Sounding Objects: Musical Instruments, Poetry, and Art in Renaissance France. By Carla Zecher
Identifieur interne : 001347 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001346; suivant : 001348Sounding Objects: Musical Instruments, Poetry, and Art in Renaissance France. By Carla Zecher
Auteurs : Leeman L. PerkinsSource :
- Music and Letters [ 0027-4224 ] ; 2009-05.
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DOI: 10.1093/ml/gcn087
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<p>As is well known, there are several different approaches that offer insight into the musical practices of a given time and place. One can study the theoretical literature, or the musical sources, or the archival documents, or the surviving instruments, or visual images of musicians and music-making, or any combination of such specialties, and, of course, the music. In an informative and nicely (if modestly) illustrated study, Carla Zecher has taken as her point of departure the instruments, the ‘sounding objects’ cited in the title, and has sought to discover what can be learnt about the role of music in the culture of sixteenth-century France from the way in which they figured in the poetry and art of the period. In the process she has made abundantly clear that the standing of the various instrumental types was as highly stratified as the social order to which they relate. Whether taken individually or as a class, each had its symbolic values and its traditional associations deriving from its historical uses and its place in the literature of earlier times.</p>
<p>The opening chapter, ‘Of Strings, Trumpets, and the Future of French Poetry’, considers in depth the particularly significant role given to the plucked string instruments, most notably the lute and the lyre but also the guitar, the cittern, and others, especially as they can be seen to function in the poetry of Pierre de Ronsard. The author begins by tracing the traditional hierarchy of the instruments then in use. The hurdy gurdy, an instrument played by peasants and beggars, lies at the bottom of the social ladder (p. 30). Bowed instruments such as rebecs and viols ranked somewhat higher, but their use in providing music for the dance placed them well below such aristocratic instruments as the lute. This association with the dance became even more pronounced in the seventeenth century, moreover, as witnessed by the formation of the Vingt-quatre violons du roi under Lully and their role in the <italic>ballets de cour</italic> that loomed so large in courtly entertainments during the reign of Louis XIV.</p>
<p>The plucked instruments, by contrast, had the practical advantage of being capable, in the hands of a skilled player, of producing polyphonic textures and the social distinction of an association through the lyre with Apollo and the bards of antiquity. Only the harp, although ever present in the iconography relating to the psalms and King David, has a comparatively marginal role to play among the plucked strings in the realm of secular literature. Because of the lyre–lute link, the plucked strings enjoyed even greater prestige than keyboard instruments, even though the latter could also be used to play polyphony. The spinet, for example, as Zecher observed, drew little attention from poets because it ‘had no history’, at least not in the literary tradition (p. 24).</p>
<p>As for the winds, the trumpet had been associated since ancient times with feats of arms, the battle field, and the jousting tourney, and continued to be used in the sixteenth century primarily for calls and ceremonial fanfares in those contexts (p. 50). The instruments were not only heard but were often seen to carry banners with the arms of the noble whose presence they could be used to announce. The flute, by contrast, carried not only pastoral connotations but also an obvious phallic symbolism, and, although strictly melodic in nature, it was often used in the sixteenth century in consorts consisting of instruments in different ranges to perform polyphonic pieces (p. 9). The flute is, of course, not to be confused with the aulos, the loud double-reed instrument that figures so prominently in the myth of Apollo and Marsyas (pp. 58–64), as happens all too frequently—even in this careful study the distinction is not always clear—or its noisy descendants, the shawms, and its bumptious country cousin, the bagpipe. But if there are difficulties with specific instrumental types and organological terminology, they can stem, as the author has shown, from some lack of precision in the usage of the period and the poetic licence or sheer carelessness of the writers, who are obviously more concerned with rhymes and poetic metres than with exactitude in their nomenclature (pp. 24–9).</p>
<p>Behind this elaborate hierarchy of instrumental types lies the simpler distinction that became common in the fifteenth century between the loud instruments (designated <italic>haut</italic> in French) on the one hand—the trumpets, the sackbuts or slide trumpets, and the raucous double reeds such as shawms—and the soft ones (described as <italic>bas</italic>) on the other—plucked strings, keyboards (such as portative organs and harpsichords), flutes, and, eventually, viols. The loud instruments were used out of doors and in large spaces for fanfares or for dancing, whereas the soft ones were played in chamber, the more intimate setting in which the aristocracy and the wealthy gathered for social exchange and entertainment.</p>
<p>Zecher has not included this background in her narrative, but she has described in some detail the later developments. As a consequence of these earlier patterns of music-making, trumpets and loud winds (and later the violin family) remained the province of the professional minstrelsy, whereas the playing of ‘soft’ instruments—plucked strings and, to a lesser extent, keyboards and flutes—became a skill prized and cultivated rather assiduously by the upper classes. In families with means, private instruction was provided for the children, and household inventories reveal how common it had become in that milieu to own one or more instruments of the ‘soft’ group and to make continuous use of them. Their ubiquitous presence in the dwellings of the wealthy prefigures, in a sense, the use made of the pianoforte in the nineteenth century. Zecher also notes that the sixteenth century saw in France, as elsewhere in Europe, a significant increase in the spread of musical culture (pp. 12–16). The development of presses for the printing of music made both beginners’ manuals for acquiring musical literacy and repertory of all kinds much more widely available than they had been previously. Beginning with Attaingnant in Paris and Moderne in Lyon, the French printing houses brought out one collection after another of compositions in every current genre, including music for the liturgy, motets, chansons, dances, and, although Zecher does not cite it specifically, even music arranged especially for the lute such as Attaingnant's <italic>Tres breve et familiere introduction pour entendre & apprendre</italic> … <italic>a jouer toutes chansons reduictes en la tabulature du Lutz</italic> and <italic>Dixhuit basses dances</italic>, both published in 1529.</p>
<p>Against this background of instrumental hierarchies and cultural practices, the author has described the ways in which the instruments themselves are given an evocative role in the works of three of the distinguishable literary entities that flourished in France in the mid-sixteenth century (p. 20): the poets of the Pléiade (who were connected with the royal court); the emerging generation of French authors of emblem books (defined by the author as ‘educators and humanists active in urban centres’); and what she identifies as the École Lyonnaise (a ‘loosely knit literary community’ that had formed in the city). The first of these figures prominently in a discussion of ‘Musical Rivalries’ (ch. 2), which explores the various ways in which the legendary contest between Apollo and Marsyas found its way into the verse and visual art of the period. The story is presented not only as a retelling of the traditional myth, but also as a symbol with implications for the development of French as a literary language. Examples are taken, among others, from Ronsard, who makes ekphrastic use of the myth (p. 65) with poetic descriptions of the instruments, and from du Bellay's <italic>Deffence et illustration de la langue françoyse</italic>, where the myth becomes ‘a means of defining the values of different classical and modern languages’ (p. 72).</p>
<p>Perhaps the most sharply focused segment of the book, and the most informative, is an exploration of ‘Musical Instruments, Governance, and Oratory’ (ch. 3), which draws upon the moralistic emblematic literature of the age, especially that published in Lyons between 1530 and 1570. Zecher claims that music emblems ‘embrace the canonic notion that right governance is founded on prudence, the virtue which, because it doubles as a cardinal virtue and an intellectual one, serves to link all of the other virtues together’ (p. 94). Having argued for this premiss, she proceeds to consider emblems as oratory, the lute as a metaphor for the ‘ship of state’ (p. 102), a broken lute string as a symbol of discord or lack in governance (p. 108), the trumpet as sounding a signal of corruption (p. 113), and music itself as a powerful means of temptation (p. 117) with the sirens of Odysseus and the wiles of the <italic>oiseleur</italic> (bird catcher) as examples.</p>
<p>This foray into the domains of morality leads to a brief excursis on ‘Flutes and the Female Body’ (p. 124), that takes up the obvious sexual symbolism of the instrument in question, an association that was already present in the poetry of the previous generation, as seen in the works of Jehan Molinet (1435–1507), and a much more extended consideration of ‘The Anatomy of the Lute’ (ch. 4). Here the author reminds the reader of the instrument's voluptuous shape, the intimate embrace in which it is held by the player, and its role in scenes of sensual pleasure and amorous seduction. There is, as well, an explanation of the musical ‘riddle-poem’ in which the language is sufficiently ambivalent as to suggest rather explicitly erotic circumstances even though a literal interpretation of the verse allows a perfectly innocent construction</p>
<p>Zecher's study displays a wealth of knowledge and solid erudition. A wide net has been cast, and the manifold connections between poetry and painting in relation to the musical instruments of the time are nicely illuminated. The images (many of them rather small, unfortunately, and all of them modestly reproduced in black and white) have been carefully selected, and the numerous excerpts of poetry from French authors have been skilfully, even elegantly translated into English.</p>
<p>As informative as it is, however, and as stimulating as it is likely to prove, I find some of the arguments that the author makes rather surprising. ‘Musical instruments are containers for sound’, the author declares, ‘and as such they offer poets a figurative means of making language corporeal, of embodying the poetic voice’ (p. 7). I would contend, to the contrary, that instruments do not contain sounds that can be shaken out of them—a bit like parmesan over a plate of spaghetti. Rather, if music is to be the result, the instrument must be coaxed by the skilful hands of the performer to produce sounds that are not only pleasant in and of themselves but are coherently organized as to pitch and rhythm. That the mention of an instrument in a poem is fraught with figurative possibilities is beyond question, given the range of traditional association that could be evoked, but how does this make the language any more corporeal, for example, than a poem in celebration of a heroic warrior or a woman's beauty? And how can the instrument, whose musical language is without verbal significance (unless actual words are being sung), embody the poetic voice?</p>
<p>Zecher also sees ‘the distinction between orality and print’ as comparable to the difference ‘between the human voice and the voice of an instrument, since the fixing of language in print involves the mediating action of an entity distinct from language's site of origin in the human body’. She concludes, in fact, that ‘the action of making music with instruments initiates a similar trajectory toward independence, except that in order to “speak”, these objects must maintain physical contact with originating human bodies’ (p. 7). It appears to me that the exception is crucial, however. Inasmuch as the instrument can sound only if the performer's hands or voice makes it audible, it can never achieve the independence that she allows the printed poem.</p>
<p>What is more, music, like verse, can be transmitted in print in written form and can also thus be made independent of its origins in the mind of the composer and the fingers and/or the voice of the performer. Like poetry, moreover, it can be silently read by those skilful in the art and sound in the reader's imagination. It is not the dynamic between orality and print that is significant in Zecher's study, but rather the numerous ways in which the mention or the depiction of the ‘sounding bodies’ could resonate in the memory and the mind of those who had been shaped by a culture of which music was such an important element and in which the instruments invoked had such powerful social and emotional connotations. Sadly, they have now fallen silent, but Carla Zecher's study illustrates what an important role they once played, not only in making audible the music of the age, but also in the descriptive play of the poets and the visual images of painters and sculptors.</p>
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|texte= Sounding Objects: Musical Instruments, Poetry, and Art in Renaissance France. By Carla Zecher
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