desirable that the French waived their aristocratic and nationalistic prejudices for once to welcome the American ‘king of science’. What is most fascinating, besides the again wonderfully apt illustrations of Frenchmen listening to wax cylinders through acoustic tubes, is to know what those cylinders contained besides anthems and waltzes or polkas. The answer appears in the table on page 306 and is mostly operatic, though with some Beethoven, Schubert, and Schumann: the only French ‘classical’ composers represented are Bizet and Gounod.</p>

<p>Overall this is a fascinating, valuable, and immaculately researched study that sticks to its subject admirably. It is sophisticated and perceptive, with many fertilizing cross-references to the other arts. If the French appear transparent to us now in their racist and feminist attitudes, there are still surprises in the motivations behind them—such as why the Moroccan Sufist Brotherhood of the Aissaoua proved popular (all male and all drums, with trances and mortification thrown in for good measure) and the Annamite theatre did not (grotesque, noisy, poor publicity, and no gaps in the music). As always, Annegret Fauser probes deeply beneath the intriguing surface and comes up with as near to the truth as is possible from a careful sifting of press reports from opposing camps and contemporary documents. If she does so without levity, then this is a serious subject whose occasional delights speak for themselves—as, for instance, when Émile Paladilhe tried to stop the Neapolitan Angelizzi brothers, whose rendition of <italic>Funiculì funiculà</italic>
 on mandolins threatened to whip up too much enthusiasm during a rather disappointing France-versus-the-rest folk music competition, whereupon they immediately launched into Paladilhe’s best-known composition, <italic>Mandolinata</italic>
! I suspect I shall be by no means alone in using this excellent study for frequent reference in the future.</p>

<p>Whereas Professor Fauser’s all-embracing erudition takes at least three full days to digest, the elegant and easily accessible <italic>Debussy’s Letters to Inghelbrecht</italic>
 can be absorbed in more like three hours. Fast approaching her own centenary, but still as sharp-minded as ever, the doyenne of Debussy researchers, Margaret G. Cobb, has annotated her own collection of twenty-seven letters and four postcards (given to her by the third Mme Inghelbrecht) with both skill and devotion. She also adds as appendices the only surviving letter from D.-E. Inghelbrecht to Debussy (which shows him to be more discursive and still somewhat deferential), two letters from Inghel (as he was known) to Gabriele d’Annunzio from the time of <italic>Le Martyre de Saint Sébastien</italic>
, and two touching thank-you letters from the 7- and 8-year-old Chouchou [Emma-Claude] Debussy.</p>

<p>In her Preface, Mrs Cobb for once traces her own illustrious career, beginning with her discovery of Debussy in 1925. She includes her friendship with Germaine Inghelbrecht from 1968, as well as her establishment of the still-thriving Centre de Documentation Claude Debussy in 1972–6, together with its annual <italic>Cahiers</italic>
 and discographies. There is also a biography of ‘Inghel’, who first met Debussy as chorus-master for <italic>Le Martyre</italic>
 in 1911 and went on championing his music until his death in 1965 as conductor of the Société des Nouveaux Concerts, the Concerts Pasdeloup, the Opéra-Comique, the Orchestre National de la Radiodiffusion Française, and later the Paris Opéra. Inghel is shown as a remarkable man who wrote five books (including two on conducting, a biography of Debussy, and a remarkable autobiography—<italic>Mouvement contraire—</italic>
which runs backwards to his birth), as well as some sixty compositions (including the Poe ballet <italic>Le Diable dans le beffroi</italic>
, which deserves to be revived in a Debussyan context).</p>

<p>The series of letters begin a little formally in May 1912, but by 1913 Debussy has adopted Inghelbrecht as a friend ‘because you love music’. By 1914 Inghel has become the recipient of some of Debussy’s wonderful revelations, such as the Jacques-Émile Blanche portrait showing him like ‘a cream cheese that has had too many late nights’ (p. 47). By 1915 Debussy’s longer letters give intimate accounts of family life on holiday in Pourville, with the ever-present war as a background. He admits his delay in replying on 20 September 1915 ‘because I have been relearning music . . . It is beautiful, all the same! It is even more beautiful than they deem it in the various Societies: Nationale, Internationale, and other such low dives’ (p. 75). But by February 1916 the ravages of rectal cancer force Debussy to admit that ‘he has had enough, enough, enough!’ (p. 83), though in his last letter, of July 1917, we find him in better spirits discussing pianos and pianists on his last summer vacation in St Jean de Luz. Still, as ever, he remains ‘your old, devoted Claude Debussy’.</p>

<p>Although the letters of Debussy have by now appeared in the <italic>Correspondance (1872–1918)</italic>
, edited by Denis Herlin and François Lesure (Paris, 2005) the competent English translations by Richard Miller are a bonus here. So too is the useful discography of Inghelbrecht as the conductor of Debussy, his contemporaries, and his own compositions. This unpretentious, user-friendly little collection is beautifully produced and illustrated, and should be owned by all who love Debussy.</p>
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