Serveur d'exploration autour du Bourgeois gentilhomme

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Book Department

Identifieur interne : 001E69 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001E68; suivant : 001E70

Book Department

Auteurs :

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:ECA31B0C237274F6ACBB0275B98789EAD23988CC

English descriptors


Url:
DOI: 10.1177/000271627743400114

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:ECA31B0C237274F6ACBB0275B98789EAD23988CC

Le document en format XML

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<date when="1977" year="1977">1977</date>
<idno type="doi">10.1177/000271627743400114</idno>
<idno type="url">https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-J61HZN17-G/fulltext.pdf</idno>
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<title level="j">The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science</title>
<idno type="ISSN">0002-7162</idno>
<idno type="eISSN">1552-3349</idno>
<imprint>
<publisher>Sage Publications</publisher>
<pubPlace>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</pubPlace>
<date type="published" when="1977-11">1977-11</date>
<biblScope unit="volume">434</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="issue">1</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="page" from="199">199</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="page" to="246">246</biblScope>
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<term>Abundant data</term>
<term>Aclumbia university press</term>
<term>Active collaborators</term>
<term>Activities flows</term>
<term>Activities hoover material</term>
<term>Actual fact</term>
<term>Actual ideas</term>
<term>Actual utilization</term>
<term>Adequate balance</term>
<term>Adequate descriptions</term>
<term>Adjustment assistance</term>
<term>Administrative necessity</term>
<term>Adoption data</term>
<term>Aesthetic improvements</term>
<term>African archives</term>
<term>African auxiliaries</term>
<term>African studies herskovits prize</term>
<term>Agencies exercise</term>
<term>Agents provocateurs</term>
<term>Aggregate data</term>
<term>Aggregate statistics</term>
<term>Aggregative community</term>
<term>Aggresother authors</term>
<term>Aggressive america</term>
<term>Agrarian federation</term>
<term>Agricultural research service</term>
<term>Akin volume</term>
<term>Alan bullock</term>
<term>Alexander herzen</term>
<term>Allende regime</term>
<term>Allies branch</term>
<term>Allocative criteria</term>
<term>Alternative strategies</term>
<term>Alvin rosenfeld</term>
<term>Ambitious attempt</term>
<term>Ambitious objective</term>
<term>Ambivalent interest</term>
<term>American arbitration association</term>
<term>American civilization</term>
<term>American contacts</term>
<term>American continent</term>
<term>American d6tente</term>
<term>American defeat</term>
<term>American defense commitments</term>
<term>American dream</term>
<term>American economy</term>
<term>American families</term>
<term>American family</term>
<term>American government</term>
<term>American labor relations</term>
<term>American liberalism</term>
<term>American life</term>
<term>American monomyth</term>
<term>American myth</term>
<term>American nation</term>
<term>American politics</term>
<term>American practices</term>
<term>American revolution</term>
<term>American society</term>
<term>American states</term>
<term>American study</term>
<term>American support</term>
<term>American traditionalists</term>
<term>American tutional</term>
<term>American weakness</term>
<term>American withdrawal</term>
<term>Ample documentation</term>
<term>Ample evidence</term>
<term>Analemission control program</term>
<term>Analytic processes</term>
<term>Anarchical society</term>
<term>Ancient historian</term>
<term>Andrew administration</term>
<term>Angeles julian jaynes</term>
<term>Annoying translation</term>
<term>Anthropological theory</term>
<term>Anticolonial activity</term>
<term>Antidiscrimination laws</term>
<term>Antisoviet purposes</term>
<term>Anyone inconvenienced</term>
<term>Apparent contradiction</term>
<term>Apparent increases</term>
<term>Appendix vilist</term>
<term>Approach borders</term>
<term>Approaches adulthood</term>
<term>Arab</term>
<term>Arab boycott</term>
<term>Arab cause</term>
<term>Arab nationalism</term>
<term>Arab sources</term>
<term>Arab states</term>
<term>Archetypal depths</term>
<term>Area studies</term>
<term>Argument circles</term>
<term>Arms control</term>
<term>Arms race</term>
<term>Army organization</term>
<term>Article form</term>
<term>Artisan groups</term>
<term>Arturo book</term>
<term>Arvin palmer northland pioneer college arizona people</term>
<term>Ascher institute</term>
<term>Asian environment</term>
<term>Assistant secretary</term>
<term>Atlanta army depot</term>
<term>Authentic sources</term>
<term>Author bene</term>
<term>Author claims</term>
<term>Author details</term>
<term>Author disthe</term>
<term>Author mckay</term>
<term>Author notes</term>
<term>Author points</term>
<term>Author proceeds</term>
<term>Author proceeds chapter</term>
<term>Author refrains</term>
<term>Author views</term>
<term>Authoritative account</term>
<term>Automobile company stockholder profits</term>
<term>Automobile ownership costs</term>
<term>Autonomous nations</term>
<term>Autonomous states</term>
<term>Average sales</term>
<term>Average size</term>
<term>Avowed intention</term>
<term>Awkward neologisms grate</term>
<term>Baghdad railway</term>
<term>Balanced presentation</term>
<term>Balkan history</term>
<term>Ballinger publishing company</term>
<term>Bane</term>
<term>Bane attempts</term>
<term>Bank accounts</term>
<term>Bargaining agreements</term>
<term>Bargaining power</term>
<term>Bargaining process</term>
<term>Bargaining stages</term>
<term>Barue state</term>
<term>Basic books</term>
<term>Basic concept</term>
<term>Basic concern</term>
<term>Basic conditions</term>
<term>Basic conflict</term>
<term>Basic conisrael</term>
<term>Basic content level</term>
<term>Basic defenevolving</term>
<term>Basic executive order</term>
<term>Basic muslim</term>
<term>Basic questions</term>
<term>Basic strength</term>
<term>Behavioral science principles</term>
<term>Beneficial results</term>
<term>Benefit distribution</term>
<term>Benign neglect</term>
<term>Bernd gisevius</term>
<term>Best court statistics</term>
<term>Best demon</term>
<term>Best survivors</term>
<term>Better advice</term>
<term>Beverly hills</term>
<term>Bibliographical sources</term>
<term>Bibliography</term>
<term>Bicameral mind</term>
<term>Bicameral mind voices</term>
<term>Bilingual education board</term>
<term>Bionic woman</term>
<term>Black americans</term>
<term>Black ballots</term>
<term>Black enclaves</term>
<term>Black history</term>
<term>Black households</term>
<term>Black population increase</term>
<term>Black rights concerns</term>
<term>Black struggle</term>
<term>Blanket statement</term>
<term>Blitz advantage</term>
<term>Bloody price</term>
<term>Bloomington indiana university press</term>
<term>Book attempts</term>
<term>Book deal</term>
<term>Book deals</term>
<term>Book department phatically states</term>
<term>Book merit</term>
<term>Book reviews experience</term>
<term>Books deal</term>
<term>Boston massacre</term>
<term>Brian loveman</term>
<term>Brief description</term>
<term>Brief history</term>
<term>Brief outline</term>
<term>Brief review</term>
<term>Brilliant work</term>
<term>Britain today</term>
<term>British efforts</term>
<term>British goods</term>
<term>British police</term>
<term>British soldiers</term>
<term>Broad audience</term>
<term>Broad paraphrase</term>
<term>Broad range</term>
<term>Broad summaries</term>
<term>Broader range</term>
<term>Broader sense</term>
<term>Brook housing</term>
<term>Brookings institution</term>
<term>Brown stresses</term>
<term>Brute labor</term>
<term>Bumbling administration</term>
<term>Bureau chiefs</term>
<term>Bureaucratic coordination</term>
<term>Business practices</term>
<term>Cabinet committee</term>
<term>California berkeley raymond vernon</term>
<term>California press</term>
<term>Capitalist spirit</term>
<term>Careful footnotes</term>
<term>Caribbean area</term>
<term>Carl jung</term>
<term>Carolina william epstein</term>
<term>Carter administration</term>
<term>Carter administration decision</term>
<term>Case disposition</term>
<term>Case studies</term>
<term>Case study</term>
<term>Cash award</term>
<term>Cataclysmic days</term>
<term>Cataclysmic events</term>
<term>Catastrophic health events</term>
<term>Catchy title</term>
<term>Cations activities</term>
<term>Causes crime</term>
<term>Cellent case</term>
<term>Central cambodia</term>
<term>Central element</term>
<term>Central laos</term>
<term>Centralized authority</term>
<term>Centralized polity</term>
<term>Cerebral hemi</term>
<term>Certain ages</term>
<term>Certain areas</term>
<term>Certain periods</term>
<term>Certain russian attitudes</term>
<term>Certain sources</term>
<term>Change relationship</term>
<term>Chaotic situation</term>
<term>Chapter deal</term>
<term>Chapters deal</term>
<term>Character struggles</term>
<term>Charles chatfield wittenberg university springfield ohio albert</term>
<term>Charles raphael</term>
<term>Child care responsibilities</term>
<term>Childhood development</term>
<term>Chilean</term>
<term>Chilean democracy</term>
<term>Chilean labor department</term>
<term>Chilean peasant movement</term>
<term>Chilean peasantry</term>
<term>Chilean politics</term>
<term>Chilean society</term>
<term>China government</term>
<term>China lobby</term>
<term>China lobbyists</term>
<term>China officials</term>
<term>China policy</term>
<term>Chinese affairs</term>
<term>Chinese history</term>
<term>Chinese leader</term>
<term>Chinese parties</term>
<term>Christopher jencks</term>
<term>Chronological order</term>
<term>Cincinnati ohio charles raphael</term>
<term>Cincinnati ohio vera</term>
<term>City histories</term>
<term>City luttwak</term>
<term>City university</term>
<term>Civil engineer</term>
<term>Civil liberties</term>
<term>Civil rights issues</term>
<term>Civil servants</term>
<term>Civil service</term>
<term>Civilian population</term>
<term>Civilized world moves</term>
<term>Clarkes caution</term>
<term>Class conflict</term>
<term>Class divisions</term>
<term>Classic cases</term>
<term>Classic dilemma</term>
<term>Classic relationship</term>
<term>Classical scholarship</term>
<term>Clear statements</term>
<term>Clement dartmouth hanover</term>
<term>Cloud state university minnesota harold</term>
<term>Coalition formation</term>
<term>Coastal zone description</term>
<term>Coastal zone economics</term>
<term>Cognitive development</term>
<term>Coherent entity</term>
<term>Colleague john kenneth galbraith</term>
<term>Collective bargaining</term>
<term>Collective bargaining agreements</term>
<term>Collective bargaining issues</term>
<term>Collective demands</term>
<term>Collective identity</term>
<term>Collective responsibility</term>
<term>College hampshire laurence shoup</term>
<term>College spartanburg</term>
<term>College students</term>
<term>Colonial congress</term>
<term>Colonial officials</term>
<term>Colonial order</term>
<term>Colonial period</term>
<term>Colorado boulder africa</term>
<term>Colorado dangers</term>
<term>Columbia university</term>
<term>Columbia university press</term>
<term>Commercial groupings</term>
<term>Commercial policy</term>
<term>Common characteristics</term>
<term>Common laborer</term>
<term>Common linkages</term>
<term>Common resistance</term>
<term>Common sense level</term>
<term>Communist china</term>
<term>Communist parties</term>
<term>Community life</term>
<term>Community officials</term>
<term>Community service society</term>
<term>Comparable analysis</term>
<term>Comparable japanese electronics zysman</term>
<term>Comparative framework</term>
<term>Comparative history</term>
<term>Comparative study</term>
<term>Compelling narrative</term>
<term>Competitive aspects</term>
<term>Competitive brokerage system</term>
<term>Complete coverage</term>
<term>Complete insurance</term>
<term>Complete marxist portrait</term>
<term>Comprehensive bibliography</term>
<term>Conbrooklyn bridge</term>
<term>Concerted resistance</term>
<term>Concessionary companies</term>
<term>Conclusive activities</term>
<term>Concrete proposals</term>
<term>Connecticut storrs</term>
<term>Conscious repression</term>
<term>Conscript porters</term>
<term>Consensual agreement</term>
<term>Considerable differences</term>
<term>Considerable interest</term>
<term>Considerable popularity</term>
<term>Considerable pride</term>
<term>Considerable quantity</term>
<term>Constitutional democracy</term>
<term>Constructive approach</term>
<term>Constructive outcome</term>
<term>Consumer copayment</term>
<term>Contemplative work</term>
<term>Contemporary internatures tional politics</term>
<term>Contemporary issues</term>
<term>Contemporary model</term>
<term>Contemporary study</term>
<term>Continuous adjustment</term>
<term>Continuous development</term>
<term>Contract parole</term>
<term>Contrary points</term>
<term>Contributory factor</term>
<term>Control costs</term>
<term>Control crime</term>
<term>Control group</term>
<term>Controversial subject matter</term>
<term>Controversial work</term>
<term>Conventional view</term>
<term>Convincing american presidents</term>
<term>Core areas</term>
<term>Core provwith</term>
<term>Core question</term>
<term>Corporate activities</term>
<term>Corporate groupings</term>
<term>Corporate groups</term>
<term>Corporate structure</term>
<term>Corporate world</term>
<term>Corpus collosum</term>
<term>Correctional concept</term>
<term>Correctional concepts</term>
<term>Correctional innovation</term>
<term>Corrections officials</term>
<term>Costa rican governments</term>
<term>Costbenefit analysis</term>
<term>Countervailing force</term>
<term>Countries stress order</term>
<term>Country politics</term>
<term>Course donald pierson bloomington indiana stanley</term>
<term>Credible case</term>
<term>Crime organizations</term>
<term>Crime statistics</term>
<term>Criminal behavior</term>
<term>Criminal courts</term>
<term>Criminal justice</term>
<term>Criminal justice process</term>
<term>Criminal justice resources decisions result</term>
<term>Crisp prose</term>
<term>Critical examination</term>
<term>Critical parcertain government policy makers</term>
<term>Critical period</term>
<term>Croom helm</term>
<term>Crown colonies</term>
<term>Crucial period</term>
<term>Crucial prosecution</term>
<term>Cryptic piece</term>
<term>Cultural base</term>
<term>Cultural derivation</term>
<term>Cultural diffusion</term>
<term>Cultural diversity</term>
<term>Cultural exchanges</term>
<term>Cultural patterns</term>
<term>Culyer retreats</term>
<term>Curious slips</term>
<term>Current allegations</term>
<term>Current book</term>
<term>Current issues</term>
<term>Current problems</term>
<term>Current research</term>
<term>Current technology concerns</term>
<term>Cursory analysis</term>
<term>Customs union</term>
<term>Customs union theory</term>
<term>Daily gestive account</term>
<term>Daniel glaser university</term>
<term>Daring leadership</term>
<term>David fellman university</term>
<term>David irving</term>
<term>David mckay</term>
<term>Decision maker</term>
<term>Decisive victory</term>
<term>Deeper analysis</term>
<term>Defense attorneys</term>
<term>Defense department</term>
<term>Definite answers</term>
<term>Definite contribution</term>
<term>Delaware river</term>
<term>Delaware river basin commission</term>
<term>Delaware water</term>
<term>Demand analysis</term>
<term>Demeaning fear</term>
<term>Democratic nature</term>
<term>Democratic system</term>
<term>Demographic data</term>
<term>Demographic trends</term>
<term>Denis unions</term>
<term>Dependent preferences</term>
<term>Desirable objective</term>
<term>Determinant forces</term>
<term>Deterrence posture</term>
<term>Detrimental effect</term>
<term>Detrimental effects</term>
<term>Developments manistically</term>
<term>Different agencies</term>
<term>Different angles</term>
<term>Different aspects</term>
<term>Different context</term>
<term>Different countries</term>
<term>Different format</term>
<term>Different patterns</term>
<term>Different strategies</term>
<term>Differential association</term>
<term>Differential reinforcement</term>
<term>Diplomatic relations</term>
<term>Diplomatic relationships</term>
<term>Disarmed populace</term>
<term>Disaster craze</term>
<term>Disastrous decline</term>
<term>Discordant studies</term>
<term>Discrimination complaint procedures</term>
<term>Distinct mode</term>
<term>Distressing shortcoming</term>
<term>Distributional consequences</term>
<term>Distributional pattern</term>
<term>Distributive justice</term>
<term>Diverse labels</term>
<term>Diverse points</term>
<term>Divorce rates</term>
<term>Doak barnett</term>
<term>Documentary foundation</term>
<term>Dollar values</term>
<term>Domestic cirrelationships</term>
<term>Domestic entrepreneurs</term>
<term>Domestic role</term>
<term>Dominant mode</term>
<term>Dominant position</term>
<term>Dorothy parker</term>
<term>Doubleday company</term>
<term>Doubleeuropean metropolis</term>
<term>Dramatic voting</term>
<term>Dual market</term>
<term>Duke university press</term>
<term>Dunham views</term>
<term>Duty tive role</term>
<term>Dynamic interaction</term>
<term>Early adversity</term>
<term>Early africa</term>
<term>Early architecture</term>
<term>Early childhood</term>
<term>Early childhood deprivation</term>
<term>Early childhood years</term>
<term>Early deficit</term>
<term>Early deprivation</term>
<term>Early experience</term>
<term>Early history</term>
<term>Early institutionalization</term>
<term>Early motivations</term>
<term>Early period</term>
<term>Early sophistication</term>
<term>Early years</term>
<term>East indiamen</term>
<term>East indian</term>
<term>East institute</term>
<term>East stroudsburg</term>
<term>Eastern asia</term>
<term>Eastern seas replacement</term>
<term>Ecological nature</term>
<term>Economic achievement</term>
<term>Economic analysis</term>
<term>Economic base</term>
<term>Economic character</term>
<term>Economic classes</term>
<term>Economic dependence</term>
<term>Economic diplomacy</term>
<term>Economic establishment</term>
<term>Economic factors</term>
<term>Economic hegemony</term>
<term>Economic independence</term>
<term>Economic integration</term>
<term>Economic mills</term>
<term>Economic nationalism</term>
<term>Economic policies</term>
<term>Economic rationale</term>
<term>Economic reasoning</term>
<term>Economic sphere</term>
<term>Economic theorists</term>
<term>Economic theory</term>
<term>Economic ties</term>
<term>Economics england history</term>
<term>Editors deal</term>
<term>Effective framework</term>
<term>Effective roles</term>
<term>Efficient division</term>
<term>Efforts ulam surveys</term>
<term>Electronics industry</term>
<term>Eligible families</term>
<term>Elihu root</term>
<term>Elite connections</term>
<term>Elite perceptions</term>
<term>Elite positions</term>
<term>Elitist party groupings torically</term>
<term>Elitist structure</term>
<term>Emergency cases</term>
<term>Emission standards</term>
<term>Empirical research</term>
<term>Empirical study</term>
<term>Emplacable mind</term>
<term>Encounter today</term>
<term>Endless hours</term>
<term>Engberg university</term>
<term>English footnotes</term>
<term>English reformation</term>
<term>Engrossing fare</term>
<term>Enormous benefits</term>
<term>Enormous store</term>
<term>Entire valley</term>
<term>Enviable record</term>
<term>Environmental manipulations</term>
<term>Environmental opportunities</term>
<term>Environmental studies</term>
<term>Equal terms</term>
<term>Equity concerns</term>
<term>Equity considerations</term>
<term>Equivocal commitment</term>
<term>Essential features</term>
<term>Ethnic groups</term>
<term>Ethnographic account</term>
<term>Europe cusses</term>
<term>European agency sycophanting nations</term>
<term>European club</term>
<term>European dominion</term>
<term>European fort</term>
<term>European impact</term>
<term>European imperialism</term>
<term>European institution</term>
<term>European lands</term>
<term>European perceptions</term>
<term>European presence</term>
<term>European recovery</term>
<term>European strength</term>
<term>Evangelical enthusiasm</term>
<term>Exact science</term>
<term>Exciting work</term>
<term>Exclusive units</term>
<term>Existent system</term>
<term>Experience touches</term>
<term>Expert scholars</term>
<term>Extensive archives</term>
<term>Extensive comments</term>
<term>Extensive data</term>
<term>Extensive goals</term>
<term>Extensive ization</term>
<term>Extensive railroad network</term>
<term>Extent tweed</term>
<term>External observers</term>
<term>External pressures</term>
<term>Extraregional organizations conflict</term>
<term>Extreme cases</term>
<term>Extreme point</term>
<term>Face value</term>
<term>Factual data</term>
<term>Fallaciously pluralizes individuals</term>
<term>Family happiness</term>
<term>Family influences</term>
<term>Family life</term>
<term>Family matters</term>
<term>Family members</term>
<term>Family policy</term>
<term>Family policy matters</term>
<term>Fascinating anecdotes</term>
<term>Fascinating sections</term>
<term>Fashionable section</term>
<term>Fastidious care</term>
<term>Fatal damage</term>
<term>Fatal twofront</term>
<term>Federal auto emission program</term>
<term>Federal automobile emission standards</term>
<term>Federal court</term>
<term>Federal employees</term>
<term>Federal government</term>
<term>Federal government service</term>
<term>Federal labor relations</term>
<term>Federal labor relations council</term>
<term>Federal level</term>
<term>Federal programs</term>
<term>Federal service</term>
<term>Fictitious community</term>
<term>Field armies</term>
<term>Field operations</term>
<term>Field work experiences</term>
<term>Fifth republic efforts</term>
<term>Fiihrer cata</term>
<term>Final chapter</term>
<term>Final chapters</term>
<term>Final conquest</term>
<term>Final regime terchapters</term>
<term>Final section reports</term>
<term>Final victory</term>
<term>Final word</term>
<term>Financial problems</term>
<term>Financial wizardry</term>
<term>Firearms controls</term>
<term>First century</term>
<term>First chapters</term>
<term>First half</term>
<term>First husband</term>
<term>First lecture</term>
<term>First months</term>
<term>First part</term>
<term>First proposition</term>
<term>First quarter</term>
<term>First section</term>
<term>First table</term>
<term>First world</term>
<term>Flamboyant character</term>
<term>Flexible typologies</term>
<term>Folk heroes</term>
<term>Foner labor</term>
<term>Footnote</term>
<term>Footnote annotations</term>
<term>Footnote guidance</term>
<term>Footnote reference</term>
<term>Foreign domination</term>
<term>Foreign models</term>
<term>Foreign operations</term>
<term>Foreign policies</term>
<term>Foreign policy</term>
<term>Foreign relations</term>
<term>Foreign trade</term>
<term>Formal democracy</term>
<term>Formal recognition</term>
<term>Format features</term>
<term>Former president herbert hoover</term>
<term>Formidable hitler expert</term>
<term>Fourth dimension</term>
<term>Fowler university</term>
<term>Fragmented collectivity</term>
<term>Frederick shaw office</term>
<term>Frederick taylor</term>
<term>Free china</term>
<term>Free emporium</term>
<term>Free press</term>
<term>Free trade</term>
<term>French administration</term>
<term>French colonialism</term>
<term>French culture</term>
<term>French electronics case</term>
<term>French imperialisyn</term>
<term>French latin</term>
<term>French mandate</term>
<term>French organizations</term>
<term>French policy</term>
<term>French technology</term>
<term>Frequent injection</term>
<term>Fresh examination</term>
<term>Fresh insights</term>
<term>Fritz machlup</term>
<term>Full cognizance</term>
<term>Full decades</term>
<term>Full individuals</term>
<term>Full justice</term>
<term>Full level</term>
<term>Full story</term>
<term>Functional lines</term>
<term>Functional overlap</term>
<term>Functional responsibility</term>
<term>Fundamental values</term>
<term>Further evidence</term>
<term>Further growth</term>
<term>Further reading</term>
<term>Further reform</term>
<term>Further research</term>
<term>Further study</term>
<term>Futile cautiousness</term>
<term>Future work</term>
<term>Garden city</term>
<term>General goals</term>
<term>General history</term>
<term>General marshall</term>
<term>General opposition</term>
<term>General prism</term>
<term>General solution</term>
<term>General staff</term>
<term>General surof</term>
<term>Generous intervention</term>
<term>Genuine desire</term>
<term>Geographical names</term>
<term>Geographical organization</term>
<term>Geographical terms</term>
<term>Geopolitical portion hemisphere</term>
<term>George washington plunkitt</term>
<term>German opposition leader</term>
<term>Gilbert keith bluwey howard university washington</term>
<term>Global balance</term>
<term>Global catastrophe</term>
<term>Global dimension</term>
<term>Global impass</term>
<term>Global reachcome</term>
<term>Global security framework</term>
<term>Golden culture</term>
<term>Golden hill</term>
<term>Golden peninsula</term>
<term>Goldstene</term>
<term>Goldstene attempts</term>
<term>Goldstene technology</term>
<term>Goldstene volume</term>
<term>Good accounting framework</term>
<term>Good case</term>
<term>Good chapter development</term>
<term>Good deal</term>
<term>Good hope</term>
<term>Good instrument</term>
<term>Good intentions</term>
<term>Good part</term>
<term>Good place</term>
<term>Good shape</term>
<term>Good summary discussion</term>
<term>Good survey</term>
<term>Gordon mark berger</term>
<term>Government documents</term>
<term>Government employees</term>
<term>Government institution</term>
<term>Government intervention</term>
<term>Government james printing office</term>
<term>Government ownership</term>
<term>Government policy</term>
<term>Government protectionism</term>
<term>Government publications</term>
<term>Government service</term>
<term>Governmental centralization coerage</term>
<term>Governmental deliberations</term>
<term>Governmental intervention</term>
<term>Governmental opposition</term>
<term>Governmental organization</term>
<term>Graduate student</term>
<term>Grand scheme</term>
<term>Grand strategy</term>
<term>Grand viziers</term>
<term>Great body</term>
<term>Great britain</term>
<term>Great deal</term>
<term>Great discretion</term>
<term>Great literature</term>
<term>Great mass</term>
<term>Great power imperialism</term>
<term>Great power politics</term>
<term>Great powers</term>
<term>Great ships</term>
<term>Great uncertainty</term>
<term>Greater city</term>
<term>Greater coherence</term>
<term>Greater control</term>
<term>Greater familiarity</term>
<term>Greater familiarity raphy</term>
<term>Greater influence</term>
<term>Greater restraint</term>
<term>Greatest assets</term>
<term>Greatest emphasis</term>
<term>Greatest success</term>
<term>Greatest weaknesses</term>
<term>Greek myth</term>
<term>Greenwood press</term>
<term>Guilty plea</term>
<term>Guilty pleas</term>
<term>Hadariyya city</term>
<term>Haines clarion state college pennsylvania</term>
<term>Half century</term>
<term>Half years</term>
<term>Halstead press</term>
<term>Hard analysis</term>
<term>Hard evidence</term>
<term>Harmonious paradise</term>
<term>Harrison piece</term>
<term>Harsher punishments</term>
<term>Harvard university</term>
<term>Harvard university cambridge massachusetts torsten efuxsson</term>
<term>Harvard university press</term>
<term>Health care</term>
<term>Health improvements</term>
<term>Health service</term>
<term>Health status</term>
<term>Health status indices</term>
<term>Hefty volume</term>
<term>Hegemonic concept</term>
<term>Heinz lorenz</term>
<term>Helpful diagrams</term>
<term>Helpful essay</term>
<term>Henry nash</term>
<term>Herbert contributions</term>
<term>Heroic presences</term>
<term>High culture</term>
<term>High degree</term>
<term>Higher divorce rates</term>
<term>Higher priority</term>
<term>Historic compromise</term>
<term>Historic entitlements</term>
<term>Historical analysis</term>
<term>Historical comparison</term>
<term>Historical compromise</term>
<term>Historical context</term>
<term>Historical depth</term>
<term>Historical developments</term>
<term>Historical examination</term>
<term>Historical facts</term>
<term>Historical framework</term>
<term>Historical period</term>
<term>Historical perspective</term>
<term>Historical review</term>
<term>Historical survey</term>
<term>Holden furber</term>
<term>Home rule</term>
<term>Hoover collection</term>
<term>Hoover scholars</term>
<term>Horizontal ties</term>
<term>Houghton mifflin</term>
<term>Houghton mifflin company</term>
<term>Housing discrimination</term>
<term>Housing discrimination issue</term>
<term>Howard bethesda maryland william</term>
<term>Human dignity</term>
<term>Human endeavor</term>
<term>Human perfectability</term>
<term>Human priorities</term>
<term>Human rights</term>
<term>Human values</term>
<term>Human world order</term>
<term>Humble egotist</term>
<term>Ical appraisal</term>
<term>Ideal terms</term>
<term>Idealistic wilsonian</term>
<term>Identifiable region</term>
<term>Ideological change</term>
<term>Ideological perspective</term>
<term>Ideological thesis</term>
<term>Ilan peleg lafayette college easton pennsylvania</term>
<term>Illinois chicago circle arturo valenzuela</term>
<term>Illinois struggle</term>
<term>Immanuel velikovsky</term>
<term>Immediate remedies</term>
<term>Immediate responsibilities</term>
<term>Immense collection</term>
<term>Immense magnitude</term>
<term>Immense region</term>
<term>Imperial brain trust</term>
<term>Imperial design</term>
<term>Imperial policy</term>
<term>Imperial presidency</term>
<term>Imperial territory</term>
<term>Imperial trust</term>
<term>Imperialist ambitions</term>
<term>Imperialistic claims</term>
<term>Impersonal mechanism</term>
<term>Implicit appeals</term>
<term>Implicit defense</term>
<term>Import competition</term>
<term>Important aspect</term>
<term>Important book</term>
<term>Important contribution</term>
<term>Important data bunyan</term>
<term>Important issues</term>
<term>Important metro</term>
<term>Important ones</term>
<term>Important segments</term>
<term>Important sources</term>
<term>Important story</term>
<term>Important subject</term>
<term>Important weakness</term>
<term>Imprecise data</term>
<term>Impressive achievement</term>
<term>Impressive kind</term>
<term>Inadequate homes</term>
<term>Incessant hatreds</term>
<term>Income maintenance problems</term>
<term>Income strategies</term>
<term>Incomplete information</term>
<term>Incredible detail</term>
<term>Indepth view</term>
<term>India arab world</term>
<term>Indian model</term>
<term>Indian subcontinent</term>
<term>Indigenous models</term>
<term>Indiscriminate marx</term>
<term>Individual christian</term>
<term>Individual complainant</term>
<term>Individual constituents</term>
<term>Individual countries</term>
<term>Individual industries</term>
<term>Industrial development</term>
<term>Industrial ophy</term>
<term>Industrial order</term>
<term>Industrial society</term>
<term>Inefficient adjustment</term>
<term>Inevitable circumstance</term>
<term>Inevitable interplay</term>
<term>Inexorable movement</term>
<term>Informal entente</term>
<term>Inherent contradiction</term>
<term>Inherent elitism</term>
<term>Inillegal activities</term>
<term>Initial section</term>
<term>Insightful readings</term>
<term>Instilegal treatment</term>
<term>Institutional arrangements</term>
<term>Insufficient attention</term>
<term>Insuperable odds</term>
<term>Insurance approach</term>
<term>Insurance approaches</term>
<term>Insurgent guerrillas</term>
<term>Intellectual activity</term>
<term>Intellectual development</term>
<term>Intellectual output</term>
<term>Intelligent persons</term>
<term>Intense study</term>
<term>Intensive exploitation</term>
<term>Interactional model</term>
<term>Interest group politics</term>
<term>Interested laymen</term>
<term>Interesting chapter</term>
<term>Interesting reading</term>
<term>Interior department</term>
<term>Interminable lists</term>
<term>Internal contradictions</term>
<term>Internal factors</term>
<term>Internal revenue employees</term>
<term>Internal security</term>
<term>Internal transformation</term>
<term>International affairs</term>
<term>International arrangements</term>
<term>International bargaining processes</term>
<term>International body</term>
<term>International community</term>
<term>International competition</term>
<term>International cooperation</term>
<term>International development research center</term>
<term>International equity issues</term>
<term>International events</term>
<term>International institutions</term>
<term>International interdependence</term>
<term>International labor organizations</term>
<term>International markets</term>
<term>International negotiations</term>
<term>International negotiators</term>
<term>International order</term>
<term>International organizations</term>
<term>International politics</term>
<term>International relations</term>
<term>International resource allocations</term>
<term>International result</term>
<term>International stability</term>
<term>International terrorism</term>
<term>International trade</term>
<term>International trade models</term>
<term>International value</term>
<term>International value system</term>
<term>Intimate ties</term>
<term>Intriguing question</term>
<term>Intrusive forces</term>
<term>Investment decisions</term>
<term>Investment proto</term>
<term>Invisible hand</term>
<term>Involuntary acts</term>
<term>Irrelevant statistics data</term>
<term>Isaac asimov points</term>
<term>Islamic lifestyle</term>
<term>Islamic society</term>
<term>Japanese decision</term>
<term>Japanese history</term>
<term>Japanese parties</term>
<term>Jaynes</term>
<term>Jaynes states</term>
<term>Jaynes unabashedly</term>
<term>Jihad tactics</term>
<term>John dewey</term>
<term>John howard</term>
<term>John kelley</term>
<term>John shelton lawrence</term>
<term>John sparkman</term>
<term>John zysman</term>
<term>John zysman attempts</term>
<term>Johns hopkins university press</term>
<term>Joseph campbell</term>
<term>Judge consumer preferences</term>
<term>Jungian archtypical processes</term>
<term>Kane washington</term>
<term>Keyes</term>
<term>Kinship data</term>
<term>Knight pennsylvania state university monomyth university park economics</term>
<term>Korean government</term>
<term>Korean peninsula</term>
<term>Kuomintang government</term>
<term>Kuomintang legitimacy david nelson rowe</term>
<term>Labor relations</term>
<term>Lake basins</term>
<term>Land surface</term>
<term>Landowning class</term>
<term>Language groupings</term>
<term>Large amount</term>
<term>Large body</term>
<term>Large city</term>
<term>Large costs</term>
<term>Large deductibles</term>
<term>Large landowners</term>
<term>Large middle class</term>
<term>Large task</term>
<term>Large variations</term>
<term>Larger fraction</term>
<term>Larger municipalities</term>
<term>Largest employer</term>
<term>Largest multinationals</term>
<term>Largest number</term>
<term>Last chance</term>
<term>Last chapter</term>
<term>Last detail</term>
<term>Late professor roscoe</term>
<term>Late salvador allende</term>
<term>Latin america</term>
<term>Latin american</term>
<term>Latin american nations</term>
<term>Latin american relations</term>
<term>Latter nations</term>
<term>Laurence shoup</term>
<term>Laws founder</term>
<term>Lefave yuba college marysville california gerald mische</term>
<term>Legal question</term>
<term>Legal systems</term>
<term>Legislative misconception</term>
<term>Legitimate expectations</term>
<term>Lenders profit</term>
<term>Lenin resort</term>
<term>Less depth</term>
<term>Less insular</term>
<term>Less romanized provinces</term>
<term>Lewis study</term>
<term>Liberal community</term>
<term>Liberal criteria</term>
<term>Liberal empire</term>
<term>Liberal ideology</term>
<term>Liberal intelligentsia</term>
<term>Liberation theology</term>
<term>Liberty boys</term>
<term>Liberty organizations</term>
<term>Life experiences</term>
<term>Life sketches</term>
<term>Lifetime income</term>
<term>Light reader</term>
<term>Likely consequences</term>
<term>Limited need</term>
<term>Limited number</term>
<term>Lincoln steffens</term>
<term>Little attention</term>
<term>Little doubt</term>
<term>Little hope</term>
<term>Little house</term>
<term>Little pretense</term>
<term>Little resemblance</term>
<term>Little understanding</term>
<term>Local authorities</term>
<term>Local government</term>
<term>Local governments</term>
<term>Local groups</term>
<term>Local levels</term>
<term>Local merchant opposition</term>
<term>Local officials</term>
<term>Local politics</term>
<term>Local property owners</term>
<term>Long delays</term>
<term>Long rider college lawrenceville</term>
<term>Long term gradualism</term>
<term>Long time</term>
<term>Louis missouri murray</term>
<term>Louthan ohio wesleyan university delaware ohio</term>
<term>Lower birth rates</term>
<term>Lower income groups</term>
<term>Luce empire</term>
<term>Lucid compression</term>
<term>Lucid novel</term>
<term>Main benefits</term>
<term>Main divisions</term>
<term>Main objective</term>
<term>Main thesis</term>
<term>Main weakness</term>
<term>Majdanek concentration camp</term>
<term>Major attention</term>
<term>Major changes</term>
<term>Major civilizations</term>
<term>Major disappointment</term>
<term>Major extensions</term>
<term>Major force</term>
<term>Major issues</term>
<term>Major proponents</term>
<term>Major purpose</term>
<term>Major shift</term>
<term>Malay peninsula</term>
<term>Mandatory period</term>
<term>Mandatory sentences</term>
<term>Manufacturing subsidiaries</term>
<term>Many allendistas</term>
<term>Many approaches</term>
<term>Many arguments</term>
<term>Many cases</term>
<term>Many decades</term>
<term>Many electronics firms</term>
<term>Many facets</term>
<term>Many gaps</term>
<term>Many hurdles</term>
<term>Many persons</term>
<term>Many strikes</term>
<term>Many students</term>
<term>Many trees</term>
<term>Many voices</term>
<term>Marbut sarasota florida david irving</term>
<term>Marie michigan university ypsilanti</term>
<term>Mark pauly</term>
<term>Marquis childs reports</term>
<term>Martin feldstein</term>
<term>Martin luther king</term>
<term>Marxist experiment</term>
<term>Marxist model</term>
<term>Mary virginia rhoads murphey</term>
<term>Mass readership</term>
<term>Massachusetts district courts</term>
<term>Massive floods</term>
<term>Massive subsidies</term>
<term>Material abundance</term>
<term>Material comfort</term>
<term>Material progress</term>
<term>Material prosperity</term>
<term>Mccorry washington university</term>
<term>Mckibbin wichita state university kansas john zysman</term>
<term>Meaningful evidence</term>
<term>Meaningful place</term>
<term>Measurable health</term>
<term>Meat inspection division</term>
<term>Mechanical rationality</term>
<term>Mechanical sciences</term>
<term>Medical care</term>
<term>Medical technology</term>
<term>Melby ontario canada allen</term>
<term>Meliorative policies</term>
<term>Methodological problems</term>
<term>Meticulous case study</term>
<term>Meticulous research</term>
<term>Michigan press</term>
<term>Middle account</term>
<term>Middle class</term>
<term>Middle years</term>
<term>Middle zambezi area</term>
<term>Middleclass values</term>
<term>Military affairs</term>
<term>Military command</term>
<term>Military departments</term>
<term>Military genius</term>
<term>Military intelligence branches</term>
<term>Military leadership</term>
<term>Military officers</term>
<term>Military opposition</term>
<term>Military organization</term>
<term>Military organization problems</term>
<term>Military power</term>
<term>Military roads</term>
<term>Military rule</term>
<term>Military structure</term>
<term>Military tactics</term>
<term>Mineral products</term>
<term>Minority households</term>
<term>Mircea eliade</term>
<term>Misleading supply</term>
<term>Mission office</term>
<term>Missouri press</term>
<term>Mobile units</term>
<term>Modern corporation</term>
<term>Modern form</term>
<term>Modern research</term>
<term>Modern settings</term>
<term>Modern technology</term>
<term>Modern terrorism</term>
<term>Monomythic savior</term>
<term>Monthly review press</term>
<term>Moral obligation</term>
<term>More analysis</term>
<term>More attention</term>
<term>More continuity</term>
<term>More development</term>
<term>More equipment</term>
<term>More evidence</term>
<term>More exotically</term>
<term>More gaps</term>
<term>More prisons</term>
<term>More sophistication</term>
<term>Morelengthy quotes</term>
<term>Moroccan city</term>
<term>Mortality rates</term>
<term>Moss book</term>
<term>Moss exaggerates</term>
<term>Mountainous accumulation</term>
<term>Movement justification</term>
<term>Much attention</term>
<term>Much frustration</term>
<term>Much money</term>
<term>Multicar strategy</term>
<term>Multidisciplinary patina</term>
<term>Multinational business enterprises</term>
<term>Multinational business terprises</term>
<term>Multinational corporations</term>
<term>Multinational enterprises</term>
<term>Multinationals</term>
<term>Municipal governance</term>
<term>Municipal nature</term>
<term>Municipal officials</term>
<term>Municipal policy</term>
<term>Murderous fanaticism</term>
<term>Music output</term>
<term>Muslim west</term>
<term>Mutual insults</term>
<term>Mutual interest</term>
<term>Myriad localities</term>
<term>Mysterious origins</term>
<term>Mythic level</term>
<term>Narrative style</term>
<term>National affairs</term>
<term>National association</term>
<term>National bargaining units</term>
<term>National commission</term>
<term>National communimedia</term>
<term>National health service</term>
<term>National jurisdictions</term>
<term>National labor panel</term>
<term>National labor relations</term>
<term>National legislation</term>
<term>National life</term>
<term>National plane</term>
<term>National policy</term>
<term>National science foundation</term>
<term>National security</term>
<term>National security organization</term>
<term>National security priorities</term>
<term>National security straitjacket</term>
<term>National strike</term>
<term>National structures</term>
<term>Nationalist assertion</term>
<term>Nationalist government</term>
<term>Nationalist sentiment</term>
<term>Nationalistic organization</term>
<term>Natural culmination</term>
<term>Natural resources</term>
<term>Nature conflict</term>
<term>Nazi genocide</term>
<term>Necessary goal</term>
<term>Necessary steps</term>
<term>Need revision</term>
<term>Needless jargon</term>
<term>Nesbitt points</term>
<term>Ness university</term>
<term>Newer homes</term>
<term>News accounts</term>
<term>Newtonian conception</term>
<term>Nicholas chernyshevsky</term>
<term>Nineteenth century</term>
<term>Nineteenthcentury sal6</term>
<term>Nixon administration</term>
<term>Noble peace experience</term>
<term>Nomythic portraits vision</term>
<term>Nomythic spread</term>
<term>Nondiscriminatory basis</term>
<term>Nonpostal employees</term>
<term>Nonstate institutions</term>
<term>Nonurban areas gain</term>
<term>Normal institutions</term>
<term>Normal rule</term>
<term>Northeastern thailand</term>
<term>Northern burma</term>
<term>Notable successes</term>
<term>Notes problems</term>
<term>Novel insights</term>
<term>Nuclear powers</term>
<term>Nuclear proliferation</term>
<term>Nuclear weapons</term>
<term>Nuclearized huwarns</term>
<term>Numerous kingdom</term>
<term>Numerous studies</term>
<term>Objective data</term>
<term>Objective index</term>
<term>Obscure part</term>
<term>Obsolete portions</term>
<term>Obvious familiarity</term>
<term>Occupational achievement</term>
<term>Occupational structure</term>
<term>Official publications</term>
<term>Older persons</term>
<term>Open market</term>
<term>Open society</term>
<term>Open trade</term>
<term>Opening chapter</term>
<term>Operational units</term>
<term>Opposite impression</term>
<term>Optimum security</term>
<term>Orderly mind</term>
<term>Organization style</term>
<term>Organizational behavior</term>
<term>Original contribution</term>
<term>Original publication</term>
<term>Original sources</term>
<term>Other allocative schemata</term>
<term>Other areas</term>
<term>Other authors</term>
<term>Other classes</term>
<term>Other concept</term>
<term>Other entity</term>
<term>Other hand</term>
<term>Other illustrations</term>
<term>Other interests</term>
<term>Other materials</term>
<term>Other parts</term>
<term>Other people</term>
<term>Other potentialities</term>
<term>Other race</term>
<term>Other techniques</term>
<term>Other transactions</term>
<term>Other values</term>
<term>Other weain</term>
<term>Other works</term>
<term>Ottoman</term>
<term>Ottoman empire</term>
<term>Ottoman loan</term>
<term>Ottoman period</term>
<term>Ottoman rule</term>
<term>Ottoman state</term>
<term>Outer limits</term>
<term>Overall assessment</term>
<term>Overawe clients</term>
<term>Overwhelming efforts</term>
<term>Overwhelming interest</term>
<term>Overwhelming popularity</term>
<term>Oxford ohio sociology mary</term>
<term>Paper claims</term>
<term>Parable beach</term>
<term>Paradigmatic decor</term>
<term>Paradisal condition</term>
<term>Parallel processes</term>
<term>Parallel trends</term>
<term>Paranoid style</term>
<term>Parole officers</term>
<term>Partial attainment</term>
<term>Particular emphasis</term>
<term>Particular points</term>
<term>Particular weakness</term>
<term>Particularistic goals</term>
<term>Party history</term>
<term>Party leader effectiveness</term>
<term>Party leaders</term>
<term>Party system</term>
<term>Passive yearning</term>
<term>Past decade</term>
<term>Patricia mische</term>
<term>Paulist press</term>
<term>Peace treaties</term>
<term>Peaceful action</term>
<term>Pean quarter</term>
<term>Peasant movement</term>
<term>Penetrating insight</term>
<term>Pennsylvania philadelphia</term>
<term>Pennsylvania state university press</term>
<term>People prophets</term>
<term>Perceptive odyssey</term>
<term>Perceptive study</term>
<term>Perimeter defense</term>
<term>Permanent mark</term>
<term>Permissive approaches</term>
<term>Personal change</term>
<term>Personal wealth</term>
<term>Perspective california</term>
<term>Persuasive reasons</term>
<term>Pervasive problem</term>
<term>Philosophical basis</term>
<term>Philosophy journals</term>
<term>Physical maturity</term>
<term>Physical resources</term>
<term>Pioneer experimenus</term>
<term>Pivotal role</term>
<term>Place minorities</term>
<term>Placement services</term>
<term>Plain english</term>
<term>Plea bargain</term>
<term>Plea bargains</term>
<term>Pleabargaining focus</term>
<term>Pluralistic democracy</term>
<term>Polemical wars</term>
<term>Police organizations</term>
<term>Policy association</term>
<term>Policy concern</term>
<term>Policy ideas</term>
<term>Policy makers</term>
<term>Policy options</term>
<term>Policy planning staff</term>
<term>Policy preference</term>
<term>Policy program</term>
<term>Policy proposals</term>
<term>Policy statements</term>
<term>Politan areas</term>
<term>Political arena</term>
<term>Political background</term>
<term>Political biography</term>
<term>Political brokboth</term>
<term>Political brokerage role</term>
<term>Political brokers</term>
<term>Political career</term>
<term>Political cleavages</term>
<term>Political conflict</term>
<term>Political deal</term>
<term>Political decision</term>
<term>Political economists</term>
<term>Political economy</term>
<term>Political experience</term>
<term>Political forces</term>
<term>Political gains</term>
<term>Political implications</term>
<term>Political instability</term>
<term>Political life</term>
<term>Political ones</term>
<term>Political opinion</term>
<term>Political opportunity</term>
<term>Political opposition</term>
<term>Political parties</term>
<term>Political philosopher</term>
<term>Political philosophy</term>
<term>Political police</term>
<term>Political policy</term>
<term>Political power</term>
<term>Political process</term>
<term>Political processes</term>
<term>Political prospects</term>
<term>Political ramification</term>
<term>Political relationships</term>
<term>Political science</term>
<term>Political scientist</term>
<term>Political scientist goldstene</term>
<term>Political scientists</term>
<term>Political strategies</term>
<term>Political terrorism</term>
<term>Political terrorism literature</term>
<term>Political theme</term>
<term>Political tract</term>
<term>Politics hedley bull</term>
<term>Polluted smsas</term>
<term>Poorer outcome</term>
<term>Pope atkins</term>
<term>Popular control</term>
<term>Popular culture</term>
<term>Popular unity governments</term>
<term>Populist movements</term>
<term>Port facilities</term>
<term>Portuguese troops</term>
<term>Possible personality differences</term>
<term>Postal employees</term>
<term>Postal service</term>
<term>Postal system</term>
<term>Postwar mentality</term>
<term>Postwar stalinism</term>
<term>Potential encroachments</term>
<term>Potential opportunities</term>
<term>Powerful individuals</term>
<term>Powerful organization</term>
<term>Praeger publishers</term>
<term>Pragmatic concerns</term>
<term>Preclusive system</term>
<term>Precolonial zambezia</term>
<term>Preferential nation</term>
<term>Preferred future</term>
<term>Prerevolutionary russia</term>
<term>Prerevolutionary times</term>
<term>Preschool training</term>
<term>Present equilibrium</term>
<term>Present evidence</term>
<term>Present study</term>
<term>Present system</term>
<term>President kennedy</term>
<term>President mckinley</term>
<term>President sadat</term>
<term>Presidents johnson</term>
<term>Press officer</term>
<term>Previous eminence</term>
<term>Previous theories</term>
<term>Previous writings</term>
<term>Prewar claims</term>
<term>Prewar disillusionment</term>
<term>Pricing mechanism</term>
<term>Pricing systems</term>
<term>Primany reference</term>
<term>Primary responsibility</term>
<term>Primary types</term>
<term>Prince konoe</term>
<term>Princeton university</term>
<term>Princeton university press</term>
<term>Principal arguments</term>
<term>Principal nations</term>
<term>Principal power</term>
<term>Principal subhead</term>
<term>Principal weaknesses</term>
<term>Pristine savior</term>
<term>Private market</term>
<term>Private sector</term>
<term>Private security organizations</term>
<term>Private structure</term>
<term>Productive activities</term>
<term>Productive areas</term>
<term>Productive capabilities</term>
<term>Productive resources</term>
<term>Professional action</term>
<term>Professional defense analyst</term>
<term>Professional economics</term>
<term>Professor bull proceeds</term>
<term>Professor foner</term>
<term>Professor gibert</term>
<term>Professor hershkowitz</term>
<term>Professor hogan</term>
<term>Professor lawson</term>
<term>Professor machlup</term>
<term>Professor nesbitt</term>
<term>Professor rochesattempts</term>
<term>Professor scholarship imparticularly</term>
<term>Professors henry</term>
<term>Profit margins</term>
<term>Profound changes</term>
<term>Progressive faith</term>
<term>Prominent themes</term>
<term>Prominent worries</term>
<term>Property rights</term>
<term>Protestant mind</term>
<term>Psychological adversity</term>
<term>Psychological reality</term>
<term>Psychologist carl duncan</term>
<term>Public administration</term>
<term>Public administration program</term>
<term>Public expense</term>
<term>Public goals</term>
<term>Public intervention</term>
<term>Public life</term>
<term>Public office</term>
<term>Public officials</term>
<term>Public policy</term>
<term>Public values</term>
<term>Publications miscellany</term>
<term>Punitive ones</term>
<term>Pure reason</term>
<term>Puritans regard</term>
<term>Quality benefits</term>
<term>Queens college</term>
<term>Quotable passage</term>
<term>Quotes russian writers</term>
<term>Race relations</term>
<term>Race society</term>
<term>Racial minority population</term>
<term>Radio telephone</term>
<term>Rank amateurism</term>
<term>Rapid decline</term>
<term>Rapid obsolescence</term>
<term>Rational consideration</term>
<term>Rational modes</term>
<term>Rational price system</term>
<term>Raymond words</term>
<term>Readable book</term>
<term>Readable prose</term>
<term>Reading chapter</term>
<term>Ready market</term>
<term>Real achievements</term>
<term>Real estate brokers</term>
<term>Real estate organization</term>
<term>Real issues</term>
<term>Real question</term>
<term>Real resource</term>
<term>Realistic basis</term>
<term>Realistic jeffersonian tradition</term>
<term>Recent book</term>
<term>Recent developments</term>
<term>Recent efforts</term>
<term>Recent interpretations</term>
<term>Recent origin</term>
<term>Recent studies</term>
<term>Recent work</term>
<term>Recent years</term>
<term>Recent years professor adam</term>
<term>Recidivism reduction</term>
<term>Reciprocal feelings</term>
<term>Redemptive task</term>
<term>Reference points</term>
<term>Refined merchants</term>
<term>Refined patterns</term>
<term>Reform proposals</term>
<term>Refreshing antidote</term>
<term>Regional institutes</term>
<term>Reich limits</term>
<term>Relative significance</term>
<term>Relative stress</term>
<term>Relevant departments</term>
<term>Relevant information</term>
<term>Relevant inventory</term>
<term>Relevant population</term>
<term>Relevant unit</term>
<term>Religious commitment</term>
<term>Religious orders</term>
<term>Relocation allowances</term>
<term>Remarkable continuity</term>
<term>Remarkable example</term>
<term>Remote hitler</term>
<term>Rental units</term>
<term>Repetitious nature</term>
<term>Reprehensible acts</term>
<term>Repressive instruments</term>
<term>Republican administrations</term>
<term>Republican policy makers</term>
<term>Research assistant</term>
<term>Research group</term>
<term>Research mathematician</term>
<term>Resilient middleclass</term>
<term>Resolute refusal</term>
<term>Resource</term>
<term>Resource allocation</term>
<term>Resource distribution</term>
<term>Respectable reformist journals</term>
<term>Restrictive practices</term>
<term>Review conference</term>
<term>Revisionist position</term>
<term>Revisionist waves</term>
<term>Revisionists overcompensated</term>
<term>Revolutionary drama</term>
<term>Revolutionary movement</term>
<term>Revolutionary movements</term>
<term>Revolutionary process</term>
<term>Revolutionary russia</term>
<term>Revolutionary struggle</term>
<term>Revolutionary violence</term>
<term>Rice university houston texas europe</term>
<term>Rich source</term>
<term>Richard croker</term>
<term>Richard falk</term>
<term>Richard hofstadter</term>
<term>Richard pierre claude university</term>
<term>Richard shultz morris harvey college charleston west virginia oscar schachter</term>
<term>Richard sigwalt radford college virginia charles</term>
<term>Right side</term>
<term>Rigid view</term>
<term>Rigorous attempts</term>
<term>Rigorous proof</term>
<term>River systems</term>
<term>Robert allen karlsrud congress</term>
<term>Robert book</term>
<term>Robert gurr</term>
<term>Robert moss</term>
<term>Robust institution</term>
<term>Rochester american</term>
<term>Rohnert park</term>
<term>Roman catholic church</term>
<term>Roman empire</term>
<term>Roman letters</term>
<term>Roman power</term>
<term>Rosenfeld diatribe interindia</term>
<term>Rosenthal lecat</term>
<term>Roucek bridgeport connecticut adam</term>
<term>Rowan littlefield</term>
<term>Rowman littlefield</term>
<term>Roxborough london school</term>
<term>Rude primitives</term>
<term>Ruling class</term>
<term>Rural class relations</term>
<term>Rural culture</term>
<term>Rural labor</term>
<term>Rural life</term>
<term>Rural power domains</term>
<term>Rural property rights</term>
<term>Rural work force</term>
<term>Russak company</term>
<term>Russian brand</term>
<term>Russian title</term>
<term>Russian titles</term>
<term>Ruthless foes</term>
<term>Sage publications</term>
<term>Sal6</term>
<term>Sal6 struggles</term>
<term>Salient point</term>
<term>Salt agreements</term>
<term>Same process</term>
<term>Same program</term>
<term>Same right</term>
<term>Same time</term>
<term>Sample differences</term>
<term>Satellite countries</term>
<term>Satisfactions derivable</term>
<term>Saudi arabia</term>
<term>Scarce resources</term>
<term>Scarce supplies</term>
<term>Scholarly addition</term>
<term>Scholarly book</term>
<term>Scholarly detachment</term>
<term>Scholarly literature</term>
<term>Scholars people</term>
<term>Schulzinger university</term>
<term>Science methodology</term>
<term>Scientific method</term>
<term>Scientific order</term>
<term>Scientific rationality</term>
<term>Scientific rebel</term>
<term>Scientists teaching courses</term>
<term>Scrupulous observance</term>
<term>Sears mcgee</term>
<term>Second chapter</term>
<term>Second fraud</term>
<term>Second half</term>
<term>Second section</term>
<term>Second table</term>
<term>Second world</term>
<term>Secondary materials</term>
<term>Secret bargains</term>
<term>Secret service</term>
<term>Secretary position</term>
<term>Secular decline</term>
<term>Security orientation</term>
<term>Security relations</term>
<term>Security treaty</term>
<term>Selfless superhero</term>
<term>Senators barry goldwater</term>
<term>Senior fellow</term>
<term>Sense book</term>
<term>Separate card</term>
<term>Separate contract</term>
<term>Separate quarters</term>
<term>Serious analysis</term>
<term>Serious charges</term>
<term>Serious doubts</term>
<term>Serious efforts</term>
<term>Serious questions</term>
<term>Serious student</term>
<term>Serious students</term>
<term>Service interventions</term>
<term>Service strategies</term>
<term>Seventeenth century</term>
<term>Several decades</term>
<term>Several elements</term>
<term>Several indicators</term>
<term>Several latin american states</term>
<term>Several points</term>
<term>Several ways</term>
<term>Several works</term>
<term>Severe strains</term>
<term>Sexual preferences</term>
<term>Sham claim</term>
<term>Sharon leiter university</term>
<term>Shock penalties</term>
<term>Short form</term>
<term>Short reduction</term>
<term>Shrewder criticism</term>
<term>Significant contribution</term>
<term>Significant nonblack support</term>
<term>Sincere responses</term>
<term>Single aspect</term>
<term>Single item</term>
<term>Single theme</term>
<term>Single transaction</term>
<term>Singular author</term>
<term>Sinitic civilization</term>
<term>Sister city</term>
<term>Sixteenth century</term>
<term>Sixth time</term>
<term>Slawi elite</term>
<term>Slawi identity</term>
<term>Slawi youth</term>
<term>Slim volume</term>
<term>Small community</term>
<term>Small incursions</term>
<term>Small nearnuclear states</term>
<term>Small part</term>
<term>Small town</term>
<term>Smith university</term>
<term>Social background</term>
<term>Social changes</term>
<term>Social choice</term>
<term>Social choices</term>
<term>Social control</term>
<term>Social exchange model</term>
<term>Social function</term>
<term>Social history</term>
<term>Social justice</term>
<term>Social life</term>
<term>Social movement</term>
<term>Social order</term>
<term>Social organization</term>
<term>Social problem</term>
<term>Social process</term>
<term>Social psychology</term>
<term>Social relationship</term>
<term>Social science</term>
<term>Social scientists</term>
<term>Social strife</term>
<term>Social structure</term>
<term>Social structures</term>
<term>Social ties</term>
<term>Social welfare</term>
<term>Socialist governments</term>
<term>Socialist orthodoxy</term>
<term>Societal forms</term>
<term>Sociocultural diversity</term>
<term>Socioeconomic characteristics</term>
<term>Sociological laws</term>
<term>Solid claims</term>
<term>Sonoma state college</term>
<term>Sophisticated market</term>
<term>Sophisticated minds</term>
<term>Southeastern africa</term>
<term>Southeastern europe</term>
<term>Southern california</term>
<term>Southern taiwan</term>
<term>Sovereign states</term>
<term>Soviet analyses</term>
<term>Soviet attitudes</term>
<term>Soviet fiction</term>
<term>Soviet household objects</term>
<term>Soviet images</term>
<term>Soviet leaders</term>
<term>Soviet leadership</term>
<term>Soviet periodicals</term>
<term>Soviet publications</term>
<term>Soviet society</term>
<term>Soviet society today</term>
<term>Soviet sources</term>
<term>Soviet students</term>
<term>Soviet subjects</term>
<term>Soviet union</term>
<term>Spanish america</term>
<term>Spatial definition</term>
<term>Special branch</term>
<term>Special interest</term>
<term>Special position</term>
<term>Specialized aspects</term>
<term>Specialized reading audience</term>
<term>Specific differences</term>
<term>Specific example</term>
<term>Specific problems</term>
<term>Specific values</term>
<term>Staccato precision</term>
<term>Staggering output</term>
<term>Staley state university</term>
<term>Standardized goods</term>
<term>Stanford research institute</term>
<term>Stanley bachrack</term>
<term>Stanley hoffman</term>
<term>Star trek</term>
<term>State agencies</term>
<term>State apparatus</term>
<term>State subsidies</term>
<term>States policy</term>
<term>States system</term>
<term>States william</term>
<term>Static militia forces</term>
<term>Status groups</term>
<term>Stephanie levinson</term>
<term>Strategic problems</term>
<term>Strategic studies center</term>
<term>Stringent criteria</term>
<term>Strong case</term>
<term>Strong introduction</term>
<term>Structural bases</term>
<term>Structural characteristics</term>
<term>Structural incentive</term>
<term>Structural support</term>
<term>Stuart england</term>
<term>Studies institute nashville tennessee michael</term>
<term>Studies iowa</term>
<term>Studies project</term>
<term>Studies show</term>
<term>Subject matter</term>
<term>Subregional consciousness</term>
<term>Subsequent chapters deal</term>
<term>Subsequent section</term>
<term>Subservient writers</term>
<term>Subsidiary status</term>
<term>Substantial progress</term>
<term>Substantial segments</term>
<term>Substantial study</term>
<term>Substantial tome</term>
<term>Subtle shifts</term>
<term>Suburban areas</term>
<term>Successful conclusion</term>
<term>Successive chapters trace</term>
<term>Such aspects</term>
<term>Such cases</term>
<term>Such centralization</term>
<term>Such children</term>
<term>Such controversies</term>
<term>Such data</term>
<term>Such descriptions</term>
<term>Such diversity</term>
<term>Such families</term>
<term>Such features</term>
<term>Such felicity</term>
<term>Such groups</term>
<term>Such movements</term>
<term>Such strik</term>
<term>Such strikes</term>
<term>Such studies</term>
<term>Such theory</term>
<term>Superb piece</term>
<term>Superhero comics</term>
<term>Superpower cooperation</term>
<term>Superpower relations</term>
<term>Supplementary readings</term>
<term>Surprise phase</term>
<term>Survey ideas</term>
<term>Symbolic frameworks</term>
<term>Symbolic idiom</term>
<term>Syracuse university</term>
<term>Syria</term>
<term>Syrian population</term>
<term>Systematic violence</term>
<term>Tacit agreement</term>
<term>Taipei government</term>
<term>Tammany hall</term>
<term>Technical analysis</term>
<term>Technical assistance</term>
<term>Technical challenges</term>
<term>Technical elite</term>
<term>Technical material</term>
<term>Technical strands</term>
<term>Technical weaknesses</term>
<term>Technocrat</term>
<term>Technocrat movement</term>
<term>Technocratic movement</term>
<term>Technocratic philosophy</term>
<term>Technological efficiency</term>
<term>Technological modernization</term>
<term>Technological societyand</term>
<term>Tected reserve</term>
<term>Teen years</term>
<term>Television version</term>
<term>Temple kirby miami university</term>
<term>Tendentious tract</term>
<term>Term actors</term>
<term>Terminal mind processes</term>
<term>Terms john university</term>
<term>Terrible book</term>
<term>Territorial arrangements</term>
<term>Territorial disputes</term>
<term>Terrorism</term>
<term>Textbook history</term>
<term>Textual analysis</term>
<term>Textual explications</term>
<term>Theoretical implications</term>
<term>Theoretical scheme</term>
<term>Theoretical structure</term>
<term>Theory positions</term>
<term>Theravada buddhist civilization</term>
<term>Theravada buddhist societies</term>
<term>Third century</term>
<term>Third lobe</term>
<term>Third republic</term>
<term>Third view</term>
<term>Third world countries place</term>
<term>Third world thinkers</term>
<term>Thomas lamont papers</term>
<term>Thorough discussion</term>
<term>Thorough knowledge</term>
<term>Thorough research</term>
<term>Tighter nonproliferation regime</term>
<term>Time frame</term>
<term>Time horizon</term>
<term>Timely issues</term>
<term>Tinism mentality</term>
<term>Tiny israel</term>
<term>Tistical tables</term>
<term>Tocks island</term>
<term>Token economies</term>
<term>Tolersive systems ated</term>
<term>Tony bunyan</term>
<term>Topical literature</term>
<term>Townshend acts</term>
<term>Trade area</term>
<term>Trade creation</term>
<term>Trade diversion</term>
<term>Trade expansion</term>
<term>Trade figures</term>
<term>Trade theory</term>
<term>Trade union activity</term>
<term>Trade unionism</term>
<term>Trading factories</term>
<term>Traditional histories</term>
<term>Traditional matters</term>
<term>Traditional right</term>
<term>Traditional sal6</term>
<term>Trail professor hershkowitz</term>
<term>Transnational corporations</term>
<term>Transnational levels</term>
<term>Transnational linkages</term>
<term>Transnational nature</term>
<term>Treatment decisions</term>
<term>Treatyby subject</term>
<term>Treatyport system</term>
<term>Tribal cultures</term>
<term>Tribal representation</term>
<term>Troleum policy</term>
<term>Trolling automobile ysis</term>
<term>True concern</term>
<term>Tsar alexander</term>
<term>Turkish features</term>
<term>Twentieth century</term>
<term>Twin pillars</term>
<term>Twochina policy</term>
<term>Ubiquitous symbols</term>
<term>Ultimate causes</term>
<term>Ultimate development</term>
<term>Ultimate failure</term>
<term>Unacceptable historicism</term>
<term>Uncontrolled development</term>
<term>Underdeveloped world</term>
<term>Undesirable housing</term>
<term>Unemployment benefits</term>
<term>Unengaging monotony</term>
<term>Unfair reactions</term>
<term>Unfortunate monarch</term>
<term>Unfortunate result</term>
<term>Unintended consequence</term>
<term>Unique configuration</term>
<term>Unique contribution</term>
<term>Unique place</term>
<term>University evanston</term>
<term>University park</term>
<term>University press</term>
<term>Unlimited proportions</term>
<term>Unnumbered maps confusingly</term>
<term>Unregulated competition</term>
<term>Unsubstantiated analyses</term>
<term>Unsystematic literature</term>
<term>Upper burma</term>
<term>Upton sinclair</term>
<term>Urban areas</term>
<term>Urban elite</term>
<term>Urban geography</term>
<term>Urban housing inventory</term>
<term>Urban life</term>
<term>Urban lifestyle</term>
<term>Urban middle classes</term>
<term>Urban nation</term>
<term>Urban planning</term>
<term>Urban solidarity</term>
<term>Urban wage earners</term>
<term>Urban workers</term>
<term>Useful addition</term>
<term>Useful list</term>
<term>Useful perspective</term>
<term>Useful purpose</term>
<term>Usual chapter headings</term>
<term>Usual focus</term>
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<meta-value>199 Book Department SAGE Publications, Inc.1977DOI: 10.1177/000271627743400114 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND POLITICS HEDLEY BULL. The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics. Pp. ix, 335. New York: Columbia University Press, 1977. $20.00. Professor Bull proceeds from the dictum that "thinking is also research" in his attempt to systematically think through and present an inquiry into the nature of order in world politics. He sets for himself a large task, one as much philosophical as political. Stating his quest in the introduction, he offers three basic questions: (1) What is order in world politics? (2) How is order maintained within the present system of sovereign states? (3) Does the system of sovereign states still provide a viable path to world order? Each question is developed in detail in the three sections of the study. While the author believes that order is a desirable objective, certainly preferable to disorder, it is not always superior to other values. Justice is another desirable, increasingly necessary goal which can conflict with order. Developed countries stress order. Third World countries place a higher priority on justice even at the price of disorder. The debate over priorities involves value judgments. While not eschewing such controversies, Bull remains aloof, detached. He em- phatically states that his purpose is not to prescribe solutions or offer practical advice. The search for these, he proclaims "a corrupting element in contemporary study of world politics." To Bull the process of inquiry is "an intellectual activity and not a practical one,." pursuing a subject wherever the argument leads. He responds more as political philosopher than political scientist. But his values and conclusions do emerge. The book is an implicit defense of the states system within the international community of nations. Within this system, order does exist and is maintained through established means such as balance of power, international law, diplomacy, great power politics, and even war. Bull examines alternatives to the existent system, but finds the contemporary model neither dysfunctional nor in decline. Reform, though, is possible. Here he discusses such proposed reforms as the "Kissinger Model" of a concert of great powers, the so-called radical global centralists represented by Richard Falk, new models of regionalism emerging from Third World thinkers, and the Marxist model. He notes problems of implementation inherent in all. This is a tightly focused, contemplative work; but one questions how necessary, how valuable. Especially, one wonders to whom the book is di- 200 rected. For the scholar there is little new, albeit a new condensation of traditional matters in a different format. The study appears more in the vein of a text in international politics. In this category it has some merits, especially in format features with strong introduction and conclusion, which sum up the study, and good chapter development. But as text it has limitations: too narrow, specialized, and detached. While one can endorse the principle of scholarly detachment, Bull pursues it to an extreme. In a world desperately seeking alternatives to crises, can one smugly renounce the search for solutions? In his introduction, the author notes that value-free inquiry is sterile. His approach borders on that condemnation. JOE P. DUNN Converse College Spartanburg South Carolina WILLIAM EPSTEIN. The Last Chance: Nuclear Proliferation and Arms Control. Pp. 341. New York: The Free Press, 1976. $14.95. William Epstein, who has been officially connected with the work of the United Nations in the field of arms control for 25 years, has written a very comprehensive and important book on the question of nuclear proliferation. The experiences of the author as an international civil servant are thoroughly reflected in the volume, and they make it a unique contribution to the growing literature in this area. Thus, his description of "the birth of a non-proliferation treaty ... or, at least ... its successful conception" (p. 102), is truly fascinating. On the other hand, the book is less useful in analyzing the perspective of individual countries on nuclear proliferation, the small near- nuclear states in particular. The main objective of Mr. Epstein is to "analyze the effectiveness and adequacy of the non-proliferation regime and, in particular, of the Non-Proliferation Treaty" (xxi). This objective is systematically achieved through an historical review of the developments prior to the signing of the NPT, a textual analysis of the treaty itself, and an assessment of its political implications. The historical review is critical of the role of both superpowers who, according to the author, did not work seriously to achieve control over proliferation prior to the early 1960s. The article-by-article analysis demonstrates the problems associated with almost every single aspect of the NPT. Taking a constructive approach, Epstein promotes a series of proposals, the goal of which is to create a tighter non-proliferation regime. Appendix VI- List of Proposed Measures to Strengthen the Non-Proliferation Treaty-is extremely valuable in this respect. The volume is brought up-to-date by evaluating the May 1975 NPT Review Conference, which the author describes as a failure, as well as by dealing with timely issues, such as the danger of proliferation to terrorists and criminals. As indicated by the book's title, Epstein sees the near future as crucial for preventing a global catastrophe. "Man is an endangered species," he warns, and if non-proliferation fails, "the prospect for humanity is not promis- ing" (p. 274). In order to brighten that prospect, Epstein promotes a number of proposals, some of which are not very practical. Thus, he recommends that the nuclear powers undertake "not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against any non-nuclear state that has no nuclear weapons in its territory" (p. 324). The result of this proposal, if adopted, might be the erosion of the deterrence posture in regions like the Korean Peninsula. The practicality of superpower cooperation in building international reactors is also questionable. On the other hand, the author refrains from developing the idea of punishing individuals (though he discusses sanctions against states) who violate the rules of the non-proliferation regime. The refusal of the author to deal with the "unthinkable"-a generally nuclearized world-though hu- manistically understood, is analytically damaging. Finally, it is somewhat surprising that 201 the book includes so very few references to bibliographical sources. Moreover, lengthy quotes are left without accurate references, making the reader totally dependent on the author's interpretation of the quote. A relatively modest effort could have solved this problem, making this volume even more valuable. ILAN PELEG Lafayette College Easton Pennsylvania TED ROBERT GURR, PETER N. GRA- BOSKY, and RICHARD C. HULA. The Politics of Crime and Conflict: A Comparative History of Four Cities. Pp. xii, 792. Beverly Hills, Cali£: Sage Publications, Inc., 1977. $35.00. Americans have long been fascinated with crime and criminals, but it has been an ambivalent interest. Some criminals (and even crime organizations) have achieved the status of folk heroes and millions of dollars have been garnered from television shows, films, and books about their exploits. At the same time, notably during the past decade, crime has become one of the nation's most prominent worries, so great in fact, that fear of being victimized is, itself, a social and psychological reality. From this concern has flowed a considerable quantity of research and debate concerning apparent increases in crime and concrete proposals as to what might be done. Some have stressed immediate remedies such as: improved police, more equipment; reinforcement or redirection of institutions (more prisons, mandatory sentences); and policies directed at assumed ultimate causes, such as racism, poverty. As the debate about solutions has developed, many old approaches have surfaced in modern form and, while new research is multifaceted, one school of thought now stresses punitive measures, mostly harsher punishments, while another emphasizes meliorative policies. Ted Robert Gurr-perhaps best known popularly for his work with the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence-Peter N. Gra- bosky, and Richard C. Hula have authored a massive, at times tedious, but worthwhile book that marks an important contribution to a large and burgeoning literature. The Politics of Crime and Conflict is an historical comparison of crime, social strife, police, courts, and laws in London, Stockholm, Sydney, and Calcutta. Attempts are made to test hypotheses concerning permissive approaches as well as punitive ones and to assess the possibilities of constructing a theory of crime and conflict. This is done with a thorough, detailed explanation of the methods employed in the research and clear statements as to the assumptions and preferences that informed it. Each of the city histories could no doubt be faulted by specialists, an almost inevitable circumstance since the modern past of four important metropolitan areas is presented in relatively short form. Brief as these accounts are, the data is often so massive and at times undigested that only the most determined readers are likely to find their way through it all (an abridged edition containing only the discussion and conclusions is available). Similarly, some social scientists will question use of such descriptions as "depraved" and "insane." A major disappointment is the virtual absence of any discussion of firearms controls in the four cities discussed. Americans in particular would want to know if the long-term decline in criminal behavior from mid-nineteenth century to the 1930s in the three Western cities surveyed was in any way conditioned by the declining availability of weapons in those places. The authors' detailed survey of police, courts, laws, and crime statistics of London, for example, contain only two passing references to its evolution toward a disarmed populace and police. More importantly, the comparative historical analysis presented here carefully and critically assesses crime statistics, their collection, methods of reporting, and evaluation; the meaning 202 of such data; problems and validity in comparison both spatially and in time; and, their significance for legislation and policy. Police organizations and behavior, courts, legal systems, and elite perceptions of other classes and activities variously defined as "criminal" are delineated. The conclusions reached are, by the authors' admission, less than startling. The exceptionally wide range of policies reviewed make a single, conclusive statement impossible; indeed, none was promised. It is this, however, that is perhaps the book's most salient point. Historically, various and different strategies have been employed to reduce criminal behavior. Almost always the groups supporting changed laws or procedures have felt they have contributed to a diminution of crime, while in reality no hard evidence existed (or exists) to prove the efficacy of their policies. In a time when there appears to be growing support for more Draconian measures to control crime (especially street crime, pornography, and sexual preferences), a study of The Politics of Crime and Conflict is certainly useful. After reviewing this immense collection of data, dogmatism about crime and its causes is impossible. This is a valuable work. DON LEFAVE Yuba College Marysville California GERALD MISCHE and PATRICIA MISCHE. Toward a Human World Order; Beyond the National Security Straitjacket. Pp. vii, 339. New York: Paulist Press, 1977. $9.95. Toward a Human World Order is a readable book, and it deserves a wide reading. In it, Gerald and Patricia Mische present a strong case for an analysis of our global impass, which holds that all nations are locked in competition for security through weapons, capital and physical resources. Efforts to deal with social and technical challenges of global dimension are vitiated by the nationalistic organization of the world. Moreover, and here the Misches make their most original contribution, priorities for human dignity, welfare, and development under all societal forms are doomed insofar as they remain wedded to a competitive national security orientation. Alternatives to the status quo are unrealistic unless they address the problem of creating a global security framework for social justice. Efforts for world order are realistic, as well as visionary, insofar as they begin with a close analysis of the national security organization of power in every society. The Misches, who have worked closely with Institute for World Order projects, have translated the diverse and often technical strands of world order thinking into a common sense level. The authors make almost too explicit an effort to be clear-anticipating each step in their thought, presenting current problems in counterpoint to the alternatives of a preferred future, and recapitulating each link of their argument. All their cards are played face up and their hand becomes increasingly persuasive. Three contributions of the book merit special mention. Although they appreciate the cogency of liberation theology and analysis, the Misches find it inadequate. Too often do its proponents depend for solutions upon an act of will on the part of new leadership. The best intentioned liberation or revolutionary movement is compromised, the Misches argue, if it is constrained by the national security priorities of its world environment. Their conclusion is that the aim of liberation must become universal in order to be realistic. Although they value realism and hard analysis, the Misches find so-called value-free social science to be inadequate. It belies the responsibility for choosing with which we are burdened; it disregards the role of values and paradigms in ordering science as well as society. The contribution of philosophy and religion is particularly important, therefore, because it introduces a person-centered, but holistic, worldview appropriate to the organic, interrelated, and ecological nature of science and society. 203 Although they stress the power of institutions and elites, the Misches argue that individuals in all walks of life can contribute to the creation of a more human world order. Their goal is visionary, but their strategy is not utopian. It is, rather, incremental and pragmatic, building upon existing transnational structures. Closing chapters in the book develop this approach and suggest ways in which citizens across varying cultures can contribute to the development of transnational linkages along functional lines, making social choices in the light of global and human priorities. A bibliography and notes for further reading extend this unpretentious but important book. Standing simply, in the line of a great literature on the world order vision, this work makes the vision seem at once more urgent and more accessible than ever before. CHARLES CHATFIELD Wittenberg University Springfield Ohio ALBERT PARRY. Terrorism: From Robes- pierre to Arafat. Pp. xi, 624. New York: Vanguard Press, Inc., 1976. $17.50. Since World War II, the practice of political terrorism has undergone a frightful proliferation at the national and transnational levels. Although an intense study has ensued this proliferation, the political terrorism literature is primarily descriptive, prescriptive, and obliquely emotive in form rather than analytical, theoretical, and objective. Rigorous attempts to analyze the various forms terrorism has taken, to depict common linkages and specific differences, as well as develop flexible typologies and theories, remain scarce. Parry's study, an ambitious attempt to analyze terrorism in its historical and modern settings, follows this descriptive-emotive trend. In the initial section, Parry links political terrorism throughout history to either left-wing revolutionary movements seeking "the overthrow of the existing government," or "to these very same terrorists" who, "having tasted victory... victimize their opponents." Such movements rely on "intimidation, systematic violence, continual blood- shed," and therefore are not a justifiable means of achieving social-political change. For Parry, "positive change" results only "through peaceful action.... The long term gradualism in England is proof enough. The bloody price does not have to be paid." Unfortunately, this generalization may not stand the test of history. The author next examines the personality of the terrorist, suggesting that those who resort to revolution are "abnormal ... in the sense of being psychologically dis- turbed." He/she is a "sociopath," a "mal- adapted pathological isolate" who "lusts for violence." Evidence cited to support this is minimal, inferentially questionable, Parry himself noting that his primany reference "does not state on what information his theory is based." In addition, the author ignores a vast amount of literature concerning revolutionary movements and elites which casts serious doubts on his own thesis. Part two of the study examines the history of political terrorism, part three its modern-day variations. While tracing its origins to Robespierre, part two primarily examines the views of Marx, Bakunin, Nechayev, and Kropotkin, and their impact on revolutionary and post- revolutionary Russia. Although thought- provoking, this reader would take issue with several points. For example, though reprehensible acts have been initiated in the name of Marxism, characterizing Marx as a prophet of indiscriminate terrorism is questionable. In Lenin's case, Parry correctly notes that Lenin would willingly resort to extreme violence when the revolution or its consolidation was at stake. However, to state that Lenin died "because he had exhausted his ... emplacable mind by his self-inflicted burden of incessant hatreds and schemings ... and the massacre of millions" is simply conjecture. This section concludes with an account of Nazi genocide. In part three, Parry examines almost every revolutionary movement/sect since W W II. Again, while thought-provoking, 204 his ideological bent powerfully affects his analysis. For example, Che, a doctor, discovered "healing was not his passion. He would rather roam with a gun. He would kill, not cure." Similarly, he analyzes such diverse movements as the Viet Cong, PLO, Weathermen, SLA, and so on. The final few (17) pages examine right-wing regime ter- orism. The final chapters are concerned with the transnational nature of modern terrorism and the impact of technology on it. In sum, while thought-provoking, the scope of the study appears to be too ambitious, resulting, in part, in sketchy and unsubstantiated analyses. In addition, his own ideological perspective has a detrimental effect. Nevertheless, while one may argue with the author's interpretations, his study is well worth reading. RICHARD SHULTZ Morris Harvey College Charleston West Virginia OSCAR SCHACHTER Sharing the World's Resources. Pp. v, 172. New York: Columbia University Press, 1977. $7.95. Oscar Schachter's 1974 Rosenthal lec- tures at Northwestern's Law School, published as Sharing the World's Resources, focus on an issue of overwhelming interest in contemporary international politics. In the first lecture, he sets forth an ethico-legal rationale for, let me grossly oversimplify, the demands of the "have not" countries to share increasingly in the future economic welfare and satisfactions derivable from the world's productive capabilities. In Schachter's view, a consensual agreement has developed, among all participants in decision making about international resource allocations, that distributive justice, nowhere precisely defined, will be forwarded by an apportionment based on judgments of perceptions of national needs and of legitimate expectations and historic entitlements. Other allocative schemata, such as efficiency, autarky, or national security, have been at least downgraded from their previous eminence in international negotiations, if in fact they have not now been relegated to subsidiary status. This reordering has, of course, not occurred without severe strains on the international body politic. Indeed, in Schachter's opinion it has come about largely as a response by the "have" nations to stresses and grievances which they judged would seriously jeopardize international stability and equilibrium were there inordinately long delays in restructuring the international value system. The remaining two lectures explore how this heightened role of distributive justice in world affairs has, or in some cases should have, affected international bargaining processes and the structural characteristics and procedures of international institutions. Schachter delves most aptly and deeply into the impact of reordering on the changing conformations of the present Law of the Sea negotiations; it is perhaps here that effects of any recent widespread revisions in value rankings of the allocative criteria will be most manifest and enduring. In less depth, he considers how governmental deliberations on, and institutional arrangements for, sharing technology, pricing systems for many internationally-traded agricultural and mineral products, economic exploiting of river systems and lake basins that overlap national boundaries, and, more exotically, atmospheric and environmental manipulations are being molded by the upgrading of international equity issues. In each of these areas, the novel insights provided by Schachter's perspective will, I suspect, be rewarding and stimulating, even for expert scholars and international negotiators and civil servants. One could reasonably challenge his implicit, overall assessment that equity considerations, at a minimum, have achieved a status in the international value ordering on a par with efficiency or political and economic independence. But since the lectures were intended primarily to elevate the level of thinking about world affairs 205 and to add nuance to interpretations of international negotiations and procedures, rather than as a set of guidelines for international negotiators, this would be quibbling; beyond doubt, distributive justice has gained acceptability as a goal of international arrangements. Still, perceptions of others' national needs are no more than that, and they inevitably vary from country to country. Likewise, what are legitimate expectations and historic entitlements are only subjectively determinate. Schachter, too, is well aware of these difficulties, making his speculations and conclusions on the prospective international consequences of the emergence of equity concerns especially subtle and provocative. M. O. CLEMENT Dartmouth College Hanover New Hampshire LAURENCE SHOUP and WILLIAM MINTER. Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy. Pp. vii, 334. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977. $17.50. No questions about United States foreign policy are more important as who controls it, what do they think, and how do their actions, thoughts and bank accounts differ from those of the rest of us. A good place to begin study is to take a long hard look at the Council on Foreign Relations. Laurence Shoup, an historian, and William Minter, a sociologist, started their research into the Council in their separate doctoral dissertations, and they have now jointly produced a book which tries to examine critically the social background of the Council's membership and assess the influence of its intellectual output. The result of their collaboration does not fulfill their hopes for a complete Marxist portrait of this fascinating and powerful organization. In fact, Imperial Brain Trust, succeeds best demonstrating once more the wisdom of not judging a book by its cover. In this case, a catchy title and an irreverent cartoon (depicting poor old Uncle Sam as a marionette moved by some invisible hand) introduce a dully written book with some insights but more gaps. The first half of Imperial Brain Trust provides an all-too-brief general history of the Council, some adequate descriptions of the Council's membership, and its income. Unfortunately, the data in these chapters are not presented across time, and the prose, with its interminable lists of names in the text, is nearly unreadable. The second half of the book, in which the actual ideas of the Council get attention, surpasses the first, but it, too, leaves the reader begging for more. The treatment of the Council's work in the War-Peace Studies Project during the Second World War best demonstrates the intimate ties between the Council and the government, but the case studies of the last 30 years trail off into vagueness and generalities. The final chapter, on the Council's 1980s project, is especially weak because the publications from that effort are just now, in mid-1977, beginning to appear. The most distressing shortcoming of the book is that Shoup and Minter completely neglected the extensive archives of the Council, up-to-date until 1952. Had they gone through these 35 volumes of reports, memoranda, and letters, they would have learned, for example, of the remarkable continuity of the Council's view of the dominant position of the United States from the twenties until the present. They would also have seen, more clearly than they do, how the question of the Soviet Union and Germany preoccupied the Council in the immediate post-World War II years. Shoup and Minter should also have paid more attention to the considerable differences between the Council and the more open, and perhaps more "democratic" Foreign Policy Association. They would have discovered how competitive the two groups have been, and they might even have sharpened their criticism of the inherent elitism of the Council. Imperial Brain Trust is not a terrible book, only a mediocre one. The sub- 206 ject deserves livelier writing, more painstaking research, deeper analysis, and shrewder criticism. ROBERT D. SCHULZINGER University of Colorado Boulder AFRICA, ASIA, AND LATIN AMERICA G. POPE ATKINS. Latin America in the International Political System. Pp. ix, 448. New York: The Free Press, 1977. $11.95. Highly informative, this detailed analysis of political processes in a region too little understood by many persons in the United States and elsewhere acceptably fills a gap in our scholarly literature. Going beyond the usual focus of attention on Latin American relations with the United States alone, Latin American diplomatic history, or an institutional or legal treatment of the Organization of American States or other pan-American entity, the author discusses the political behavior of Latin American nations toward each other and toward the principal nations of Europe and Asia, as well as the United States, and of these latter nations toward them. A political scientist who has lived and worked in South America, the author realizes the ecological and cultural diversity of this immense region and that such diversity makes analysis difficult and generalizations tentative. Nevertheless, he discerns some common characteristics and continuities in the foreign policies of the several autonomous nations involved; and he raises questions regarding what shapes these policies, how they are formulated, and what means have been and are being selected and pursued to carry them out. Aware as well of the risk involved in dealing with such a large amount of factual data, he seeks to set these data in a framework of systems and subsystems in process of integration. He thus sees Latin America as not only an identifiable region but also "a coherent international subsystem," occupying "a unique place in political analysis" and deserving "at- tention on its own terms" (p. 382). For one thing, a variant ecological and cultural base plus a longer history of independence has produced here a development different from that in other parts of the so-called underdeveloped world, so that Latin America does not fit easily into "any unilinear, inexorable movement from traditionalism to mod- ernism" (p. 382). To assume so implies ethnocentrism and an unacceptable his- toricism. Theories derived from other national experiences are therefore "in- appropriate in the Latin American con- text" and require reformulation. Also considered are the policies and overt political acts of the more important nonstate institutions or groups which have influenced or are influencing Latin American nations, including the Roman Catholic church, multinational business enterprises, international labor organizations, and insurgent guerrillas as well as the collaboration of diplomatic, military, or economic character between the several Latin American states and between them and extraregional organizations ; conflict involving territorial disputes, economic nationalism, Cold War rivalry, and the imperialist ambitions; the development of regional and sub- regional consciousness and integration; balances of power in the region and the roles of the various Latin American nations in a global balance of power. The author has an orderly mind. Each chapter is briefly summarized before presentation and invariably terminated with extensive comments regarding sources of the analysis and supplementary readings. The table of contents, in addition to the usual chapter headings and similar to a form more common to works published in earlier centuries, provides a brief outline, by chapters, of the principal subheadings throughout. There is a political map of the Caribbean area, another of Latin America as a whole, and 9 statistical tables, including a list of the 41 Inter-American Conferences so far held (p. 314). Appended is a 50-page bibliography with official publications, learned journals, news accounts, and 207 other sources; books in English (predominantly), Spanish (about an eighth as often), Portuguese (occasionally), and French (a few citations); and aids in locating these and other materials. Provocative is the suggestion that the vacillation in United States policy from time to time toward Latin American (and other) nations which often baffles our friends abroad is due to a shifting back and forth between two diverse points of view: a realistic Jeffersonian tradition of non-intervention, based on the conviction that every nation has the same right as our own was founded on, that is, to govern itself under any form it chooses; and an idealistic Wilsonian (and even earlier?) conviction that political instability in our hemisphere-which all recognize as a threat to our own security and other interests -is due to a lack of progress toward constitutional democracy, that constitutional democracy can be imposed by external pressures, and that the United States, being the most democratic as well as the most powerful nation in the region, has the duty to exercise a positive role in developing in Latin America (and the world) democracy and human rights (pp. 107-11). A few questions might be raised, the first of which is directed to all of us, and not only to the author. What do we mean by "Latin America"? Although widely employed these days, that name is often imprecise, even ambiguous, in both usage and definition. It is defined here in geographical terms, namely, "that geopolitical portion of the Western Hemisphere south of the United States" (pp. xiii-xiv). But is all that area logically Latin? Only three-fourths of the 27 autonomous states listed in Table A (pp. 24-5)- 18 Spanish, 1 Portuguese, and 1 French (plus, of course, the remnants of French colonialism in Guadeloupe, Martinique, and French Guiana)-are Latin in cultural derivation, with varying but sometimes generous intervention even here of Amerindian, African, East Indian, Japanese, and other social heritages. One of the autonomous nations (Surinam), plus six islands of the Netherlands Antilles, are of Dutch cultural origin; and six nations, plus the six "associated states," six crown colonies, and one territory also listed in Table B (p. 68), are British. In relation to the Spanish-American nations, Brazil, or Portuguese-America, is of course outnumbered 18-to-l. Perhaps partially for this reason many intelligent persons in the United States and elsewhere tend to think, and often to act, as if the Sanish-speaking peoples constituted Latin America. Yet, Brazil's land surface is approximately half of the South American continent; and its population, being the seventh largest in the world, virtually equals that of all Spanish America, North and South. In land surface and population, then, but also by reason of an enormous store of natural resources now beginning to be tapped systematically, as well as industrial, agricultural, and other potentialities, Brazil is becoming more and more a world power. Although the author realizes at least some of these facts (for example, p. 11), the mention of Brazil in the text occurs only slightly more often than either Peru or Venezuela and less often than Argentina, Chile, Mexico, or Cuba. Is this an adequate balance? DONALD PIERSON Bloomington Indiana STANLEY D. BACHRACK. The Committee of One Million: "China Lobby" Politics, 1953-1971. Pp. x, 371. New York: Columbia University Press, 1976. $14.95. More topical apparently than the author had foreseen, this book has appeared at a time of resurgence in China-lobbying during the first months of the new Carter administration. Efforts in this country to maintain American support for the Kuomintang government are clearly alive and well. For example, Marquis Childs reports in the Washington Post that Kaohsiung, a large city in southern Taiwan, has adopted Plains, Georgia, as a sister city promising to contribute a $25,000 oriental 208 garden to Plains to symbolize their close relationship. Meanwhile, familiar faces from the Cold War heyday of earlier China-lobbying are back in the news. Senators Barry Goldwater and John Sparkman have visited Taiwan, speaking in support of maintaining the security treaty with the Taipei government, as have verteran upholders of Kuomintang legitimacy David Nelson Rowe and Anthony Kubek-adroitly seizing on prominent themes in President Carter's foreign policy statements, they assert the importance of human rights in U.S. China policy and America's moral obligation to defend free China. By the time this review is published, these renewed lobbying efforts may have been undone by a Carter administration decision finally to establish diplomatic relations with the People's s Republic of China. Nonetheless, China lobbyists can take pride in the fact that for more than 20 years they helped keep China out of the United Nations and that for almost 30 years they succeeded in convincing American presidents and congressmen that the United States should continue its support for the defeated Kuomintang government on Taiwan and should accord it formal recognition as the sole legitimate government of all of China. Stanley Bachrack tells the story of China-lobbying in the period from the end of the Korean War to the beginning of the Nixon-initiated American d6tente with Peking. His book is the successor to Ross Koen's The China Lobby in American Politics, printed for publication by Macmillan in 1960 but then withdrawn under pressure from the Committee of One Million. Building on the work of Koen (whose book was finally published by Harper and Row in 1974), Bachrack focuses specifically on the activities of the committee itself which, when founded in 1953 to stop China's admission to the United Nations, was endorsed by senators, congressmen, governors of states, retired generals and ambassadors, and even former President Herbert Hoover. Bachrack's account provides an ex- cellent case study in the manipulation of American public opinion by an organization including among its active collaborators high public officials (elected and appointed), the national communications media, and the Republic of China government. The most quotable passage in the book, a comment on the media, appears in Bachrack's opening chapter, which describes the political background to the commitee's activities: For four full decades beginning in 1927- in what must be regarded as a truly remarkable example of American journalistic puffery on behalf of a foreign political leader -the Luce empire zealously promoted Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist government.... By 1945 the Chinese leader had been honored by his sixth Time cover story, till then the largest number conferred on any mortal. Luce's adulation of Chiang, part of his own grand scheme for "Chris- tianizing and Americanizing China," was personal and total (p. 17). However, limited by incomplete information, Bachrack actually raises more interesting questions than he can answer in this study. One intriguing question has to do with the somewhat mysterious origins of the committee in 1953, which Bachrack suggests-but cannot prove -might have had something to do with the CIA (his Freedom of Information Act suit to obtain the relevant information was dismissed by a federal court). Another question has to do with funding. Bachrack demonstrates 's that the committee cooperated closely with Republic of China officials and that Taipei provided funds for junkets to Taiwan as well as financial help for committee educational functions; but he presents no proof of the influence-buying by the ROC government on the scale, for instance, of the current allegations against the South Korean government. Nonetheless, he concludes the study apparently wondering if he has uncovered the full story. In sum, as Bachrack's own reservations imply, this book cannot yet be the final word on the China Lobby. It is, however, an impressive con- 209 tribution to understanding both the Committee of One Million and, more generally, the process of foreign policy making in our society. PETER VAN NESS University of Denver Colorado A. DOAK BARNETT. China Policy. Pp. ix, 131. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1977. $8.95. A book by A. Doak Barnett, a senior fellow in the Brookings Foreign Policy Program and a serious student of Chinese affairs for over 30 years, is always welcome. Though quite short in pages, it is indeed long in content. However, Barnett's views are neither novel nor startling. Since he rightly does not attempt to give definite answers to any specific problems, it all boils down to one implied cryptic piece of advice: "Play it by ear." Since the People's Republic of China has displaced the Republic of China in the United Nations and the majority of nations have established full diplomatic relations with Peking, the thesis is that there is now no realistic basis on which the United States can pursue a two- China policy. Yet no viable solution is offered to the problem of Taiwan other than waiting for the Chinese parties themselves to compose their differences, or gradually downgrading United States political ties to Taipei to "non-official" status and abandoning American defense commitments provided Peking commits itself to strive for unification by peaceful rather than military means. Would not this solution mean reliance on what might prove to be another 1914 "scrap of paper," and the forsaking of one's friends? The strengthening of American contacts with Communist China and the motives that may be behind each new "advance" are well discussed with reference to economic ties, cultural exchanges, military and security relations, and arms control. The general goals of United States policy in Asia, Barnett asserts, should be to decrease the dangers of conflict, support economic growth and development, promote both equity and stability, and enhance proposals for international cooperation. Communist China's present opposition to the SALT agreements, which it considers as merely perpetuating the superiority of the United States and the Soviet Union, is one example of the difficulties to be encountered. It is also proposed that the United States should not adopt any policy which would tend to destabilize the present equilibrium in Asia of the four great powers -China, Japan, the United States, and the Soviet Union-even though the Chinese may try to manipulate the existing balance of power for anti- Soviet purposes. There are so many hurdles to be surmounted before any substantial progress can be made in achieving these broad, general goals that even their partial attainment seems remote. Nonetheless, as- Confucius would say, our efforts must be continuous so that beneficial results may occur, even if only slowly and at long last. Read this book. ALBERT E. KANE Washington, D.C. GORDON MARK BERGER. Parties out of Power in Japan, 1931-I941. Pp. xiii, 413. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977. $20.00. Japanese political parties-both historically in their present context-have evoked considerable interest and commentary on the part of Western observers. The tendency among many students, however, has been to either overemphasize their democratic nature or to condemn their elitist structure. Neither of these positions gives full cognizance to the effective roles that Japanese parties have played historically in managing political conflict and articulating critical interests for important segments of that society. The point of departure is too frequently a failure to recognize the means of linkage that elitist party groupings 210 provide for traditional social structures and the political process. The most controversial period of Japanese political party history is the subject that the author seeks to reex- amine and analyze in this study. He causes the reader to proceed step by step with him through the changing fortunes of the parties during that much studied but still inadequately understood decade preceding World War II. He convincingly demonstrates that political parties and, more particularly, party leaders continued to play vital roles in the governing process (including the fact that much of their support for Japanese expansionist activities was not coerced but happily given). He maintains that party leader effectiveness continued despite nearly overwhelming efforts to eliminate their influence. Berger explores each phase and change during this period with fastidious care. He documents the inevitable interplay between domestic and international events. As insightful as anything else is his demonstrated assertion that the military leadership suffered greater restraint than is popularly assumed. Perhaps one unintended consequence of his study is the implication that one of Japan's greatest weaknesses during this period was the lack of "a man on a white horse." The personage of the emperor was too remote and Prince Konoe did not have enough of the qualities necessary to provide daring leadership. One is again left with the feeling that much of Japanese decision making was by default rather than intention. The subject is well researched and the book is well written. The author has uncovered and pulled together an extraordinarily broad range of resources and develops a credible case for his contentions. Students of Japanese history and politics will profit considerably from this treatment of a rather controversial subject matter. ARVIN PALMER Northland Pioneer College Arizona KENNETH L. BROWN. People of Sale: Tradition and Change in a Moroccan City 1830-1930. Pp. vii, 265. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976. $18.00. The Middle Eastern city, as described in most of the scholarly literature, was not a unitary, coherent entity with a corporate structure and collective identity. Rather, it was a collection of quasi-independent kinship, tribal, ethnic, religious, and commercial groupings, organized in separate quarters, orders, congregations, and firms. Larger encompassing institutions were highly restricted in content and almost never of a municipal nature, being offspring of the marketplace or the state. Recently evidence has been brought to light, by Lapidus and others, which indicates that some Middle Eastern cities at certain periods did have greater coherence and unity than the fragmented collectivity of the conventional view. Brown's research in Morocco supports this revisionist position and goes farther: "This study of nineteenth-century Sal6 suggests that in the Muslim West the city tended to be an aggregative community, and that its inhabitants had a highly developed sense of urban solidarity and pride" (p. 211). It is "the cohesiveness of the Moroccan city and its inherent cultural unity" (p. 212) that Brown stresses in this historical and ethnographic account of Sale (based upon 21 months of field- work in Morocco). Data and conclusions are presented on urban geography, urban-rural relations and ties between cities, the economic and social structures, and symbolic frameworks and ideologies. These are placed within the historical framework of increasing encroachment by the West and by France in particular. Changes in Sal6's economic base, occupational structure, and resource distribution are traced. And the reactions of the Slawis (the people of Sal6) to these intrusive forces and to the changing bases of their city are described. The unity and cohesiveness of Sal6 211 can be seen in both social structure and culture. The patterns of social relationship bound the Slawis together rather than fragmented them. Most characteristic were overlapping networks, including horizontal ties such as kinship and affinity and vertical ties reflecting patron-client relations. In theory each individual was related or tied to others by bonds of consanguinity, marriage, friendship, mutual interest or loyalty, and these relationships and ties overlapped and interconnected in such a way as to unite individuals into the fabric of a total, cohesive urban community.... The basic social groupings within the town were networks, or coalitions formed around relatively powerful individuals who could and often did act as patrons to clients. (p. 213). Discrete, corporate groupings, and the fragmentation generated by them, were lacking: there was no geographical organization into quarters (with the exception of the Jews), and no tribal representation per se; the guilds were informal and open, and religious orders did not divide Slawis one from another. Nor were class divisions great or rigid: in traditional Sal6, there was a large middle class and productive resources were well distributed throughout the population; mobility based upon economic achievement and cultivation of the urban lifestyle was not unusual, especially over generations; and between status groups there were numerous vertical ties of loyalty and interest. Cultural patterns supported unity by emphasizing Slawi identity. This was defined primarily in terms of the civilized, Islamic lifestyle, of which there were several elements: piety, learning, and religious commitment; an , economic establishment that allowed gracious and refined patterns of daily living; a dependence upon intelligence, learning, and wit for success, as distinct from a dependence upon force of arms or brute labor; and a social life oriented toward relations and ties with other people. There was also considerable pride in the accomplishments of Slawi and of the status of Sal6 as a hadariyya city, a city of "wealthy and refined merchants and scholars ... people of `culture' " (p. 209), distinct from the rude primitives of the makhzan (administrative) city and the Bedouins and Arabs of the countryside. Encroachment by the West and the final conquest by France led to cumulative and profound changes in Sal6. Integration into the world market system undercut the stable productive base of the city and resulted in an "impoverish- ment of the many" and "the enrichment of the few." Productive activities declined as commerce and government service increased; the economic differential within the city increased. Social ties became more diffuse and widespread as the- Slawi elite looked outside of the city for economic and political opportunity, an orientation which can be considered part of the tendency for increased influence by the urban elite within the makhzan (the government institution). At the same time, the plight of Morocco was seen as a disastrous decline in Islamic society and the influence of French culture over Slawi youth as the corruption of the future. Slawi youth, however, opposed the foreign domination in their own fashion and for their own reasons. Having taken a secular nationalist position in order to secure their own access to the resources of the country, the youth of Sal6 found that they could not carry their elders along with them. They then turned to Islam as a symbolic idiom of nationalist assertion and were able to draw the generations together in opposition to the outsiders, using the latif, the prayer said in times of calamity, as an expression of their dissidence and their aspirations. Brown's felicitously written and suggestive account of Sal6 struggles with but does not always overcome problems of conceptualization and documentation which seem common in social history. Data on the strength or weakness of corporate groups, for example, the relative significance of patron-client ties, or the rigidity of economic classes are some- 212 213 data came from and pointing out differences between the performances of the different countries. I cannot find where they have attempted to say what it all means, which is prudent of them. If I interpret the material correctly, which is almost certainly untrue, some of it says that Japan could not possibly have accomplished what it has except that it has done it rather better than have the others, although the figures can be turned to explain that away too. Little is what it seems. This presumably calls for additional statistical studies. A final tentative finding seems to be that although it has happened, it cannot be expected to continue for long. Since economists seldom agree about anything and have an enviable record of being wrong, the prospect is for endless hours of happy, inconclusive wrangling. In the meantime, I would suggest that if the Japanese did not know it before, the Arab oil capers have now shown them how vulnerable they are and how irrelevant statistics are in coming to terms with something like that. No one told the computer about Arabs. I cannot resist a very broad paraphrase of a remark made long ago by Dorothy Parker in a totally different context: "If all the economists in the world were laid end to end, I would not be surprized." JOHN F. MELBY University of Guelph Ontario Canada ALLEN F. ISAACMAN. The Tradition of Resistance in Mozam.bique: Anti- Colonial Activity in the Zambesi Valley 1850-1921. Pp. xxiv, 256. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976. $13.75. This exciting work overlaps, but does not duplicate, Isaacman's Mozambique: The Africanization of a European Institution, the Zambezi Prazos 1750-I902, which was awarded the African Studies Association's Herskovits Prize in 1973. The earlier study analyzed Africanized landed estates in the middle Zambezi area: this book deals with the entire valley and focuses on the non-prazo Barue state which, by uniting the region in concerted resistance, nearly expelled the Portuguese in 1917. Isaacman describes precolonial Zam- bezia and its political cleavages in detail and then shows how exploiting these divisions enabled the Portuguese to make their paper claims real in the late nineteenth century. Thus Barue, which fell in 1902, was defeated, not by Portuguese troops, but by African auxiliaries recruited among Barue's enemies. Once conquered, the valley was turned over to concessionary companies to "administer" and, as in much of early twentieth-century Africa, the companies set about recouping their investment through intensive exploitation of the valley's only real resource: its people. Added wartime demands, especially for conscript porters who rarely returned home, induced Barue to issue a call for common resistance. Nearly all the Zambezi polities responded, and only the aid of the Ngoni-nineteenth- century immigrants from South Africa- enabled the Portuguese to reimpose the colonial order. This is an heroic and important story, done full justice by the Isaacman's thorough research in European and African archives and in the valley itself, as well as by the crisp prose with which the tale is recounted. The great body of detail, although absolutely necessary if the case is to be made, will cause some difficulty to readers unfamiliar with southeastern Africa, but the aids-a glossary of names and terms and five unnumbered maps confusingly referred to in the text by number- are sufficiently good to guide one through. The effort will be richly rewarded, since the work is of interest to a broad audience, Isaacman having placed Zambezian resistance squarely in the context of modern research on New World slave and Old World peasant resistance. Although I remain unconvinced that the 1917 rising was an "anti- colonial revolution" (it seems instead to have been an anti-Portuguese jacquerie of a particularly impressive kind), I found Isaacman's application of typologies drawn from Blassingame, Hobs- bawm, and Wolf stimulating indeed. 214 At the very least, the book shows once more just how much of a sham was Portugal's claim that her empire was a color-blind, paternalistic, civilizing enterprise. The Tradition of Resistance in Mozam.bique is a superb piece of engage scholarship-and of scholarship tout court. RICHARD SIGWALT Radford College Virginia CHARLES F. KEYES. The Golden Penin.sula: Culture and Adaptation in Mainland Southeast Asia. Pp. 370. New York and London: Macmillan, Inc., 1977. $6.95. Paperbound. One of the serious problems faced by anthropologists and other social scientists teaching courses on mainland Southeast Asia is the dearth of scholarly, interesting, and up-to-date sources and resources. It is heartening to note the publication of Charles F. Keyes's The Golden Peninsula. Before I elaborate on the three qualities (scholarly, interesting, and up-to-date) I attribute to this recent book, I would like first to summarize its contents. The author's purpose in writing this volume is "to provide a general survey ... of the ways in which cultural traditions in mainland Southeast Asia have emerged from and have guided the experiences of peoples as they have adapted themselves to a variety of circumstances in the history of the region ..." (p. vii). Mainland Southeast Asia, in this context, refers to the countries of Burma, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. In five well-written and well-organized chapters, Keyes has succeeded, in my view, in attaining his major purpose and rationale for publishing this volume. The author's introduction, entitled "The Study of Sociocultural Diversity in Mainland Southeast Asia," deals mainly with models of sociocultural diversity, both indigenous and foreign. The indigenous models are basically derived from myth, legend, and traditional histories. Foreign models came mostly from colonial officials, mission- aries, and anthropologists from Europe and the United States. Keyes elaborates on models by Western scholars dealing with cultural diffusion, social structure and adaptation, culture and personality, culture and adaptation to explain the sociocultural diversity in mainland Southeast Asia. In chapter 1, the author explains the transformation of the so-called primitive and tribal cultures because, in his view, "the ways of life of these. peoples represent an adaptation to conditions in areas peripheral to the major civilizations of mainland Southeast Asia" (p. 13). Specifically, the author - amplifies on three ethnic groups: the Semang of the Malay peninsula, the Chin of northern Burma, and the Karens of Burma and Thailand. The second chapter considers two primary types of civilization: the Theravada Buddhist civilization of Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia and the Sinitic civilization of Vietnam. Both civilizations have been given their proper historic contexts. Chapter 3 describes rural life in the Theravada Buddhist societies. Keyes compares findings on different aspects of rural culture reported in researches done in the 1950s and 1960s in lower and upper Burma, central, northern, and northeastern Thailand, central Laos, and central Cambodia. Again, the author's interpretations have been made in appropriate historical perspectives. Two of the most fascinating sections of the book deal with "Tradition and Revolution in Vietnam" (chapter 4) and "Cities in Changing Societies in Mainland Southeast Asia" (chapter 5). These chapters deal with contemporary issues and problems. Keyes considers the effective "adaptation of a Chinese- derived cultural tradition to a Southeast Asian environment that has given the Vietnamese tradition its distinctive cast." In his presentation of a wealth of data on the dynamics of urban life in mainland Southeast Asia, Keyes underscores the conflicts between different patterns of adaptation as well as the processes of socioeconomic and ideological change. The book includes two appendixes (language groupings in main- 215 land Southeast Asia and demographic data as well as sources). The book has two detailed indexes: by author and by subject. This publication goes beyond ethnography (description). Keyes's thesis of "adaptation" to vast and varied ecological, sociocultural, and super-natural environments in time and space in mainland Southeast Asia serves as an effective framework of analysis. Students of anthropological theory will find this volume a veritable gold mine of information on the use and application of theory to area studies. The book is also interesting reading. In most of the chapters, the author offers the benefit of his own field work experiences in the countries described; his use of photography and other illustrations as well as the clarity and coherence of his presentation sustain the reader's interest. Finally, the book is up-to-date. The author's notes and documentation reveal his reliance on recent (1977) scholarship on mainland Southeast Asia. For example, serious students of the Vietnam story will profit greatly from reading chapter 4 where the Vietnam War is traced up to the American defeat in the area. My only criticism of this book is the frequent use of the word "primitive" (to refer to certain ethnic groups) which as far as I know has already been expunged from the vocabulary of anthropologists. Except for this point, I feel that The Golden Peninsula is a scholarly, interesting, and current book of enduring quality. Charles F. Keyes and Macmillan are to be congratulated for this volume. MARIO D. ZAMORA College of William and Mary Williamsburg Virginia RHOADS MURPHEY. The Outsiders: The Western Experience in India and China. Pp. xiv, 299. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1977. $16.50. This book is a perceptive study of the nature of the European impact on the East since 1500, with major attention focused on the nineteenth century. It incorporates material from the author's articles on the treaty-ports and reflects his greater familiarity with China, just as this review reflects the reviewer's greater familiarity with India. Ideally, such a work should be assessed by someone equally well versed in both China and India. Approximately one-third of the space is devoted to India. After describing the development of "the Indian model of Western penetration" of Asia and the evolution of the Westernized indigenous elites which now dominate economic and political life in the Indian subcontinent and in Sri Lanka, the author proceeds to his analysis of the European impact on China. Here he draws on his own experience in China in the 1940s and his thorough knowledge of the growth of the treaty-port system since the 1840s. There are maps showing the treaty-ports in China and the commercially productive areas throughout southern and eastern Asia. There is a thorough discussion of those aspects of Chinese history, geography, politics, and economics which made the chronicle of China's contacts with the West one of confrontation rather than collaboration. Perhaps of most interest to specialists will be the chapter wholly devoted to the dangers and pitfalls to be avoided in interpreting the trade figures of the treaty-port era. To imply, as the author does, that the Europeans were, from the days of Vasco da Gama, consciously pursuing in Asia a "grand colonial design" is liable to mislead the majority of present-day readers in whose minds the concepts of colonialism and imperialism merge into one picture of European dominion over "palm and pine." Until at least the mid-eighteenth century, the Europeans in Asia had no such thing in mind. The words "trade and com- merce" were uppermost with them. The word "colony" was almost never used of their activities beyond the Cape of Good Hope. The author speaks of~ the English as building the model of the European port-city in India with its Euro- 216 pean quarter, European fort (later "can- tonment"), European club soon to be followed by bund and race-course, and exporting it all over the East. True enough, but India was not the center from which the European presence and European strength fanned out. That center, in the sense that there was one, was always on the sea-on the decks of ships, both the hundreds of "country" ships European-officered and lascar-manned plying the eastern seas and the scores of great "Europe" ships, the East Indiamen wholly European- manned. If that center was ever on land, it was not at Calcutta, Madras, or Bombay, but at Batavia, the "Queen of the East," not superseded as the European metropolis in Asia until the 1780s. It is indeed sad that, despite the full account of British efforts to establish a free emporium in Malaysia, more attention could not have been given to southeast Asia where European activities are as significant as in India or China. There are a few misleading statements about India which need revision. Members of the English East India Company's governing councils at its trading factories overseas were not styled "directors." European agency houses appeared in India at least as early as the 1760s and were numerous long before 1813. Warren Hastings was already governor in Bengal when ap-. pointed governor-general under Lord North's Regulating Act of 1773; he did not go out to India from home in 1774 to take up that appointment. No one will lay this book down without feeling that the author has accomplished his purpose in showing the reader why "The Outsiders," in their contacts with India and China, produced such strikingly different results. HOLDEN FURBER University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia ALVIN ROSENFELD. The Plot to Destroy Israel: The Road to Armageddon. Pp. 256. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1977. $8.95. The Plot to Destroy Israel purports to tell the story of the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1948, with some 150,000,000 Arabs lined up against tiny Israel (about 3,000,000) in a war of extermination. At the very outset, we are blandly told that the Arab states have been waging "a savage and genocidal war against Israel" (1948, 1956, 1967, 1973). Egypt, Syria, Libya, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and an assembly of satellite countries "share a single enduring goal: the elimination of Israel from the map and its replacement by an Arab, Islamic State." The author proceeds chapter by chapter to illustrate his thesis, with discussions of the Holy War (Jihad ), tactics and goals, the "useful refugees," the uses of terror, the Arab boycott, and blackmail. President Sadat is singled out for double- talk, double-dealing, and deception. In chapter 10 the author cites various individuals and institutions (Middle East Institute, Americans for Middle East Understanding) as working for the Arab cause. Chapter 12 is devoted to the shipment of arms, largely to the Arab world, with little said as to the supply of arms to Israel. Unless the civilized world moves to forestall it, Mr. Rosenfeld writes, "there will be another terrible bloodletting in the Middle East," fueled by concessions to the Arabs by sycophanting nations, implemented with arms supplied by France, the United Kingdom, the USSR, and even the People's Republic of China, "but most of all by the United States." All of this will be financed "by billions made through the sale of oil; supported by boycott and blackmail." If it succeeds, we are advised," it will be because the West, which knew better, did not care enough" (pp. 241-42). Students of the Arab-Israeli conflict will find the Rosenfeld diatribe interesting because of its flamboyant character. Mr. Rosenfeld, a journalist who has written, among others, for the New York Post and the Washington Post, provides little understanding of the problem. His book is sadly lacking in perception, background, and basic context. It makes little pretense to objectivity or balanced presentation. His work, unsupported by any bibliography, documentary or otherwise, or even footnote annotations, may mislead the un- 217 wary or uninformed, but it will hardly contribute to the knowledge of those who have read a book or two on the Middle East or to any rational consideration of the' grave and complicated issues which now confront us. HARRY N. HOWARD Bethesda Maryland WILLIAM I. SHORROCK. French Imperialisyn in the Middle East. The Failure of French Policy in Syria and Lebanon, 1900-1914. Pp. ix, 214. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976. $17.50. The brief history of the French mandate in Syria was marked by hatred, maladministration and the contradiction of France's assumption of her overwhelming popularity among the great mass of Syrian and Lebanese, and their growing sentiment for Arab nationalism. At issue was the conflict between Wilsonian ideals and the old diplomacy of secret bargains and territorial arrangements between the Great Powers. The debate, however, obscured the fact that France had solid claims to a special position in Syria and Lebanon resulting from the operation of the old diplomacy prior to 1914. French policy was based upon her traditional right as protector of Christians in the Levant; the establishment of an economic sphere of interest in the region; and political and diplomatic relationships with the Christians and Muslims in Syria and Lebanon, in which France posed as the patron of Arab nationalism. Shorrock argues that the failure of French imperial policy in Syria and Lebanon between 1900 and 1914 not only laid the basis for France's claim to mandate but also cast the seeds of hatred and mistrust among local groups which resulted in the ultimate failure of French administration in the mandatory period. The 1913-1914 negotiations with Turkey and Germany over an Ottoman loan and the Baghdad railway was the keystone of France's prewar claims to Syria and Lebanon. The agreements established the areas as a French economic sphere for exploitation by an extensive railroad network and port facilities, and allowed France to reassert her traditional religious protectorate. However, the negotiations also contributed significantly to a growing suspicion of France among substantial segments of the Syrian population, as she abandoned efforts to urge reforms upon the Turks and asserted her imperialistic claims to Syria and Lebanon. This contributed significantly to growing nationalist sentiment among the Arabs of the Levant and its expression in the post- 1920 turbulence of the mandatory period. Shorrock's book, which is the first major work in English devoted to French policy in the Middle East prior to 1914, is a case study of the background to the classic dilemma with which Wilsonian ideals of self-determination confronted Great Power imperialism in the Middle East and North Africa prior to World War I. It is also further evidence of the source of impe- rialism's doom, as the Arabs of the Levant early understood the boast that European imperialism was the best and only path to independence was fraudulent. Shorrock skillfully uses unpublished French government documents and archives in delineating the complicated structure of imperial policy. Regardless, his is an analysis primarily of European perceptions of the course of events. A comparable analysis using Arab sources would provide an important, and necessary, contribution to such studies of imperial design. GARY L. FOWLER University of Illinois Chicago Circle ARTURO VALENZUELA. Political Brokers in Chile: Local Government in a Centralized Polity. Pp. ix, 272. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1977. $13.75. ROBERT Moss. Chile's Marxist Experiment. Pp. i, 225. New York: Halstead Press, 1974. $8.95. The two books under review are both concerned with Chilean politics; otherwise there is little resemblance between them. The book by Robert Moss is a crit- 218 ical appraisal of the regime of the late Salvador Allende by a writer for the Economist of London; the Valenzuela volume is a study by a political scientist of local government and of center-local political relationships, focusing on the 1960s but done in historical perspective. The former is essentially an entry in the polemical wars over the nature and fate of the Allende regime; the latter is a permanently significant contribution to the literature on Chilean politics and to the comparative study of local government. Arturo Valenzuela's book is an example of eclectic social science methodology at its best. Thus, he effectively combines the analysis of aggregate data on Chile's 276 communes in the first part of the book with an in-depth examination of 14 selected communes, based largely on extensive personal interviews, in the next with an historical examination of the roots of Chile's system of municipal governance in the final chapters. The scholarship in all three parts is scrupulous and thorough. I have just one reservation: since the communes the author chose to examine most closely did not include any of Chile's larger municipalities, one may wonder how differently the system might have functioned in such a context. The core question of the book is why Chilean municipal politics was (prior to the coup of 1973) so very competitive when its local governments were so lacking in resources of their own and when, for most municipal officials, local politics would never prove a steppingstone to national political office. Valenzuela argues persuasively that the answer lies in the political brokerage role of local officials who acted essentially through particularistic means to achieve particularistic goals that were important to their individual constituents or to their municipalities. In so doing, the author distinguishes the system of political brokerage both from the classic patron-client relationship and from interest group politics. Such a highly competitive brokerage system becomes established, according to Valenzuela, where a high degree of governmental centralization coexists with scarce resources and with a party system (which interestingly is highly ideological on the national plane) that performs a key role in joining the center to the myriad localities. The causes, then, are structural rather than cultural. Robert Moss's book is useful in some ways: for example in pointing up the ultimately equivocal commitment to pluralistic democracy on the part of many allendistas (although Moss exaggerates the threat to democracy during the actual three years of Allende's tenure in office). In the end, however, the author will convince only those already inclined to his interpretation. Thus, he is selective in his treatment and consistently in an anti-Allende direction. Much is made of the violence of the Left; little attention is paid to that of the Right. Every anti-Allende rumor or report tends to be accepted at face value. Even though the primary responsibility for Allende's fall may well rest with internal factors, Moss clearly underplays the role of the United States in Allende's "destabilization." And there is barely a hint of the tragic human cost of the military overthrow of Chile's "Marxist ex- periment." As an entry in a debate, the Moss book has its uses; but for anyone who attempts a serious analysis of the Allende regime it is badly flawed. The Valenzuela book, however, is an impressive achievement, not gainsaid in any fundamental way by the at least temporary end of the democratic system in 1973. ROBERT H. DIX Rice University Houston Texas EUROPE TONY BUNYAN. The Political Police in Britain. Pp. 320. New York: St. Mar- tin's Press, 1976. $15.95. Anyone approaching this book in the hope of reading the "authoritative" analysis promised on the dustjacket had better look elsewhere. Tony Bunyan has a huge ax to grind. His study is ostensibly about the maintenance of law and order 219 and the issue of internal security in Great Britain. In actuality, it is an expose, a political tract, the theme of which is the growth of the repressive instruments of social control as capitalism reacts to the crisis caused by its own internal contradictions. The rhetoric is familiar. Liberal-democratic institutions are a facade masking the reality of the power of the ruling class. The police, the secret service, the military intelligence branches are turning increasingly inward against the people themselves. Control over those agencies by elected officials is as much nominal as real. Since Bunyan makes his assumptions explicit, one is able to put his argument into focus and to separate the abundant data he has gathered from the conclusions that lace every paragraph of this tract. Thus, to illustrate, one can take in his description of the arrangements made by a cabinet committee in 1919 to deal with a possible national strike without accepting the implication that plans to ensure the maintenance of supplies were really less important than the intention to "subvert the efforts of the strikers by the use of state agencies operating under the umbrella of the law." Perhaps socialist governments might stand by while a national strike achieved its purposes, but one finds it difficult to discover the evidence that would lead to such a conclusion. What we have in Bunyan's work is a good deal of information about British police, the Special Branch, MIS, private security organizations, and the techniques they have employed and are using to gather information in the interests of internal security. Without acknowledging that all of these agencies have deliberately increased their domestic role when the normal rule of law has been insufficient to contain political opposition, one can discern, as in the case of the American CIA or FBI, enough cases of abuse to raise serious questions about the adequacy of controls over such groups, public or private. The author's account of the uses of agents provoca- teurs, of telephone-tapping and mail- opening, and indeed sometimes of incitement to illegal activities is considerably more disturbing, because it can be more concretely documented, than in his exegesis of the state's preparations for action should a major internal.challenge develop inside Britain. A clue to Bunyan's method may be gleaned by studying his bibliography and footnotes. The former is a useful list of secondary materials, pamphlets, and government publications. The citations in the footnotes, interestingly, more often than not represent an extreme point of view when they are employed as authority to buttress the author's principal arguments. What we have, therefore, is a tendentious tract, sufficiently illuminating about insensitivity to civil liberties and due process to be extremely disturbing, but emphasizing an ideological thesis that strains the important data Bunyan has systematically organized. The heart of this book is its political theme. Its findings would have been more persuasive if the doctrine had been muted. HENRY R. WINKLER University of Cincinnati Ohio VERA S. DUNHAM. In Stalin's Time: Middleclass Values in Soviet Fiction. Pp. v, 283. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976. $16.95. Vera Dunham's study refocuses our attention from the story of Stalin's victims onto that of his would-be benefactors : the growing middle class with whom he proposed to build "the good life." Her book's main thesis is that postwar Stalinism maintained itself, not through repression alone, but through "The Big Deal," a tacit agreement formed by the Soviet leadership with the resilient middleclass, which alone could supply the technicians and organization men so desperately needed to rebuild the ravaged economy. Dunham views this alliance less as a calculated policy than as the natural culmination of two long-range, parallel processes: the development of a middleclass (defined in terms of a way of life, attachment to specific values) and the transformation of a revolutionary regime into a conservative one, intent, above all, on its own survival. The common desire of both 220 groups, according to Dunham, for stabilization, normalization, and material progress fostered the embourgeoise- ment of Soviet society. Thus, she adds to the list of explanations for "the betrayal of the revolution" the persistence of that peculiarly Russian brand of philis- tinism : yneshchanstvo, "a middleclass mentality that is vulgar, imitative, greedy and ridden with prejudice." The author views this postwar mentality as a survival of prerevolutionary times (the "folk meshchanstvo" of the little people), strengthened and redirected by the "systematic meshchanstvo" engendered by Stalin's bureaucracy. As evidence of these social changes, Dunham turns to the large body of post-war "middle-brow fiction," produced by subservient writers for a mass readership. Her claim that this topical literature, in addition to reflecting the re- gime's values, served as an "ersatz social forum," taken seriously by readers and evoking their sincere responses to current issues, is questionable in view of the guardedness pervading other areas of public life and the unengaging monotony of the novels themselves. The weight of her analysis, however, rests upon neither readers' nor critics' reactions, which are rarely cited, but upon her.own shrewd, insightful readings of the texts. Successive chapters trace the simultaneous "deheroization" and "de- villainization" of characters, the subtle shifts by which we recognize a new accommodation beneath the old language of socialist orthodoxy. Private and public values converge. The ascetic revolutionary idealist is eclipsed by the careerist, desirous of family happiness, material comfort, status-and its ubiquitous symbols: the canary, the pot of geraniums, orange scalloped lampshades, and polka-dot teacups. Dunham vividly recreates this paradigmatic decor of meshchanstvo and teaches us how to decode the language of Soviet household objects. However, neither the author's fine instinct for detail nor her witty, highly readable prose wholly succeed in counteracting the tedium of the book's format : a series of textual explications in- volving plot summaries and extensive quotation. The problem lies not only in the simplistic, repetitious nature of the fiction itself, but also in Dunham's insistence upon a single theme, fleshed out and developed from a number of different angles. Her explanation for the development of Soviet society, rooted in the persistent human urge for possessions, status, and security, seems most valuable when viewed as a partial one. When, as in her concluding chapter, she attempts to use it as a general prism for interpreting Soviet society today, insight treads precariously close to oversimplification. SHARON LEITER University of Virgina Charlottesville STEPHEN P. GIBERT. Soviet Images of America. Pp. 168. New York: Crane, Russak & Company, 1977. $12.50. Professor Gibert and his associates conducted the research for this book at the Strategic Studies Center of the Stan- ford Research Institute, located in Virginia across the Key Bridge from Washington. The note on sources shows that they read articles in 23 Soviet publications and studied 34 monographs on international and strategic problems written by Soviet students. The purpose of their research, as stated in a foreword by Richard B. Foster, director of the Strategic Studies Center, was to "further the understanding of present Soviet-American rela- tions." They sought to understand Soviet attitudes toward America and especially toward d6tente from the point of view of Soviet leaders rather than from preconceptions which Americans might hold as a result of their own attitudes. They conclude that Soviet leaders have surrendered none of their determination to forward world revolution and that they see the United States as the principal "imperialistic" power that stands in their way. The author sees Russians regarding d6tente and SALT as only necessary steps to prevent nuclear war while they strengthen their own position in relation to their enemy. And 221 the Soviet leaders, these researchers find, believe that they are gaining strength and that their final victory is inevitable. American withdrawal from Vietnam they regard as one of several indicators of American weakness. The following sentences, taken from the last chapter, well state the book's conclusion: "... [T]he images Soviet leaders have of America and its role in world affairs should yield at least a few clues about the future. Unfortunately, the propositions which form the core of Soviet analyses of American society and government reflect unfavorably on the United States. Especially damaging to viable Soviet-American peaceful coexistence is the firm Soviet conviction that it was a change in the correlation of forces that compelled the United States to adopt the policy of d6tente. Thus Soviet leaders do not perceive the attempts of the American government to negotiate issues, to ameliorate the arms race, to encourage trade and so on as indicating any genuine desire for peace. On the contrary, these are involuntary acts forced on a still hostile and aggressive America. Accordingly, indications that the United States really would like to improve superpower relations do not induce reciprocal feelings on the part of Soviet leaders." The reader gets the impression that Professor Gibert and his associates read hundreds of Soviet periodicals and monographs, selecting from them paragraphs which set out opinions on America, translating each into English, and then copying each onto a separate card. Then it seems that they planned the book and filed the cards in a sequence that they saw as substantiating their conclusions. Therefore, most of the study consists of translated paragraphs from those Soviet sources, with short explanatory text by the author between the selections from the Russian. Careful footnotes give the Russian title of the original publication or monograph with the Cyrillic transposed into Roman letters. That is especially true of chapters II, III, and IV on "Soviet Images of America's Global Role," "The United States through Soviet Eyes," and "American Military Power Appraised." The last of these three quotes Russian writers who concede that, for the present, American military power is greater than theirs, but they see their forces growing and express confidence that they will become equal or superior to those of the United States. The book presents little hope of real Soviet-American mutual understanding and cooperation and little hope for an end to the basic conflict between them. It is, however, a valuable compilation of certain Russian attitudes. F. B. MARBUT Sarasota Florida DAVID IRVING. Hitler's War. Pp. vi, 926. New York: The Viking Press, Inc., 1977. $17.50. "That is Himmler's affair and his alone," Hitler is said to have remarked on the Russians' discovery of piles of corpses at the Majdanek concentration camp near Lublin in October 1944. David Irving cites Hitler's press officer, Heinz Lorenz (p. 719), as the source of this alleged comment by Hitler on his campaign against the Jews, which took many forms-and many lives. The author depicts a remote Hitler, somehow unaware of what is going on around him (including the massacres of Jews), but when he is in charge, especially of military affairs, Irving's Hitler becomes a strategist-genius. This is all very debatable, of course. In fact, a formidable Hitler expert in his own right, Alan Bullock (of the brilliant 700-page work, Hitler-A Study in Tyranny (1952), for some reason overlooked in Mr. Irving's comprehensive bibliography), took the author of the new, 900-page book on Hitler to task in the pages of The New York Review (May 26, 1977). Bullock finds Irving's thesis about Hitler's powerlessness (in certain areas) hard to swallow, debating this "revisionism" as a misunderstanding over the difference between Hitler's power and administration, the latter of which often fell short of effectiveness, a well-known fact to historians. When Irving confuses Hitler's administrative 222 oversight with alleged powerlessness or lack of leadership, Bullock finds the thesis "astonishing" and against which there is a "great volume of evidence." As Bullock also points out, Mr. Irving evidently set as his goal to "de-demon- ize" or "normalize" Hitler in several ways. First, on the anti-Semitic policy, as pointed out above; here, the time frame of Hitler's War (only the last five and a half years of his political biography) divests Hitler's maniacal hatred of the Jews of its early motivations and expression-psychologically as well as ideo- logically. Second, depiction of Hitler as a military genius seems to hold up only as long as Hitler's Blitz advantage over the Allies was maintained, which was about three years, or until the winter of 1942-43, when the tide definitely began to turn against Hitler largely because of his own miscalculations (against the better advice of his generals). The "un- orthodoxy" (p. 55) of Hitler's military tactics and strategy, and his immersion in every last detail of field operations (p. 86), worked well in the surprise phase of World War II, as the author tends, perhaps, to overemphasize. But the series of blunders by which the Fuhrer landed himself into a fatal two- front war, East and West, so mitigates against him that the "genius" attribute loses most of its meaning. Just the opposite impression arises: the contrast between Hitler's recklessness and the futile cautiousness urged by many of his top military officers, reaching all the way up to the General Staff, many of whom resigned or were dismissed (or committed suicide). Mr. Bullock commends Irving for at least one value: persistence in the pursuit of new evidence. But even here, a non-expert on Hitler is perplexed. Why, for example, are certain sources omitted from the bibliography of Hitler's War, including the book that inspired Irving's own title? To the Bitter End, written by the ex-Gestapo officer and German opposition leader, Bernd Gisevius, (Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1947) is a case in point. Perhaps Mr. Irving intended a bit of irony in omitting the controversial work by Gisevius since this cohort in the plot to assassinate the Fiihrer cata- logs the many arguments against Hit- ler's abilities, political as well as military. By failing to contend candidly with the several other authors of books about Hitler and their points of view, Irving apparently placed his own desires to make revisionist waves above his calling as a writer. ALBERT L. WEEKS New York City New York EDWARD N. LUTTWAK. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third. Pp. v, 255. Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977. $12.95. No scholar or layman interested in Roman imperial history should ignore this book. Having mastered the specialized aspects of the Roman military, Luttwak, a professional defense analyst, reveals their general strategic implications. Moreover, he does so in a clearly organized, well-written text supported by helpful diagrams and free of needless jargon and cant. Most impressively, although not a trained classicist or ancient historian, he has soundly utilized the ancient sources and a vast array of classical scholarship in English and foreign languages. Luttwak discerns three basic defensive systems evolving over the time surveyed. The first, from Augustus to Nero, was based on the republic's hegemonic concept of empire and the use of clients to guarantee the security of the core areas. This system permitted economical use of a few highly trained, inherently mobile units to police the less Ro- manized provinces within and overawe clients without. In general, this system guaranteed Roman power more than the optimum security of imperial territory and its populations. Small incursions could not be precluded and were tolerated. From the Flavians through the Anto- nines, however, as the Romanization and prosperity of the provinces increased, even low-level incursions became intolerable. Therefore, a strategy of preclusive, perimeter defense was developed. It involved an elaborate network of 223 forward positions, fixed fortifications, military roads, and strategically located tactical and operational units. A few troops positioned along the border could prevent small incursions, while the bulk of the manpower in any sector could be quickly massed against more numerous attackers before the frontier was penetrated. With the increased pressures after the Severi, Rome's resources were not sufficient to maintain a preclusive system, and there evolved a strategy of defense in depth. It relied on static militia forces manning fixed positions to defend vital locations and supplies. Under attack, the surrounding territory would be temporarily abandoned to the enemy until field armies in the rear could mount an offensive. While this system could protect the power of the soldier-emperors who controlled the field armies, it could not prevent ultimately fatal damage to imperial territory and the civilian population. Unfortunately, this brief review cannot do justice to the richness of Luttwak's s work. Whatever criticisms may be raised on particular points, it has placed the study of Roman military history on a new level. Future work will have to proceed from there. ALLEN M. WARD University of Connecticut Storrs J. SEARS MCGEE. The Godly Man in Stuart England: Anglicans, Puritans, and the Two Tables. Pp. ix, 299. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1976. $17.50. Fascination with the ideas, practices, and conflicts produced by Puritans has resulted in a voluminous and varied literature of the subject over the last three centuries. In the nineteenth century, writers liked to emphasize the contrasts between Puritan and Anglican and Roundhead and Cavalier. Recently there has been an attempt to show that these differences between Puritanism and Anglicanism have been much exaggerated and unduly emphasized. C. H. and Katherine George's The Protestant Mind of the English Reformation, 1570-1640 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961) is one of the leading examples of this school. Dr. McGee in The Godly Man in Stuart England makes a fresh examination of this relationship between Anglicans and Puritans in which he argues that the key to their differences is in the relative stress each puts on the Two Tables of the Ten Commandments. Obviously both groups believe all Ten Commandments are obligatory for all Christians. However, he proceeds to show that the Puritans regard the First Table containing the first Four Commandments concerning man's relationship to God to be crucial in distinguishing the elect from the damned, and so the First Table becomes the basic concern for the Puritan. The Anglicans, on the other hand, regard the scrupulous observance of the Second Table, which contains the remaining Six Commandments governing the relationships among mankind, to be crucial for the individual Christian. In his relationship to God, he needs basically to follow the sacraments of the Church of England. Dr. McGee is very convincing in his thesis and is able to provide ample evidence that these distinctions were recognized by both Anglican and Puritan. The period of Stuart England covered by this book is 1620 to 1670 according to the subtitle, but since the study is devoted to an analysis of the period as a whole there is no sense of movement. Indeed, this is one of the principal weaknesses of this work. There is no distinction made between the Anglicanism and the Puritanism of 1620 and those of 1670. This flaw does not prevent this Yale Historical Publications Miscellany, 110, from being a valuable contribution to the whole field of Stuart England. There is an excellent bibliographical note and bibliography surveying the literature. J. L. HAINES Clarion State College Pennsylvania PETER F. SUGAR. Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 1354-1804: A History of East Central Europe. Vol. 4. Pp. ix, 365. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977. $16.95. 224 Giving us a brilliant overall picture of the least studied and most obscure part of Balkan history, the Ottoman period, Sugar's history is the most definite contribution to that historical period in the Balkans. The book begins with the early history of the Ottomans and with their establishment in Europe, describing the basic Muslim and Turkish features of the Ottoman state. In the subsequent section, Sugar shows how these features influenced every aspect of life in the European lands administered directly by the Ottomans-the "core" provinces-and left a permanent mark on states that were vassals of or paid tribute to the Ottoman Empire. Whether dealing with the core provinces of Rumelia or with the vassal and tribute-paying states (Moldavia, Wal- lachia, Transylvania, and Dubrovnik), the author offers fresh insights and new interpretations, as well as a wealth of information on Balkan political, economic, and social history hardly available elsewhere. In fact, one wonders whether Sugar is actually acquainted with the numerous foreign sources cited in the impressive "Bibliographic Essay" (pp. 289-316) which is the best available survey of this type. There is also an appendix which includes lists of dynasties and rulers with whom the Ottomans dealt as well as data for the House of Osman and some of the grand viziers; a chronology of major military campaigns, peace treaties, and territory gained and lost by the Ottoman Empire in Europe from 1354-1804; and glossaries of geographical names and foreign terms. JOSEPH S. ROUCEK Bridgeport Connecticut ADAM B. ULAM. In the Name of the People : Prophets and Conspirators in Prerevolutionary Russia. Pp. ix, 418. New York: The Viking Press, 1977. $15.00. In recent years Professor Adam B. Ulam of Harvard University has produced no less than seven weighty volumes on Russian and Soviet subjects. To this staggering output, which does not even include a textbook history of the USSR and several works on non-Russian themes, the present study, dealing with the nineteenth-century Russian revolutionary movement, adds still another substantial tome. Speaking generally, all of Ulam's works reflect the same essential strengths and weaknesses with, in each case, the former clearly outweighing the latter. In this latest of his efforts Ulam surveys the revolutionary process in Russia from the accession of Tsar Alexander II in 1855 through the aftermath of the assassination of that unfortunate monarch in 1881. In considering this crucial period, the author focuses on the activities of such "prophets and conspirators" of the revolutionary struggle as Alexander Herzen, Nicholas Chernyshevsky, and the activists of the nihilist and popu- list movements whose exploits, he contends, established the tradition of revolutionary violence in Russia that finally culminated in the upheaval of 1917. Although the story is by no means novel (compare Franco Venturi's definitive Roots of Revolution), Vlam, nevertheless weaves a compelling narrative which draws the reader irresistibly through the various stages and styles of the revolutionary drama from the early sophistication of Herzen and the rank amateurism of the nihilists to the murderous fanaticism of the conspirators of the People's Will who finally succeeded in assassinating the tsar on their eighth spectacular attempt. As is the case with most of the author's recent studies, the shortcomings of his work are disturbing primarily to the specialist. Thus, such features as the lack of a bibliography, the annoying translation of Russian titles into English footnotes, and the use of awkward neolo- gisms grate harshly on the scholar but will probably not greatly concern the layman. More serious is Ulam's frequent injection of caustic personal and political opinion into his work without sufficient documentary foundation, an element which often detracts from his otherwise sound historical judgments. On the other hand, it is precisely Ulam's engaging 225 style, particularly his witty asides and fascinating anecdotes, that constitutes one of the greatest assets of his work. Moreover, Ulam invariably brings to his subjects a keen and penetrating insight which more than compensates for his occasionally controversial opinions. To conclude, Ulam's study of the mid- nineteenth-century Russian revolutionary movement can be read with profit by any reader but will probably enjoy its greatest success among interested laymen who will undoubtedly find it stimulating and engrossing fare. JOHN W. LONG Rider College Lawrenceville New Jersey UNITED STATES WILLIAM E. AKIN. Technocracy and the American Dream: The Technocrat Movement, 1900-1941. Pp. xiii, 242. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977. $9.50. PAUL N. GOLDSTENE. The Collapse of Liberal Empire: Science and Revolution in the Twentieth Century. Pp. xv, 139..New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977. $10.00. Current concerns with the impact of technology on the American society make these two volumes a welcome addition to the growing literature devoted to the examination of the role of applied science on our beliefs, practices, and customs. While the work by historian Akin is of a more limited nature, focusing upon the unfolding of a social movement within a restricted time frame, the volume by political scientist Goldstene concentrates on critical examination of the fundamental values and institutions of the American life. The authors acknowledge science as a major force in shaping much of what has come to be associated with the essence of the American civilization. ' Author Akin presents a detailed historical analysis of the rise and fall of the Technocratic Movement which gained considerable popularity during the cataclysmic days of the thirties. The technocrats were a group of technicians and engineers who offered a seemingly viable alternative to the existing modes of social organization in a time of severe cultural dislocation. The proposal advanced by the technocrats articulated the centrality of scientific rationality in the production of goods and services and, indeed, in every aspect of human endeavor. In a chronological order, historian Akin vividly gives us the life sketches of the major proponents of the technocratic philosophy and shows how these ideas appealed to the masses during a period of great uncertainty. At a time of chaos when old values and systems of thoughts were increasingly being questioned, it was almost natural for a group like the technocrats to emerge, suggests Akin, in order to offer a new set of values and new ways of viewing and organizing society. The duplication, waste, and inefficiency of the marketplace that had so dominated American life was to be displaced by the new scientific order. In it the mechanical rationality of the machines was to be the model in the creation of a new social order. According to Akin, the technocrats blamed the ills of the economy on an inefficient adjustment of the social order to modern high-energy technology in which the pricing mechanism determined the production of goods rather than technological efficiency. It was the urge to profit that prevented the rationalization necessary to adjust the process of production and distribution to the requirements of technological efficiency. The technicians, especially the engineers who heralded this movement, issued a clarion call to construct a new social order centered on rational modes of production scientifically guided by a technical elite. In that way, they hoped to eliminate inefficiency and provide the abundance of the American economy to create material prosperity of unlimited proportions. While the technocrats argued for the transformation of society, at times with evangelical enthusiasm, they unfortunately, did not develop a consistent 226 political philosophy to give their movement all-embracing justification, meaning, and coherence. It was this singular failure, argues the author, which led to the rapid decline of the movement. Building on the theme of science as the central element, Goldstene attempts to formulate a theory of change through which the dynamics of American life could be explained. The basic concept in the theoretical structure developed by Goldstene is the phenomenon of power. The liberal ideology in America has been created on the Newtonian conception of balance-balance through the emergence of equal and opposite countervailing force. Unfortunately, the galloping and uncontrolled development of science and technology has set in motion a crisis of immense magnitude so that the foundation of liberal ideology is endangered. Fueled by the technology of the marketplace, the corporate world has brought about a transformation so drastic that American liberalism is in despair-if indeed it be liberalism at all-because there is no countervailing force to challenge the hegemony of the modern corporation. The essential features of the theory articulated by Goldstene bear some resemblance to the work of historian Akin, in that science, technology, and economics are seen as the determinant forces of social process. Technology in both instances decidedly is the instrument of power. Akin perceives it as the tool of the technocrats in their efforts to produce the material abundance as a promise of American life and as a means for the eradication of poverty, injustice, superstition, and class conflict. For Goldstene technology in the hands of corporations spells the demise of liberalism as traditionally understood, with its emphasis on the notion of the countervailance. In reading these books, it quickly becomes apparent that science is seen as the foundation of America and each of the authors discusses the political ramification of it within the confines of his subject matter. The interconnections between science, technology, and capitalism are certainly worth exploring whether it is done in an historical context, as by Akin, or within a theoretical scheme, as by Goldstene. If we are to understand the course of our destiny, it certainly behooves us to subject ourselves to more analysis of the type undertaken by these authors. Technology has not given us utopia. Perhaps it never can. The important issues for humans to resolve are the political ones. On this score, both the authors seem to agree. Of the two, I would judge the Akin volume to be more readable. His narrative style is easy to follow, and in most instances his work reads like a lucid novel. The Goldstene volume is complex ; it certainly is not for the light reader, although it is written with a staccato precision. As a politically perceptive odyssey, it is also much more intellectually demanding. However, both books are highly stimulating though a somewhat specialized reading audience is demanded. GHULAM M. HANIFF St. Cloud State University Minnesota HAROLD A. FEIVESON, FRANK W. SIN- DEN, and ROBERT H. SOCOLOW, eds. Boundaries of Analysis: An Inquiry into the Tocks Island Dam Controversy. Pp. xiii, 417. Cambridge, Mass: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1976. $17.50. ' This collection of essays is a product of the Center for Environmental Studies set up at Princeton University in 1970. The project was sponsored by the National Science Foundation, "Research Needs concerning the Incorporation of Human Values into Environmental Deci- sion-Making." The nine essayists include an economist, a civil engineer, a biologist, a physicist, a research mathematician, a professor of aerospace and mechanical sciences, and, happily, a graduate student in politics. "The impact of technical analysis on the political process" is presented through a "de- tailed study of the Tocks Island Dam controversy over the past four years." Mr. Reich, the student of politics, offers a history of the patterns of use 227 of the Delaware River since the seventeenth century and the conflicts over the allocation of waters among four states. Massive floods in 1955 led to the creation of a Delaware River Basin Commission in 1961, which Mr. Reich considers a "unique concept of interstate-federal cooperation." The proposal for a dam at Tocks Island, five miles above the Delaware Water Gap, seemed to have widespread support. A citizens' association was formed to support the scheme, representative of important civic interests. Their bulletins reached me for some years. The pressure for regulation of flow by a dam was accentuated by four years of drought in the 1960s. It was always obvious that the small town of East Stroudsburg and the local property owners would be seriously affected by the dam. Mr. Reich gives a footnote reference to the "detailed history of water management before 1955" by the late Professor Roscoe C. Martin and others of the Public Administration program at Syra- cuse University. By limiting his scope to the past four years, Mr. Reich limits the usefulness of his study. One comes away from this set of essays with the sense that the true concern of the National Science Foundation was the applicability of recent developments in analytic processes to political decision making, of which these authors are doubtful, and that their interest in the Delaware River and Tocks Island was almost accidental. CHARLES S. ASCHER Institute of Public Administration New York PHILIP S. FONER Labor and the American Revolution. Pp. xi, 257. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1977. $14.95. This book is primarily concerned with urban wage earners and the coming of the American Revolution. The author, a specialist in labor and black history, starts with a good survey of previous writings about workers on the eve of the Revolution and continues with ample documentation throughout the book. Most of the attention is centered around the activities of the Sons of Liberty organizations in the major colonial cities but without much attention to their development before 1760. General opposition to the Stamp Act of 1765 aroused urban workers in all cities except Philadelphia and brought them to the verge of combined military opposition. Repeal of the Stamp Act caused only a short reduction of protest before the Towns- hend Acts revived the Liberty boys. The clashes at Golden Hill in New York and the Boston Massacre were probably due to moonlighting by British soldiers at a time when Americans could not get jobs and occurred after mutual insults were exchanged between workers and troops. The workers strongly supported non-importation of British goods and often almost came to blows with merchants who wanted open trade. The more radical of the leaders of the mechanics and artisans originated the call for a colonial congress as a means of bypassing local merchant opposition and pushed the First Continental Congress into non-importation as a policy for the budding nation. Artisan groups took charge of enforcement of the new policy and used their work as an experiment in popular control following the ideas of Tom Paine. Professor Foner emphasizes the economic factors leading to revolution and finds that the struggle was as much over who would rule at home as over home rule. He presents this volume as "his- tory from the bottom up" but, while there is some attention to the role of slaves, it is really from the viewpoint of the leaders of the wage earners rather than the wage earners themselves. This may be as close to the bottom as the researcher can get, but it misses much of the role of the farmer, the indentured servant, and the common laborer. It is clear that the leaders of the workers were usually workingmen, except in Boston. At the end of the book, the reader wishes that the author had used his obvious familiarity with the workers of the colonial period to deal with their activity during the Revolution in a more complete manner in- 228 stead of jumping into some relatively disconnected references to organized labor during the nineteenth century. GEORGE B. ENGBERG University of Cincinnati Ohio CHARLES RAPHAEL FRANK, JR. Foreign Trade and Domestic Aid. Pp. vii, 180. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1977. $9.95. This book reviews experience with two pieces of legislation that sought to aid U.S. workers and firms adversely affected by competition from imports. It also carries a set of options for public policy. Mr. Charles Raphael Frank, Jr., currently a member of the Policy Planning Staff of the Department of State, wrote this book as a senior Fellow in the Brookings Institution Foreign Policy program with the assistance of Miss Stephanie Levinson, a research assistant in the same program. Although consumers realize enormous benefits from free trade, import competition creates unemployment and curtails the profit margins of domestic entrepreneurs. Thus, the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 was passed to provide assistance to workers and firms "injured by or threatened with injury from import competition." (p. 1). The assistance guaranteed included unemployment benefits, retraining and placement services, and relocation allowances to workers. It offered loans, technical assistance, and tax relief to firms crippled by import competition. But the stringent criteria of eligibility which the 1962 act carried made it impossible for its intended beneficiaries to secure their benefits. The Trade Act of 1974 was, therefore, passed to supersede the 1962 act and to make it easier for workers and firms to receive assistance whenever import competition threatened their equilibrium. Yet a liberal criteria of eligibility falls short of Mr. Frank's prescriptions for public policy. The author proposes that adjustment assistance should not be given merely to offset losses from import competition but should be part of a national policy of assistance to workers, firms, and communities that suffer loss for any reason. The book is heavily documented with figures derived from authentic sources. Its policy options, however, represent the tendency of liberals to conceive of public goals in ideal terms. The author seems quite oblivious to the particular weakness of the federal government of the United States to play the role of an activist in an area such as the administration of welfare policy. Another important weakness of the book is that it fails to deal with the philosophical basis of U.S. interest in the promotion of free trade, at least within the non-Communist world. Organized labor will no doubt be delighted with this book. Scholars, however, will do no more than use its references as a rich source for further research. GILBERT KEITH BLUWEY Howard University Washington, D.C. LEO HERSHKOWITZ. Tweed's New York: Another Look. Pp. xx, 409. $12.50. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Company, 1977. This book attempts to rehabilitate William M. Tweed's reputation by exonerating him from the most serious charges leveled against him. The author claims he has exposed as "myths" allegations that (1) Tweed plundered New York City after (2) gaining public office by fraud and deceit, and that (3) the "Tammany tiger" was a mere "paper tiger." The first proposition appears to be the most difficult to sustain. Professor Hershkowitz believes Tweed was victimized by self-seeking politicians and "yellow" journals, then convicted in a court of law by improper judicial proceedings. In actual fact, Tweed was bankrupt in 1861, then became head of Tammany Hall in 1867. By 1869, when his daughter was married, a single item of expense relating to that marriage, a reception and dinner at Delmonico's Restaurant, cost $13,000. The following 229 year he bought $79,455 worth of bonds in a single transaction. Tweed also built a four-story mansion in the city's most fashionable section and invested $65,500 in Connecticut real estate. Finally, he maintained two yachts. If Tweed was not a "boodler," what financial wizardry enabled him to accomplish all this on a salary of $7,500 a year? At his trial, the jury never seriously believed he was innocent, and it brought in a verdict of guilty on 204 counts. Finally, following a fruitless escape from jail, Tweed made a free, detailed confession. The facts relating to the second "myth," fraud in elections, are scarcely mysteries. In some areas of the city, violence and fraud were regularly employed in elections, not only in Tweed's day, but for a long time afterwards. The real question is not whether these means were actually employed, but to what extent Tweed needed them to secure and maintain Tammany's power. (We shall consider the real key to Tweed's control below.) The "Tammany tiger" did not fall apart when Tweed left. It simply booted him out. As the pages of Tweed's New York repeatedly show, Tammany was faction- ridden in Tweed's day: it had not attained the high degree of organization achieved a half century later. Each of Tweed's successors, John Kelley (1872- 86), Richard Croker (1886-1902), and Charles F. Murphy (1902-24), gained greater control over the organization than his predecesors. At the same time, they acquired more sophistication in accumulating personal wealth. George Washington Plunkitt, who begun his political career when Tweed's was ending, called his modus operandi "honest graft," and the change in style suggested by Plunkitt's expression speaks volumes. No one who rises from obscurity can maintain his power without satisfying the public. That was the real secret of Tweed's success. He championed the cause of the city's growing ethnic groups by reforming education and social welfare, constructed boulevards, gave an impetus to the consolidation of the Greater City by encouraging the construction of the Brooklyn Bridge, and initiated countless innovative programs. Years later reformers discovered underlying principles behind his pragmatic concerns and articulated them as philosophies of urban planning. Hershkowitz does present evidence of this aspect of Tweed's public life, but it is fragmentary and diffused. Someday, an historian will follow the trail Professor Hershkowitz has blazed and trace the development of municipal policy, Tweed's included, in efforts to resolve the problems of urbanization during the American Industrial Revolution. In time, this may prove the most constructive outcome of Tweed's New York. FREDERICK SHAW Office of Bilingual Education Board of Education New York JAMES E. HEWES, JR. From Root to McNamara: Army Organization and Administration, 1900-1953. Pp. 452. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1976. $11.45. Sponsored by the Center of Military History, this volume is intended as the first in a series of special interest to the U.S. Army. The focus is on changes in army departmental organization starting with the reforms of 1900 begun by Secretary of War Elihu Root. Throughout American life there has been a trend toward increasingly centralized authority over individual and corporate activities. American traditionalists throughout history opposed such centralization while reformists wanted greater , centralized authority as the nation itself changed. In industry the process of advocating and accomplishing such rational order and regulation from the top down was termed rationalization, and in the War Department there were rationalists (modernists). In the 1890s there were 10 military departments, each with its own budget, and with no direct, vertical, integrated chain of command. Bureau chiefs usually held office for life, so they frequently had greater influence 230 over policy making than the secretary of war himself, whose position was only temporarily granted. Upon assuming the secretary position in 1899, Root interested President McKinley in the military organization problems, and reforms were made. The role of commanding general was abolished since the president was already commander-in-chief and the position of chief of staff was created advisory to the president. Also the Army War College was instituted. But the new secretary of war in 1904, William Howard Taft, chose not to continue the reforms. The loose-knit organization style caused problems during the First World War. For example, over 150 War Department purchasing committees were competing with each other for scarce supplies in the open market. When the war was over, the need for reform was easily forgotten until 1940 when General Marshall instituted a vertical chain of military command for the traditional horizontal pattern of bureaucratic coordination. After the Second World War, the nation's foreign policy became one of active global involvement, which required further reform. The War Department became the Defense Department headed by a secretary of defense. The military moved toward functional responsibility, though some functional overlap continued. The nation evolved from a loose-joined agrarian federation into a highly industrialized, urban nation, and the military of the country has also had to change toward McNamara's goal of applying pure reason and scientific method to military organization. Hewes has well presented the need for continuing reorganization of the nation's military structure to adapt to changing times and conditions in the nation and world. His citations of parallel trends in industrial and governmental organization have been useful reference points. ORA W. EADS, JR. Practical Behavioral Studies Institute Nashville Tennessee MICHAEL J. HOGAN. Informal Entente: The Private Structure of Cooperation in Anglo-American Economic Diplomacy, 1918-1928. Pp. viii, 254. Columbia : University of Missouri Press, 1977. $12.50. American economic policy makers after World War I sought cooperation rather than unregulated competition between multinational corporations. In keeping with American economic values, they conceived that the corporations involved, engineered by those Veblenian symbols of a new age and managed in the best scientific tradition of Frederick Taylor, would operate without government ownership or control. Professor Hogan represents his work as a departure from earlier revisionism in so far as it emphasizes the cooperative rather than competitive aspects in the development of commercial policy between America and Great Britain in the post-war era. While he admits to emphasizing those areas where cooperation proved greatest (such as cable, radio, and petroleum) and excluding those where competition proved preeminent (such as tariffs), his argument is persuasive. He begins by detailing the economic programs, policies, and problems of the Wilson administration. While Wilson himself aligned with cooperationists, challenges from home and abroad in the form of opposing allied proposals proved frustrating. Failure to secure needed support meant that problems of European recovery would remain for Republican administrations to solve. Subsequent chapters deal with the successes and the ultimate failure of Republican policy makers to develop a consistent and total cooperative program with Great Britain. Not surprisingly, considering the recent interpretations of Herbert Hoover's contributions as Secretary of Commerce, the author convincingly demonstrates Hoover's pivotal role in developing and initiating American economic policy. Professor Hogan's scholarship impresses, particularly by the meticulous research shown in the chapters on the 231 development of cable, radio, and petroleum policy (a version of the latter chapter appearing earlier in article form). He makes excellent use of sources unfamiliar to me, the Owen Young and Thomas Lamont papers, and extensive use of the Hoover collection at West Branch. Doubtlessly, the author bene- fitted from his close proximity to the Hoover material and to Hoover scholars while in residence at the University of Iowa. His review of existing significant literature on many of the topics with which his chapters deal will be of special help to the reader interested in further study on the subject. Hogan's introductory use of the term "Americans" is not clearly defined as certain government policy makers and its use suggests a degree of elitism and ethnocentrism. His remarks on a few other authors' works seem overly condescending at times. However, Professor Hogan amply compensates for the above by providing a clearly stated, well-organized, and scholarly addition to his field. ROBERT ALLEN KARLSRUD Sonoma State College , Rohnert Park California STEVEN F. LAWSON. Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South, 1944- 1969. Pp. viii, 474. New York: Columbia University Press, 1976. $20.00. Paperbound, $6.95. Black Ballots adds to the growing body of scholarly literature on the black political experience in American life. Although the issue of voting rights presently lacks the topicality it enjoyed a few years ago, this is a useful historical study of the most dramatic years in the black struggle for the franchise. With 75 pages of notes and a bibliography of 28 pages, Professor Lawson has given scholars, and the general public, a valuable source of information. Moreover, for the current generation of college students who may wonder what the controversy was about, Black Ballots will help them to gain an understanding. This is especially true of the period prior to the emergence of Martin Luther King, Jr. Most of the discussion in this volume focuses on the behaviors and goals of the activists, especially the legal strategies of the NAACP and its allies in the political arena. But substantial attention is also given to the activities of the relevant departments of government. Unlike a number of earlier studies of the voting rights issue, Lawson's provides some discussion of the role played by the Department of Justice. Inasmuch as voting rights was cast as a legal question by most of the actors concerned, the Department of Justice was naturally a critical participant. However, the author is careful to point out that the department's involvement frequently lacked the aggressiveness which the proponents of unfettered voting rights believed to have been necessary. The department was, of course, acting at the behest of the various presidents concerned. And they in turn had to cope with the Congress. Thus, the study does give us some insight into the politics of gaining legislative support. From the perspective of those seeking change in the South's restrictive practices, the price for that support was usually exorbitant. Black Ballots contains little that is new for those who are already acquainted with the field. In addition, because the work gives only limited attention to the expansion of voting rights concerns into a broader range of civil rights issues, a number of readers will be somewhat disappointed. That feeling will be heightened because the author acknowledges the limitations of voting in redressing the grievances which black Americans began to express in the middle 1960s. Admittedly, that was not Dr. Lawson's intention in preparing this study. Still, one cannot help but think that he could have done more to show the relationship between the struggle for the ballot in the South and the emergence of a new, less "sedate" form of black political par- 232 ticipation. The author also does not include a discussion of the controversy surrounding the extension of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 during the early years of the Nixon administration. This matter was surely within the purview of a study published in 1976 and it would have shown that blacks still have to be attentive to protect newly won political gains. Passage of the 1965 legislation did not usher in the mil- lenium that some expected to come from the right to vote. Blacks, with significant nonblack support, had simply brought to a successful conclusion a phase in their continuing effort to secure a meaningful place in American life. JESSE J. MCCORRY Washington University St. Louis Missouri MURRAY B. NESBITT. Labor Relations in the Federal Government Service. Pp. ix, 545. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of National Affairs, 1976. $17.50. Professor Nesbitt, who teaches political science at Queens College, City University of New York, and who is also a lawyer and a member of the National Labor Panel of the American Arbitration Association, is the author of this substantial study of an important aspect of American labor relations dealing with those who work for the nation's largest employer, the federal government. He spells out in painstaking and often bewildering detail the history of trade unionism in the federal service which began in the 1830s during Andrew Jackson's administration. The postal employees, who have been in the vanguard of the drive toward collective bargaining, began to organize in the late 1880s and 1890s, in the teeth of governmental opposition. Nesbitt tells the whole story, often in almost incredible detail, and indeed he overwhelms the reader with historical facts one piled on another. I suspect that this would have been a better, and certainly a more readable, book if it spared the reader such a mountainous accumulation of facts and devoted more attention to broad summaries and interpretations. To use a well-worn phrase, there are so many trees one can hardly see the forest. While trade union activity among federal employees began about a century and a half ago and had notable successes in the postal service and TVA-to which the author devotes a great deal of attention-a major turning point was the promulgation of a basic executive order by President Kennedy in 1962, an order which was modified later by Presidents Johnson and Nixon. Thus, according to the author, there were, in 1961, only 29 exclusive units in TVA and the Interior Department, including about 19,000 employees. By the end of 1974 there were 3,483 exclusive units in over 50 different agencies, and the Postal Service recognized four national bargaining units and about 25,000 exclusive local units. To put it differently, of the 2 million nonpostal employees, 1,142,419 were in exclusive units, and 51 percent did not work under collective bargaining agreements. There is a body of national legislation on the subject, and a few federal agencies exercise some general authority, notably the Civil Service Commission Office of Labor-Management Relations, the Federal Labor Relations Council, and the Assistant Secretary of Labor for Labor-Management Relations. The postal system became subject to the National Labor Relations Act on July 1, 1971. While Nesbitt believes that there are persuasive reasons for creating a separate regulatory agency for federal labor relations, the fact is that for the most part collective bargaining agreements among employees of the federal government are negotiated and administered locally. Thus, there is a separate contract for the employees of the VA center in Reno, another for the Atlanta Army Depot, another for the Meat Inspection Division of the Agricultural Research Service of the Department of Agriculture, and still another for the National Association of Internal Revenue Employees in Newark, and so forth. Perhaps the most interesting chapter 233 in this hefty volume is that dealing with the right to strike. No president has ever condoned strikes by government employees, and Congress has often written anti-strike provisions into its legislation. Even so, there have been a few strikes at the federal level, notably the great postal strike of March 1970, and the author points out how many strikes there have been at the state and local levels in spite of legislation purporting to make such strikes illegal. Furthermore, Nesbitt points out that federal employees have other weapons in their arsenal, including picketing, "work-to-rule" slowdowns, demonstrations, "stay-at-home sick" work stoppages, and intensive lobbying, to mention only a few. The author believes that "the American public has not yet reached the point where it will accept public strikes." He also stresses the availability of other techniques for dealing with the resolution of impasses, such as various forms of fact=finding and arbitration. This is a scholarly book on an important subject. Collective bargaining is designed to give the worker some measure of control over the basic conditions of his employment. With about 2,500,000 employees in the federal service, collective bargaining issues simply will not go away through some sort of benign neglect. Nesbitt has performed a valuable service in describing the many facets of the problem. . DAVID FELLMAN University of Wisconsin Madison STUART I. ROCHESTER American Liberal Disillusionment: In the Wake of World War I. Pp. ix, 172. University Park and London: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977. $13.50. In this slim volume, Professor Rochester attempts modest counter-revisionism. From the 1920s to the late 1950s historians "exaggerated the watershed impact" of the World War I experience upon the U.S. liberal community. Then Professors Henry May, Christopher Lasch, and others put "the war in longer perspective": reformers had begun to lose illusions and innocence before the war; there was more continuity than change between the 1910s and 1920s. Rochester argues that the revisionists overcompensated. World War I was a watershed. Even among the Liberal intelligentsia whom Rochester concedes prewar disillusionment, the noble war/bad peace experience dramatically compounded the process. "Liberal" here means anything left of center, "from members of the insurgent Socialist and Communist parties to the editors of respectable reformist journals like the Nation and the New Republic" (p. 5). "Disillusionment" means primarily loss of faith in human per- fectability ; sometimes it means much the same as "alienation." Rochester is aware of the dangers inherent in such nebulous terms, and he struggles val- iantly to contain them with both carefully stated contexts and implicit appeals to readers' forebearance. Yet like so much of "intellectual history," this study is impressionistic and argumentative. Rochester is persuasive in arguing that Walter Lippmann and Walter Weyl had begun to lose progressive faith before 1917 but were devastated by the war and Versailles. But his argument circles and finally backlashes as he traces other "liberal journeys" after 1920. One group exemplified by Lincoln Steffens continued on the far left, cheering Lenin. Roches- ter's contention that they, too, were disillusioned seems precious if not simply wrong. Yet another group of liberals (Upton Sinclair, John Dewey, and others) was shaken by the war but did not substantially alter ideologies. Rochester is honest enough to devote eight pages to them under the heading, "No Disillus- ionment," despite the apparent contradiction of his thesis. I have but two caveats concerning Rochester's writing style: He consistently employs "like" when he should use "such as." (See, for example, the quotation from page 5 cited above.) And he fallaciously pluralizes individuals, creating phantom groups-for 234 example, "the Deweys and the Russells" (p. 117) and "the Hemingways and Fitzgeralds" (p. 136). Generally, this book is written with such felicity that readers will be surprized to learn that it is a revised dissertation. JACK TEMPLE KIRBY Miami University Oxford Ohio SOCIOLOGY MARY Jo BANE. Here to Stay: American Families in the Twentieth Century. Pp. 195. New York: Basic Books, 1976. $11.50. The appearance of Mary Jo Bane's Here to Stay coincides with the emergence of a renewed interest in family policy. The concern among reform professionals in family matters should be seen as a reflection of disillusionment with service interventions. Because of questions about the effectiveness of services and the willingness of the public to bear the cost of services at full level needed to address needs, reformers have come back to the family as the institution with most immediate responsibilities for mediating the status of individuals in society. Mary Jo Bane is very much a part of this line of contemporary thought. She participated in the research group headed by Christopher Jencks which argued that intellectual development of youngsters is more a result of family influences than a contribution of schools. Here to Stay carries the theme further in celebrating the basic strength of the American family. Within a text of just 143 pages, Bane attempts comprehensive coverage of a highly complex institutional configuration. The first half of the book is devoted to a review of historical developments concerning the family. Most of her material is American and the greatest emphasis is on developments in the past 100 years. Particular emphasis is placed on demographic trends. The historical review is cast as a rebuttal to those who might argue that the family is in decline because of lower birth rates and higher divorce rates. Bane argues to the contrary that the family is a robust institution. She argues that marriage and remarriage are highly popular. Although there has been a decline in the average size of families, most married persons continue to desire to have children. Some of the information which Bane organizes is interesting and perhaps surprising. She points out, for example, that among women in their middle years who have ever been married, there has been almost no change between 1910 and 1970 in the percentage living with their first husband. In effect, the increase in divorce rates has been offset by declining mortality rates. The historical review includes treatment of living patterns among young unmarried adults and that among older persons. Information is presented on kinship contact plus more general data on community life. On the balance, Bane contends that domestic circumstances-that is, family relationships, employment, and community life -are in good shape in the contemporary United States. Following from her conclusion that family life is fundamentally sound, Bane sees only limited need for public intervention to bolster family life. Family policy matters are discussed in the second half of the book. Equality in work for women and more equitable sharing of child care responsibilities are recognized as important sources of policy concern. Day care receives attention, but Bane is skeptical about organized day care as a general solution for employed women. She regards the cost to be excessively high for the limited number of families likely to be served. Bane devotes a good deal of her attention to the income needs of families with children. She is particularly impressed with the financial problems of female-headed households with young children. Over half of the children in such families could be considered poor compared to only 16 percent of children in families generally. Bane suggests an insurance approach to lifetime income needs and protection of family members against the financial problems which 235 result from divorce. At the same time, she acknowledges that there will be problems in applying insurance concepts to the income maintenance problems she discusses. How, for example, can income needs resulting from divorce be protected through an insurance approach which at the same time is not a structural incentive for divorce for families who experience financial difficulties ? More generally, questions can be raised whether insurance approaches are viable in the situations where the receipt of benefits tend to precede in time the payment of premiums. The book is valuable for the extensive data it summarizes, its overview of the contemporary domestic scene, and the policy ideas which are introduced. On the other hand, in emphasizing the continuing viability of the family as an institution, Bane understates the problems which confront family life. The complexity of family life is such that data could be assembled to support a less cheerful picture. Further, her policy preference for income strategies are as vulnerable as the service strategies which she tends to discount. FRANCIS G. CARO Community Service Society New York SUZANN R. THOMAS BUCKLE and LEONARD G. BUCKLE. Bargaining for Justice: Case Disposition and Reform in the Criminal Courts. Pp. v, 181. New York: Praeger Publishers, Inc., 1977. $17.50. Contemporary social scientists generally accept a framework depicting the criminal justice process as an institutionalized setting (analogous to a market) in which participants (police, prosecutors, defense attorneys, judges, corrections officials, probation and parole officers) occupy boundary-spanning roles exchanging cues, recommendations, refusals, bargains, threats, and resources between agencies and affecting the achievement of goals. Their conclusion is that most criminal justice decisions result from this type of ex- change relationship. The authors of Bargaining for Justice adopt this theme, setting their study of case disposition in the Massachusetts district courts upon a social exchange model which they contend borders on total theory. "-[S]ocial exchange is such a basic concept that, when fleshed out, it borders on a total theory-one that explains so much of life that it cannot be disapproved at all" (p. 1.) Most of the book focuses sharply on plea-bargaining-dealing carefully with its legality, function, and necessity. In a broader sense, though, this book is about the great discretion possessed by each participant in the criminal justice process and which marks its every stage. Indeed, the book might be better titled "Discretionary Justice." The authors, however, do retain the plea-bargaining focus and make a good case that it should be viewed as a routine, if not necessary, social function and not as an abnormality, wrongdoing, or social problem. "The fact that plea-bargaining has become an issue for observers of the court and that it is seen as a pervasive problem is in good part due to no more evidence than the rate of guilty pleas. Certainly, however, guilty pleas can also be indicators of a number of other transactions between the defendant and the court, not the least of which is the defendant's insistence that 'he is guilty. Other informal arrangements between members of the court might also produce a guilty plea without any agreement as to the outcome of the case having been made" (p. 3). The authors are at their best when discussing the methodological problems with measuring and describing plea bargains. They recognize that imprecise data and inappropriate statistical techniques are only a part of the difficulty because even the best court statistics can do little more than show that a defendant pleaded guilty and that negotiations preceded this decision. They, thus, suggest going beyond aggregate statistics to look empirically at the bargaining stages of the criminal justice process. The findings are illuminating. Bar- 236 gaining is the dominant mode by which cases are processed at all stages. The plea bargain, which takes place between prosecution and defense immediately prior to trial, is but one example. And each stage of the bargaining process "is characterized by a distinct mode of bargaining-a unique configuration of actors, strategies, currencies, and interests" (pp. 64-5). The authors succeed in showing bargaining to be cumulative, building from a chaotic situation at arrest "toward a highly structured understanding of reality and a settled prescription for professional action at the end of the criminal trial" (p. 65). My sense is that this is a very good book. It treats a controversial topic objectively; it generates new data that appears useful; and it discusses reform proposals in light of objective data. Its only shortcoming might be that it is too objective-that the authors are too easily persuaded that, objectively, bargaining is an administrative necessity rather than merely an administrative reality. WILLIAM C. LOUTHAN Ohio Wesleyan University Delaware Ohio ANN M. CLARKE and A. D. B. CLARKE. Early Experience: Myth and Evidence. Pp. ix, 314. New York: The Free Press, 1977. $13.95. Early Experience: Myth and Evidence by Ann and A. D. B. Clarke is not an examination of the nature versus nurture conflict, but an attempt to see how deprivation or acceleration of nurturance and environmental opportunities in early childhood may affect later development. The editors' avowed intention is to demonstrate that the early childhood years are not the critical period of learning but that all stages of childhood are important and that great personal resiliency may be a response to early childhood deprivation. The editors have chosen a selection of readings which emphasize the cognitive developmental view that there are stages of learning (which can be delayed or slightly accelerated), through which every child must pass. The child does not need to learn skills at any crucial age for their acquisition to be possible; however, the child usually acquires skills in stages and must have a certain degree of physical maturity to master them. The first section of the book discusses some of the classic cases of children isolated in early years from nurturance and having only minimal sensory stimulation during that time. The material presented leads one to the conclusion that, even in extreme cases of deprivation, a child can make up deficiencies with an unusually warm and stimulating later environment. Unfortunately, the selections chosen are well known to child-developmental specialists and do not add a great deal to our knowledge of early deprivation. In the second section the editors deal with various types of continued cognitive development after less severe isolation, often after institutionalization. In these reports of naturally occurring situations, the effects shown by early institutionalization are not consistent across the studies, but overcoming an early deficit seems to depend again on the nature of life experiences. However, the adoption data showing the rapid fading of the detrimental effects of early adversity may be suspect. Some studies show a "sleeper" effect of early deprivation which may not show up until later years (Lewis, 1954). While the editors comment on the Lewis study and others in their introduction, the discordant studies are not included in the selections to be read. In general, the editors' interpretation of the data about adoption shows bias. All of the studies included agree that children adopted later in life have a poorer outcome than those adopted earlier. The editors, however, explain away these findings by discussing sample differences, possible personality "unadoptability" differences in the subjects, and the like. These cautions may be justified, but the editors seem too eager to dismiss the studies which do not totally support their theory of continuous development. 237 The final section reports upon experimentally improved environments for deprived children. For institutionalized children with low I.Q.s, such an improved environment stimulated a marked increase in I.Q. and later high-normal occupational achievement, in contrast to a control group which showed neither increment. The importance of the continuation of an improved environment is stressed in the reprint of Kirk's classic experiment with preschool training of children from inadequate homes. Such children showed immediate positive I.Q. gains from a short time-period of exposure to an enriched environment, but the effect faded over time, if no continuous environmental improvement occurred. In this section, the editors do note that such a decline in the effect of an enriched environment may be due to unusual environmental factors or picking the wrong critical period for intervention. Thus, they seem to imply that certain ages of childhood development may indeed be more critical than others. Throughout, the Clarkes caution against the assumption that the early years are not important at all and stress that their aim is to establish a balance, not a counterbalance, to previous theories which stress early childhood development. The balance they hope to achieve is in the form of an inter- actional model of development, where reaction to a crisis is as important as the early deprivation. They, themselves, point out, however, that options for personal change are likely to narrow as the child enters the teen years and approaches adulthood. For these reasons, the careful reader would certainly question their blanket statement, "it appears that there is virtually no psychological adversity to which some children have not been subjected, yet later recovered" (p. 260). We should be very careful to define and limit that word "recovered." The book is a refreshing antidote to Freudian and extreme Social Learning theory positions. Its selections, however, tend to rebut these theories and not to achieve the balance which is the editors' aim. It is important that these newly compiled insights do not become reified into another rigid view of development until they are fully substantiated. Certainly more careful empirical research and analysis is needed before a new model for childhood development can be realized. MARIE RICHMOND-ABBOTT Eastern Michigan University Ypsilanti A. J. CULYER. Need and the National Health Service: Economics and Social Choice. Pp. vii, 163. Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1976. $11.50. This book is designed to provide a rationale and plan of action for the British National Health Service, based on economic analysis, but written for the layman. The NHS is to minimize unmet medical need for a given budget. "Need" is defined as "some third party's (voter's) view as to what a particular individual or class of individuals ought to receive." But readers are told that "the greater becomes the cost of meeting a given need, the less that need will be met." And we are required to "trade off one need against another." Two definitions of need are confused here. The first is simply the amount of medical care demanded for an individual by voters, based on interdependent preferences among consumers. This idea has been much better developed by Mark Pauly in his important book Medical Care at Public Expense, 1971. Alternatively, need is ill health, an economic bad in the eyes of external observers and the (here neglected) consumer. In most of the book, the operational content of need is objectively measured low health status. But numerous studies have shown that large variations in health care make virtually no difference in health. Beyond a low basic level of care, its main benefits are alleviation of symptoms and changes in risk. These are fundamentally sub- 238 jective and accurately known only by the consumer. Given this situation, health care can apparently be reasonably allocated by (as suggested by Martin Feldstein and Mark Pauly) a rational price system for the nonpoor. This requires large deductibles and consumer copayment with relatively complete insurance reserved for catastrophic health events. Or government can provide care giving physicians wide discretion to sympathetically judge consumer preferences. For the developed countries, maximizing objectively measurable health seems as sensible as maximizing an objective index of music output. Fortunately, Culyer retreats from his own argument-by including "pain and mental anguish" in measures of need. But the result is to make need subjective and nonoperational. The book's real achievements are its chapters on health status indices and medical technology. The former is the best general treatment I have seen. Its stress on the necessity of value judgments in forming indices is most welcome. The latter's exposition of the fuzziness of diagnosis and treatment decisions and the wide range of substitution possible in health care also deserves wide reading. But the chapter on rationing of health care is marred by curious slips in the economic reasoning. Examples include the statements that "to work effectively, it [rationing by price] would need ... to be accompanied by no insurance" and that the influence of doctors on consumption precludes supply and demand analysis. The book is unlikely to be useful to laymen after all, because of its conceptual and technical weaknesses. But it should find a ready market among professionals, especially those concerned with the problems and uses of health status indices. H. E. FRECH III Harvard University Cambridge Massachusetts TORSTEN EFUxssoN. The Reformers: An Historical Survey of Pioneer Experimenus in the Treatment of Criminals. Pp. 310. New York: Elsevier Scientific Publishing Co., 1976. $17.50. This is the most thoughtful, comprehensive, and carefully documented history of correctional innovation to appear in several decades. By covering most of Europe, Australia, and the United States from the sixteenth century to the mid-1970s, it is less insular than any recent work available in English, although-like others-it neglects Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Many approaches in recent years hailed as though new-for example, token economies, contract parole, collective responsibility, shock penalties, and family simulations-are shown to have been espoused and practiced (under diverse labels) many decades or even centuries ago. Also, the demagogic and unfair reactions they encounter today destroyed them in the past. The book is dedicated "To those who tried, even if they failed." The first half-dozen chapters describe early architecture (such as the Bride- well) and the advocacy of reform, notably by John Howard. Each of the next 15 chapters is on a correctional concept, from "penance in solitary confinement" to "the therapeutic community," tracing each idea from its origins through its major extensions or renewals. A chapter on international organizations for the exchange of penological thought and experience touches somewhat on Asia and Latin America, by noting that the best survivors of recent efforts in this field are the regional institutes sponsored by the Japanese and Costa Rican governments. A concluding chapter, called "the heart of the matter," notes the lack of rigorous proof of recidivism reduction by most of the innovations, but it argues that this fact does not absolve us from being humane to offenders and trying to aid in their rehabilitation. This book is distinctive for its organization around correctional concepts. 239 What is still needed, however, for guidance from study of the past, is the analysis of experience in terms of behavioral science principles. Thus, ideas of differential association, though not so labeled, were the rationale for "solitary confinement," "silent community," and "separate" systems of incarceration; concepts of differential reinforcement were implicit in what Eriksson calls the "task sentence" and in the "mark" system; the sociological laws of coalition formation and of conflict explain the objectives of "collective responsibility" -rewarding or punishing whole groups of offenders for the behavior of any of their members, rather than applying sanctions only to individuals. We would learn more from both history and current research if we tried to determine which principle is most effective, in what circumstances, and for whom. DANIEL GLASER University of Southern California Los Angeles JULIAN JAYNES. The Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Pp. 467. Boston, Mass: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1977, $12.95. Psychologist Carl Duncan said this about Julian Jaynes's monumental work: "Jaynes is extremely clever to think up this thing. I only wish he would put that cleverness to some serviceable use." The ego is on you, Mr. Duncan. Jaynes states that, around 1200 B.C. cataclysmic events occurred which forced the breakdown of the bicameral mind of man-comprised of (for all righthanders) the left cerebral hemisphere, having language, rational, linear, terminal mind processes; and the right side, containing spatial, visual, exhaustive, Jungian archtypical processes. Arising from the breakdown came the age of consciousness. In Yoga it is known as the "sun sign," in between the eyes and slightly elevated from the bridge of the nose-a third lobe? We have been into "consciousness" for some 3,100 years. Jaynes says bi- camerality didn't occur until between 10 000 and 5 000 B.C. Before that, man had mostly an instinctive (old brain stem) orientation. Consciousness is defined as the "analog I (eye)" (alter ego), which uses metaphors to speak to us. Moreover, learning and thinking are not consciousness. So what? It seems that the bicameral mind "heard" voices from the gods (God), , created by (input?) the right side of the brain, and transmitted through the corpus collosum to the left side in terms of "thou shalt" or "thou shalt not." The cataclysmic events (also verified by Immanuel Velikovsky, another scientific rebel), coming at a time when there were too many voices, created, revolutionarily, the "analog-I." Jaynes refers to Greek, Hebrew, and other works to prove his point. Is it the "ultimate proof" of the non- existence of God? Hume put this to an end in his "Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion." I don't think Jaynes has this in mind. There can be no doubt that, before Jaynes, nobody viewed consciousness as having originated at some specific time. Jaynes admits to many gaps in scientific proof. He is a humble egotist. He is really saying, "Let's explore these things together. I know there is something here." Since Jaynes unabashedly admits that his book represents the ultimate development of consciousness, some new stage may be waiting around the corner (the fourth dimension?). There are other authors and researchers who also may be pointing the way, such as Szasz, Weil, Casteneda, Grof, Kopp, and so on. SHELDON R. WAXMAN Chicago Illinois ROBERT JEWETT and JOHN SHELTON LAWRENCE. The Am~rican Monomyth. Pp. v, 263. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1977. $8.95. The American Monomyth is an ambitious attempt to meld recent studies 240 of popular culture into the serious efforts of Joseph Campbell, Carl Jung, Mircea Eliade, and others to identify the guiding ethos of a given personality or culture-a controlling "myth," if you will. The myth of America is Edenic and Messianic: "A community in a harmonious paradise is threatened by evil: normal institutions fail to contend with this threat: a selfless superhero emerges to renounce temptations and carry out the redemptive task: aided by fate, his decisive victory restores the community to its paradisal condition: the superhero then recedes into ob- scurity" (p. xx). By this reckoning, The Bionic Woman, Star Trek, Death Wish, Playboy, Walking Tall, Little House on the Prairie, Disney's denizens, and the disaster craze let loose by Jaws -plus, by implication if not demonstration, high culture and historical and political interpretation-are of a piece: "Redeemer wreaks retribution," more or less. Even Zap Conics, the writ of the counterculture, conforms at this mythic level. In the archetypal depths, Americans high and low, left and right speak the same symbolic language. McLuhan is thus explicitly refuted: The myth, not the medium, is the message. Were this all, it would be much-as Isaac Asimov points out in his introduction, contrasting the Greek myth of Hercules with the American update. But Jewett and Lawrence, who teach religion and philosophy, go further. Leaning on giants of philosophy and psychology, especially Plato and White- head, and on the Judeo-Christian mythos, they search for the "magical" elements in the technological society- and find the monomythic savior, technology : "The intricately crafted message of paradise redeemed by heroes larger than life has appeals far deeper than reason, particularly to a culture believing itself besieged by ruthless foes. To borrow words from the unbelieving J. H. Plumb, the world of the American monomyth is truly '... fearsome ... magical ... full of wonders and portents....' Can it be that the tech- nomythic portraits in radio, film, television, and comics are so artful that even highly sophisticated minds fail to detect the new heroic presences? Are the dramas of redemption so true to our most earnest hopes that they acquire the semblance of reality? Perhaps if the monomyth is truly alive and well, it reveals a side to scientific, modern man seldom imagined in the dreams of reason that stirred the century in which the American nation was founded. It is surely appropriate now, as we enter our third century of national life, to cope with this pervasive mythic legacy" (pp. 196-97). And before technology there was FDR, and before that ... And then the fateful final step of the Jewett-Lawrence argument: the American monomyth is potentially Or- wellian. The longing for the lost Eden of Henry Nash Smith's The Virgin Land breeds discontent, while the anxious but passive yearning for the pristine savior of Karl Popper's The Open Society and Its Enemies undermines democracy. Richard Hofstadter is not cited, but his arguments concerning the rise of the paranoid style of American politics in the face of depression and war are paralleled, with the emergence of the superhero comics in the 1929-41 decade taken as evidence that the "national mythology" had become an "escapist fantasy." Hence, the imperial presidency, global reach- and even international terrorism and crime in the streets, since the "tech- nomythic media" spread the mythos outward and downward. This is probably a step too far; the language is so specialized as to require a glossary a la the philosophy journals; the'portrait of the female and of minorities in American popular imagination is perhaps a bit askew; and there are a dozen other matters large and small. Some incor- rigibly optimistic patriot might even insist that the American myth could be set on its feet: "Noble character struggles against seemingly insuperable odds toward a worthy goal-and succeeds." 241 Yet for all its faults, The American Monomyth is still an exciting work. THOMAS J. KNIGHT Pennsylvania State University University Park ECONOMICS J. W. DEVANNEY, G. ASHE, and B. PARK- HURST. Parable Beach: A Primer in Coastal Zone Economics. Pp. 99. Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press, 1976. $12.50. DAVID HARRISON, JR. Who Pays for Clean Air: The Cost and Benefit Distribution of Federal Automobile Emission Standards. Pp. vii, 167. Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1975. $15.00. Investment is a problem in resource allocation. Scarce resources which have a variety of uses must be allocated among these many uses. But, in addition, investment involves diverting resources from production for current use to activities whose benefits are to be realized in the future. In the United States, investment decisions are generally made by the private sector. In many cases, however, government at some level becomes the decision maker. These two books deal with such cases. The Devanney et al. book is concerned with a municipality which must decide whether to grant a zoning variance to a builder who proposes to develop a tract of high-rise apartments in an area not currently zoned for it. The Harrison piece evaluates the distributional pattern of costs and benefits of Federal Automobile Emission Standards. Devanney et al. set up a fictitious community, Parable Beach, complete with socioeconomic characteristics and historical context. The book is entitled Parable Beach: A Primer in Coastal Zone Economics. In fact, the only reason for the coastal zone description is that Parable Beach is on the coast. The problem dealt with, a decision on land- use in the community, and the techniques used could apply to any com- munity. Basically what is presented is a "cookbook" for community officials who must make decisions on investment projects. How to define the relevant unit, the benefits, the costs, and the time horizon are carefully illustrated using the specific example. The main weakness of the book is that pitfalls in the approach are not made as clear as they should be. In a small community, for example, it is extremely difficult to estimate how much money invested in the community will be recycled in the community and how much will be spent on goods and services provided by "foreigners," or those outside the community. On the other hand, the importance of a good accounting framework, the interaction between costs and benefits, and the spatial definition of the relevant population are highlighted. The book serves a quite useful purpose for policy makers not familiar with cost-benefit analysis. It makes very clear that the approach is a very inexact art, rather than an exact science. Harrison has a much more ambitious objective than Devanney and his coauthors. He estimates the benefits and costs of the federal auto emission program. He investigates the distribution of costs across rural and urban areas. The costs include increased automobile ownership costs, increased operating costs, reduced automobile company stock- holder profits, and reduced federal tax receipts. The benefits are measured as reductions in the concentrations of three air pollutants, CO, NOx, and Ox. No dollar values are placed on the benefits because of the uncertainty attached to such aspects as health improvements and aesthetic improvements. The methodology is carefully outlined; the assumptions made clear. Harrison found that control costs were a larger fraction of income for households in lower income groups. Further, households in suburban areas, small urban areas, and nonurban areas gain quite modest air quality benefits while paying large costs. Harrison then examines alternative strategies for con- 242 trolling automobile emissions. His analysis indicates that the automobile emission control program can be made both less costly and less burdensome on the poor by adopting a multicar strategy. One policy might be a two-car strategy. The 1973 emission standards would apply to all cars sold in the United States, while the 1977 emission standards would apply to all cars sole in 43 polluted SMSAs. It is clearly important to look at the distributional consequences of federal programs and not solely their over-all effectiveness. Harrison's empirical study is worthy of attention by policy makers. GERALD S. GOLDSTEIN Northwestern University Evanston, Illinois BRIAN LOVEMAN. StruggLe in the Country : Politics and Rural Labor in Chile, 1919-1973. International Development Research Center, Studies in Development No. 10 Pp. vi, 439. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1976. $12.50. Brian Loveman has produced what may well turn out to be the authoritative account of the Chilean peasant movement in the twentieth century. Basing his analysis on a study of the archives of the Chilean Labor Department, Loveman seeks to document the ways in which the landowning class responded to steadily increasing pressures for a redefinition of rural property rights. He argues that the political power of the landlords was based on elite connections at the summit of the state which had the effect of maintaining an historical compromise between the large landowners and the urban middle classes (and to some extent, organized labor). The key feature was the agreement by urban middle classes (who were during this period in control of the state apparatus) to refrain from using state political power to penetrate the rural power domains of the landowning class. This class, which began to ex- perience a secular decline in the first quarter of the twentieth century, sought to contain the pressure of rural labor by using its access to the elite positions of the state to ensure that this hands-off agreement was kept and that potential encroachments by the state on property rights within rural power domains were restricted as much as possible. This historic compromise, according to Loveman, provided the structural support for the operation of a democratic political system. Chilean democracy rested on the systematic, pervasive, and conscious repression of the rural work force. Once a serious and sustained attack on the property rights of the landowners took effect with the advent of the Christian Democratic and Popular Unity governments, the structural bases for formal democracy were eroded. This was a contributory factor leading to the period of military rule beginning in 1973. Loveman's argument is a plausible one, though his focus on rural class relations does inevitably entail a rather cursory analysis of the interplay of political forces in Chilean society as a whole. Moreover, the author's concentration on conflicts between landowners and workers may perhaps have led him to give insufficient attention to the heterogeneity of the rural work force and the importance of conflicts between the various different strata. However, there can be little doubt that this book fills a serious gap in studies of the Chilean peasantry, giving historical depth to a peasant movement which has generally been regarded as being of recent origin. IAN ROXBOROUGH London School of Economics England FRITZ MACHLUP. A History of Thought on Economic Integration. Pp. ix, 323. New York: Columbia University Press, 1977. $20.00. Professor Machlup has produced an odd book, a mixture of the very useful and the frustrating. There are three main divisions in the text: a short, 243 typically Machlupian semantic analysis of economic integration; a 59-page essay on the economic theory of integration; and nearly 200 pages of classified bibliography which includes a brief description of the contents of each item cited. This bibliography is the feature which will send students flocking to the book. It is divided into the writings of historians, political economists, statesmen, committees and organizations, and economic theorists. Although extensive, the listings are not intended to be exhaustive. The researcher interested in a complete coverage of some aspect of integration will be able to start with Machlup and find most of the literature, but he should not expect to end there. These days, "economic integration" tends to call up visions of some sort of regional free trade area, customs union, or the like. Professor Machlup casts a wider net; to him, "complete integration implies the actual utilization of all potential opportunities of efficient division of labour." This, together with the fact that analysis of integration requires the resources of the theory of international trade, explains why the first two-thirds of the chapter on theory is devoted to a review of trade theory on a worldwide, nondiscriminatory basis. Only the last 20 pages or so of the chapter deal with the concerns of the writings on customs union theory since 1950. The chapter on theory is a marvel of lucid compression of complicated technical material into plain English, unencumbered by diagrams or equations. It is also going to be the source of much frustration because of Machlup's resolute refusal to provide footnote guidance to the literature. Readers in many cases will want to go to original sources or commentaries for more development or for contrary points of view. The index sometimes provides a bridge between the chapter on ideas and the bibliography; sometimes by leafing through the bibliography the citation for an idea may be found; but there is always the cost of time and sometimes the result of failure. This is simply poor historical writing, and Professor Machlup deserves to feel the displeasure of anyone inconvenienced by his decision to survey ideas without naming authors. His stated reasons for this approach are that his sources are in no small part outside the domain of professional economics and that it helps make the book a good instrument for open-book examinations. Neither reason justifies his decision. A much more helpful essay, exemplifying what scholarly historical writing in this field should be, is Denis O'Brien, "Customs Unions: Trade Creation and Trade Diversion in Historical Perspective," (History of Political Economy, vol. 8, no. 4 [Winter 1976], pp. 540-63). This article, which appeared too late to be covered in Machlup's bibliography, should be referred to by readers baffled by Machlup's s technique. CHARLES E. STALEY State University of New York Stony Brook DAVID H. McKAY: Housing and Race in Industrial Society. pp. 193. London: Croom Helm. Totowa, New Jersey: Rowan & Littlefield, 1977. $13.50. In Britain, as in the United States, black households tend to be confined to the least desirable portions of the urban housing inventory. Housing and Race in Industrial Society by David McKay describes housing discrimination in these two countries and evaluates legislation that was intended to end the practice. It is a scholarly book-at least in the sense that it grew out of a doctoral dissertation-but quite readable. Author McKay is identified as a Lecturer in Government at the University of Essex. Britain's housing discrimination issue is comparatively recent, most of the racial minority population having arrived since 1950. It is also smaller in terms of numbers involved than that of the United States; blacks make up little more than one percent of the United Kingdom's population but eleven percent in the United States. Though other ethnic groups are affected by housing discrimination in both coun- 244 tries, this book is concerned primarily with blacks. The author is commendably clear about what is meant by discrimination, and that is important because anti- discrimination laws in both countries have run up against an inherent contradiction. One concept of discrimination is the refusal to lend money for housing or to sell or rent on equal terms regardless of the other party's race. The other concept is segregation- creation of all black enclaves. Programs to end segregation must apparently be discriminatory, giving preferential accommodation to minority households in order to achieve dispersal into the better or newer homes. The contradiction arises because in both countries the established system of allocating residences tends to place minorities in obsolete portions of the inventory, an inventory which tends to be located in clusters. On the rock of the established system, good intentions of new laws founder. Author McKay impatiently cites the results of discrimination complaint procedures provided by the basic 1968 legislation in both countries. In the United States, during the early 18-month period, a total of only 105 complaints were resolved; in 47 cases the complainant got nothing for his or her troubles, 22 received a cash award and only 21 got to move directly into the dwelling in question (p. 66). This does little to improve matters for the five million-odd black households in the nation. In Britain, 404 complaints were disposed of over a four-year period, with findings of no discrimination or lack of jurisdiction in 314 cases (p. 99). McKay believes the reason for these negligible results is the legislative misconception that discrimination is an explicit private offense easily provable by an individual complainant. The reality is that minorities end up in undesirable housing through the workings of a complex and basically impersonal mechanism which legislation does not touch. The mechanism differs between the two countries. In Britain, 31 percent of all housing consists of publicly-owned rental units allocated by local authorities among a waiting list of eligible families by a set of rules, which seem to have nothing to do with race, but which happen to work against blacks in particular -because they are not citizens, or have not been long in the community, or have low income, or happen to be emergency cases for whom acquired slums awaiting demolition are deemed good enough. There is discrimination in the private market but little is known about it; the relevant inventory is publicly controlled. In the United States public housing makes up only 1.5 percent of the inventory-occupied overwhelmingly by black families-so that discrimination refers to practices in the private market. McKay's description of these American practices is the weakest portion of an otherwise carefully written book. Taking some biased and unsystematic literature at face value he states that real estate brokers and lenders profit from creating and maintaining a dual market. No economic rationale is provided, as though the point were obvious, and his credibility is further impaired by several extreme charges against the National Association of Real Estate Boards-an organization which changed its name at least two years before this book was completed. The unfortunate result is that a thread runs through the book distinguishing the source of discrimination in Britain as bumbling administration by myopic but kind-hearted bureaucrats, while in America it is hate, pure and simple, made and sold for profit. This position is maintained despite meaningful evidence that racism is an important political fact in Britain today; a 1968 poll showed 95 percent in favor of restrictions on immigration-the source of black population increase (p. 94)-for example. It is not unreasonable to interpret this book as an apologia for housing discrimination in Britain. Overlooking that fault, Housing and Race in Industrial Society gives useful perspective to the domain and philosophy of governmental intervention in race relations, the more so because it is a comparative study. The conclusion is that government can or will do little. What other means there might be to save 245 society from demeaning fear and conflict this book leaves for others to explore. WALLACE F. SMITH University of California Berkeley RAYMOND VERNON. Storm over the Multinationals : The Real Issues. Pp v, 260. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977. $12.50. This book is well written and is a good summary discussion of the major issues surrounding multinational business enterprises. The author is director of the Center for International Affairs at Harvard. His writing style is not wry or engaging like that of his recently retired colleague John Kenneth Galbraith, but it is eminently readable. Moreover, the issues discussed will be important ones for years to come, so that this book will make a useful addition to many personal libraries. The point of departure for Vernon's study is from the view, now widely held, that multinationals threaten the autonomy of nation-states. In addition, transnational corporations have been a part of the process of "global homogenization" -the worldwide use of standardized goods and services. At the same time, and a part of the same process, the world's economies have grown increasingly interdependent. These developments are also linked to economic hegemony and dependence; it is easy to suggest that U.S. support for an international order in which multinationals can prosper is evidence of a policy of hegemony and economic dependence. To what extent are these concerns legitimate ? What are the likely consequences of the further growth of multinationals ? Is the nation-state really inviolate ? Should it be? Issues such as these are addressed. In part, multinationals are of concern due to their average size. In 1974, the 179 largest multinationals with head- quarters in the United States had average sales of more than $3 billion each, more than one-third of which was derived from foreign operations. Forty-one of those corporations had manufacturing subsidiaries in more than 20 countries; another 86 had subsidiaries in 11 to 20 nations. A number of policy proposals to restrain multinational enterprises have been made worldwide. This marks a major shift in attitude toward multinationals. The author cites the shrinkage of international space-the result of jet travel, the radio telephone, and the computer-as the source of new international interdependence. Indeed, the author points out that increased bargaining power of nations to restrain multinationals' activities flows from this interdependence. However, up to the present, the collective demands of developing countries have been "exceedingly gen- eral" (p. 198) and not of the consequence which they may in the future. These issues will foster major changes. In Raymond Vernon's words: "In the end, some nations, even developing nations, may be persuaded to face the problem of uncoupling and remeshing their national jurisdictions in order to handle multinational-enterprise prob- lems" (p. 215). RICHARD C. McKIBBIN Wichita State University Kansas JOHN ZYSMAN. Political Strategies for Industrial Order: State, Market, and Industry in France. Pp. 239. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977. $12.75. The political deal which undergirded the Third Republic in France made the bourgeoisie and the peasantry the twin pillars of the new regime and nurtured the interests of both at the expense of more rapid growth. This premise has been developed by Stanley Hoffman, and John Zysman attempts to carry it forward with the thesis that the French have continued to short-circuit the capitalist spirit. Zysman's evidence is presented in an analysis of the postwar French electronics industry. The author details both the connection of the state to the industry and its internal transformation. These relationships are structured for purposes of carving out a pro- 246 tected reserve for French technology and enterprise in the wilderness of international competition. Of course, electronics is the key to the present-day expansion of communications, and thus it has important political implications. Electronics has enormous military significance. It is also a key industry in relation to other large-scale technological systems. During the 1960s, Gaullist-sponsored government intervention in the electronics industry was directed at protecting it from international competition. But results did not match the comparable Japanese electronics miracle-alas, Zysman does not offer any explanations in an explicitly comparative framework. He shows how massive subsidies notwithstanding, the Fifth Republic efforts to shape the growth of the industry were ineffective. The writer emphasizes that traditional French business practices followed by individual industries were not well adapted to the rapidly changing technology in this field nor to intensive international competition. In this analysis, readers interested in "theories of the firm" will find plenty of grist for their economic mills. But political scientists as well will stand to gain by reading this slim volume. For the dynamics of international business-trading upon advanced technology-is aptly examined in the context of the impact of government policy. In a sophisticated market such as that involved in electronics, any failure to modernize will trigger lost sales and rapid obsolescence. Thus the industry must be organized so that changes in technology will be quickly reflected in new products. But what happens when government protectionism enters this picture? "Tant pis!" says our television version of Moliere with a note of twentieth-century irony. "So much the worse": the state subsidies actually inhibited many electronics firms from revising their business practices. The politician in spite of himself thus found that there are outer limits on political prospects for shaping the growth of a technologically rapid-paced industry. John Zysman has written a meticulous case study on modern French industrial development. It has a multidisciplinary patina which is fairly well polished. He gives an indepth view of organizational behavior, wearing his social psychology hat. And wearing a political science hat, he clarifies the dynamic interaction between international markets and political policy. But, tant pis, the book shows little of the economist's appreciation for and no reliance upon recently developed international trade models or inter-industry studies that would give the French electronics case larger theoretical implications. On the one hand, the volume has some of the vices of a revised dissertation; on the other, it has many of the virtues of a skillfully researched and carefully analyzed case study. For example, some important behavioral propositions are offered, interconnecting external and internal organizational constraints. Thus, the author takes issue with Crozier's interpretation of French organizations, considering them not in isolation, but in continuous adjustment to their environment. In so doing, John Zysman makes a contribution to the literature on political and technological modernization. RICHARD PIERRE CLAUDE University of Maryland College Park</meta-value>
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