BourgeoisGentilV1, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 000454

The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700

Identifieur interne : 000454 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000453; suivant : 000455

The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700

Auteurs : Don Fader

Source :

Music and Letters [ 0027-4224 ] ; 2005-08.

RBID : ISTEX:87662BE30817DAD2358CACD88560DE92D26EFF74

English descriptors

Teeft :
- Airs, Airs italiens, American musicological society, Andr, Aria, Aristocratic desire, Artistic activities, Artistic interests, Artistic life, Artistic patronage, Bastard children, Bodemann, Bourgogne, Briefen, Cabale, Campra, Capo aria, Cardinal mazarin, Carnaval, Carnival celebrations, Carnival entertainments, Carnival folie, Carnival season, Central role, Cercar ventura, Chansonnier maurepas, Chartres, Colasse, Command performances, Commedia, Commedia characters, Comte, Conty, Conty philippe, Cour, Court activities, Court ballets, Court entertainment, Court entertainments, Court hierarchy, Court life, Court society, Courtier, Courtly, Courtly politics, Cultural life, Cultural politics, Dancourt, Dangeau, Dangeau reports, Danican philidor, Dauphin, Divertissement, Duchesse, Favour, Favourite, February, Feste galante, Financial support, First time, Francine, French music, French style, Galante, Georgia cowart, Good example, Grand dauphin, Grand turk, Great prince, Herzogin elisabeth charlotte, Important role, Impromptu donn, Indirect influence, Influential patrons, Italian airs, Italian comedians, Italian comedy, Italian music, Italian style, Jean nicolas francine, Jeune posterit, July, June, Lalande, Lande, Large monkeys, Libertine life, Little interest, Livry, Long time, Louis attempts, Louis ladvocat, Louis tastes, Lully, Madame duchesse, Maintenon, Marly, Marquis, Mascarade, Mascarades, Maurice andr, Mercure, Mercure galant, Mercure historique, Meudon, Monseigneur, More italianate, Motet, Musical cabale, Musical culture, Musical education, Musical entertainments, Musical events, Musical interests, Musical life, Musical patronage, Musical style, Musical tastes, Musique, Musique italienne, Naive beauties, Norbert elias, Other hand, Other members, Other things, Paris journal, Particular individuals, Particular mascarade, Patron, Patronage, Philidor, Philidor ordinaire, Philippe, Political patron, Political patronage, Prince camille, Princely members, Princesse, Prologue, Public ball, Quelques italiennes, Royal chapel, Royal court, Royal entertainments, Royal family, Royal patronage, Royale, Sacred music, Saggio cuore, Same elements, Same time, Same year, Secular music, Several days, Several occasions, Single divertissement, Small monkey, Soulagements passagers, Sourches, Stage works, Such entertainments, Sully, Toulouse, Venise, Versailles, Village philidor, Young people.

Abstract

For George J. Buelow Beginning in the late 1680s, opposition to the conservative cultural politics of Louis XIV coalesced in an influential court clique around Louis XIV’s son, Louis (1661–1711). In contrast to the king’s anti-theatrical moralizing and heritage of supporting classicism, the Dauphin and his cabale embraced aspects of the arts that Louis XIV had rejected: the Comédie-Italienne, Italian music, and the operas of André Campra. The Dauphin not only supported the Opéra and encouraged Louis XIV to reinstitute the Comédie-Italienne, but his cabale also staged entertainments at court in which commedia dell’arte and Italian music featured. The group’s support for Campra during the early phase of his operatic career is reflected by three fêtes commissioned from him in 1697–8 by nobles seeking to cultivate members of the cabale as political patrons. The Dauphin’s importance as a protector of the theatre was publicly acknowledged in the prologue to Campra’s Le Carnaval de Venise (1699) and in other works of the period. The activities of the cabale and its extended political clientele thus played a significant role in the French fad for Italian music and comedy of the late 1690s, and demonstrate the influence of courtly politics in the musical life of the era.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/fulltext.pdf

DOI: 10.1093/ml/gci069

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:87662BE30817DAD2358CACD88560DE92D26EFF74

Le document en format XML

<record><TEI wicri:istexFullTextTei="biblStruct"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title xml:lang="en">The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700</title>
<author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Fader, Don" sort="Fader, Don" uniqKey="Fader D" first="Don" last="Fader">Don Fader</name>
</author>
</titleStmt>
<publicationStmt><idno type="wicri:source">ISTEX</idno>
<idno type="RBID">ISTEX:87662BE30817DAD2358CACD88560DE92D26EFF74</idno>
<date when="2005" year="2005">2005</date>
<idno type="doi">10.1093/ml/gci069</idno>
<idno type="url">https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/fulltext.pdf</idno>
<idno type="wicri:Area/Istex/Corpus">000454</idno>
<idno type="wicri:explorRef" wicri:stream="Istex" wicri:step="Corpus" wicri:corpus="ISTEX">000454</idno>
</publicationStmt>
<sourceDesc><biblStruct><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700</title>
<author wicri:is="90%"><name sortKey="Fader, Don" sort="Fader, Don" uniqKey="Fader D" first="Don" last="Fader">Don Fader</name>
</author>
</analytic>
<monogr></monogr>
<series><title level="j">Music and Letters</title>
<title level="j" type="abbrev">Music and Letters</title>
<idno type="ISSN">0027-4224</idno>
<idno type="eISSN">1477-4631</idno>
<imprint><publisher>Oxford University Press</publisher>
<date type="published" when="2005-08">2005-08</date>
<biblScope unit="volume">86</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="issue">3</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="page" from="380">380</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="page" to="413">413</biblScope>
</imprint>
<idno type="ISSN">0027-4224</idno>
</series>
</biblStruct>
</sourceDesc>
<seriesStmt><idno type="ISSN">0027-4224</idno>
</seriesStmt>
</fileDesc>
<profileDesc><textClass><keywords scheme="Teeft" xml:lang="en"><term>Airs</term>
<term>Airs italiens</term>
<term>American musicological society</term>
<term>Andr</term>
<term>Aria</term>
<term>Aristocratic desire</term>
<term>Artistic activities</term>
<term>Artistic interests</term>
<term>Artistic life</term>
<term>Artistic patronage</term>
<term>Bastard children</term>
<term>Bodemann</term>
<term>Bourgogne</term>
<term>Briefen</term>
<term>Cabale</term>
<term>Campra</term>
<term>Capo aria</term>
<term>Cardinal mazarin</term>
<term>Carnaval</term>
<term>Carnival celebrations</term>
<term>Carnival entertainments</term>
<term>Carnival folie</term>
<term>Carnival season</term>
<term>Central role</term>
<term>Cercar ventura</term>
<term>Chansonnier maurepas</term>
<term>Chartres</term>
<term>Colasse</term>
<term>Command performances</term>
<term>Commedia</term>
<term>Commedia characters</term>
<term>Comte</term>
<term>Conty</term>
<term>Conty philippe</term>
<term>Cour</term>
<term>Court activities</term>
<term>Court ballets</term>
<term>Court entertainment</term>
<term>Court entertainments</term>
<term>Court hierarchy</term>
<term>Court life</term>
<term>Court society</term>
<term>Courtier</term>
<term>Courtly</term>
<term>Courtly politics</term>
<term>Cultural life</term>
<term>Cultural politics</term>
<term>Dancourt</term>
<term>Dangeau</term>
<term>Dangeau reports</term>
<term>Danican philidor</term>
<term>Dauphin</term>
<term>Divertissement</term>
<term>Duchesse</term>
<term>Favour</term>
<term>Favourite</term>
<term>February</term>
<term>Feste galante</term>
<term>Financial support</term>
<term>First time</term>
<term>Francine</term>
<term>French music</term>
<term>French style</term>
<term>Galante</term>
<term>Georgia cowart</term>
<term>Good example</term>
<term>Grand dauphin</term>
<term>Grand turk</term>
<term>Great prince</term>
<term>Herzogin elisabeth charlotte</term>
<term>Important role</term>
<term>Impromptu donn</term>
<term>Indirect influence</term>
<term>Influential patrons</term>
<term>Italian airs</term>
<term>Italian comedians</term>
<term>Italian comedy</term>
<term>Italian music</term>
<term>Italian style</term>
<term>Jean nicolas francine</term>
<term>Jeune posterit</term>
<term>July</term>
<term>June</term>
<term>Lalande</term>
<term>Lande</term>
<term>Large monkeys</term>
<term>Libertine life</term>
<term>Little interest</term>
<term>Livry</term>
<term>Long time</term>
<term>Louis attempts</term>
<term>Louis ladvocat</term>
<term>Louis tastes</term>
<term>Lully</term>
<term>Madame duchesse</term>
<term>Maintenon</term>
<term>Marly</term>
<term>Marquis</term>
<term>Mascarade</term>
<term>Mascarades</term>
<term>Maurice andr</term>
<term>Mercure</term>
<term>Mercure galant</term>
<term>Mercure historique</term>
<term>Meudon</term>
<term>Monseigneur</term>
<term>More italianate</term>
<term>Motet</term>
<term>Musical cabale</term>
<term>Musical culture</term>
<term>Musical education</term>
<term>Musical entertainments</term>
<term>Musical events</term>
<term>Musical interests</term>
<term>Musical life</term>
<term>Musical patronage</term>
<term>Musical style</term>
<term>Musical tastes</term>
<term>Musique</term>
<term>Musique italienne</term>
<term>Naive beauties</term>
<term>Norbert elias</term>
<term>Other hand</term>
<term>Other members</term>
<term>Other things</term>
<term>Paris journal</term>
<term>Particular individuals</term>
<term>Particular mascarade</term>
<term>Patron</term>
<term>Patronage</term>
<term>Philidor</term>
<term>Philidor ordinaire</term>
<term>Philippe</term>
<term>Political patron</term>
<term>Political patronage</term>
<term>Prince camille</term>
<term>Princely members</term>
<term>Princesse</term>
<term>Prologue</term>
<term>Public ball</term>
<term>Quelques italiennes</term>
<term>Royal chapel</term>
<term>Royal court</term>
<term>Royal entertainments</term>
<term>Royal family</term>
<term>Royal patronage</term>
<term>Royale</term>
<term>Sacred music</term>
<term>Saggio cuore</term>
<term>Same elements</term>
<term>Same time</term>
<term>Same year</term>
<term>Secular music</term>
<term>Several days</term>
<term>Several occasions</term>
<term>Single divertissement</term>
<term>Small monkey</term>
<term>Soulagements passagers</term>
<term>Sourches</term>
<term>Stage works</term>
<term>Such entertainments</term>
<term>Sully</term>
<term>Toulouse</term>
<term>Venise</term>
<term>Versailles</term>
<term>Village philidor</term>
<term>Young people</term>
</keywords>
</textClass>
<langUsage><language ident="en">en</language>
</langUsage>
</profileDesc>
</teiHeader>
<front><div type="abstract" xml:lang="en">For George J. Buelow Beginning in the late 1680s, opposition to the conservative cultural politics of Louis XIV coalesced in an influential court clique around Louis XIV’s son, Louis (1661–1711). In contrast to the king’s anti-theatrical moralizing and heritage of supporting classicism, the Dauphin and his cabale embraced aspects of the arts that Louis XIV had rejected: the Comédie-Italienne, Italian music, and the operas of André Campra. The Dauphin not only supported the Opéra and encouraged Louis XIV to reinstitute the Comédie-Italienne, but his cabale also staged entertainments at court in which commedia dell’arte and Italian music featured. The group’s support for Campra during the early phase of his operatic career is reflected by three fêtes commissioned from him in 1697–8 by nobles seeking to cultivate members of the cabale as political patrons. The Dauphin’s importance as a protector of the theatre was publicly acknowledged in the prologue to Campra’s Le Carnaval de Venise (1699) and in other works of the period. The activities of the cabale and its extended political clientele thus played a significant role in the French fad for Italian music and comedy of the late 1690s, and demonstrate the influence of courtly politics in the musical life of the era.</div>
</front>
</TEI>
<istex><corpusName>oup</corpusName>
<keywords><teeft><json:string>monseigneur</json:string>
<json:string>cabale</json:string>
<json:string>campra</json:string>
<json:string>dangeau</json:string>
<json:string>conty</json:string>
<json:string>mercure</json:string>
<json:string>dauphin</json:string>
<json:string>mascarade</json:string>
<json:string>duchesse</json:string>
<json:string>philippe</json:string>
<json:string>bourgogne</json:string>
<json:string>italian music</json:string>
<json:string>maintenon</json:string>
<json:string>lalande</json:string>
<json:string>royal family</json:string>
<json:string>marly</json:string>
<json:string>comte</json:string>
<json:string>philidor</json:string>
<json:string>meudon</json:string>
<json:string>andr</json:string>
<json:string>galante</json:string>
<json:string>prologue</json:string>
<json:string>francine</json:string>
<json:string>dancourt</json:string>
<json:string>commedia</json:string>
<json:string>divertissement</json:string>
<json:string>briefen</json:string>
<json:string>july</json:string>
<json:string>aria</json:string>
<json:string>italian style</json:string>
<json:string>june</json:string>
<json:string>bodemann</json:string>
<json:string>sourches</json:string>
<json:string>lande</json:string>
<json:string>court entertainments</json:string>
<json:string>cour</json:string>
<json:string>carnaval</json:string>
<json:string>favourite</json:string>
<json:string>venise</json:string>
<json:string>royal court</json:string>
<json:string>livry</json:string>
<json:string>sully</json:string>
<json:string>princesse</json:string>
<json:string>mascarades</json:string>
<json:string>colasse</json:string>
<json:string>february</json:string>
<json:string>musique</json:string>
<json:string>versailles</json:string>
<json:string>lully</json:string>
<json:string>sacred music</json:string>
<json:string>carnival season</json:string>
<json:string>italian comedy</json:string>
<json:string>important role</json:string>
<json:string>artistic life</json:string>
<json:string>airs italiens</json:string>
<json:string>dangeau reports</json:string>
<json:string>artistic patronage</json:string>
<json:string>court society</json:string>
<json:string>royale</json:string>
<json:string>chansonnier maurepas</json:string>
<json:string>mercure galant</json:string>
<json:string>same time</json:string>
<json:string>capo aria</json:string>
<json:string>danican philidor</json:string>
<json:string>saggio cuore</json:string>
<json:string>french music</json:string>
<json:string>musical life</json:string>
<json:string>mercure historique</json:string>
<json:string>patron</json:string>
<json:string>toulouse</json:string>
<json:string>motet</json:string>
<json:string>norbert elias</json:string>
<json:string>first time</json:string>
<json:string>french style</json:string>
<json:string>grand dauphin</json:string>
<json:string>italian comedians</json:string>
<json:string>grand turk</json:string>
<json:string>political patronage</json:string>
<json:string>artistic interests</json:string>
<json:string>carnival entertainments</json:string>
<json:string>central role</json:string>
<json:string>carnival celebrations</json:string>
<json:string>same year</json:string>
<json:string>royal chapel</json:string>
<json:string>feste galante</json:string>
<json:string>musical patronage</json:string>
<json:string>georgia cowart</json:string>
<json:string>commedia characters</json:string>
<json:string>secular music</json:string>
<json:string>louis attempts</json:string>
<json:string>court ballets</json:string>
<json:string>favour</json:string>
<json:string>courtly</json:string>
<json:string>marquis</json:string>
<json:string>courtier</json:string>
<json:string>airs</json:string>
<json:string>several days</json:string>
<json:string>political patron</json:string>
<json:string>public ball</json:string>
<json:string>such entertainments</json:string>
<json:string>influential patrons</json:string>
<json:string>musical events</json:string>
<json:string>little interest</json:string>
<json:string>command performances</json:string>
<json:string>aristocratic desire</json:string>
<json:string>more italianate</json:string>
<json:string>naive beauties</json:string>
<json:string>madame duchesse</json:string>
<json:string>jean nicolas francine</json:string>
<json:string>stage works</json:string>
<json:string>courtly politics</json:string>
<json:string>louis tastes</json:string>
<json:string>financial support</json:string>
<json:string>other things</json:string>
<json:string>particular individuals</json:string>
<json:string>long time</json:string>
<json:string>soulagements passagers</json:string>
<json:string>cardinal mazarin</json:string>
<json:string>young people</json:string>
<json:string>court activities</json:string>
<json:string>musical interests</json:string>
<json:string>cercar ventura</json:string>
<json:string>louis ladvocat</json:string>
<json:string>libertine life</json:string>
<json:string>cultural life</json:string>
<json:string>indirect influence</json:string>
<json:string>paris journal</json:string>
<json:string>princely members</json:string>
<json:string>musique italienne</json:string>
<json:string>american musicological society</json:string>
<json:string>musical cabale</json:string>
<json:string>other hand</json:string>
<json:string>italian airs</json:string>
<json:string>herzogin elisabeth charlotte</json:string>
<json:string>artistic activities</json:string>
<json:string>same elements</json:string>
<json:string>musical culture</json:string>
<json:string>musical tastes</json:string>
<json:string>royal entertainments</json:string>
<json:string>great prince</json:string>
<json:string>impromptu donn</json:string>
<json:string>court hierarchy</json:string>
<json:string>cultural politics</json:string>
<json:string>musical style</json:string>
<json:string>court life</json:string>
<json:string>single divertissement</json:string>
<json:string>maurice andr</json:string>
<json:string>conty philippe</json:string>
<json:string>philidor ordinaire</json:string>
<json:string>village philidor</json:string>
<json:string>royal patronage</json:string>
<json:string>bastard children</json:string>
<json:string>musical education</json:string>
<json:string>large monkeys</json:string>
<json:string>small monkey</json:string>
<json:string>prince camille</json:string>
<json:string>carnival folie</json:string>
<json:string>several occasions</json:string>
<json:string>musical entertainments</json:string>
<json:string>particular mascarade</json:string>
<json:string>court entertainment</json:string>
<json:string>quelques italiennes</json:string>
<json:string>jeune posterit</json:string>
<json:string>other members</json:string>
<json:string>good example</json:string>
<json:string>patronage</json:string>
<json:string>chartres</json:string>
</teeft>
</keywords>
<author><json:item><name>Don Fader</name>
</json:item>
</author>
<arkIstex>ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K</arkIstex>
<language><json:string>eng</json:string>
</language>
<originalGenre><json:string>research-article</json:string>
</originalGenre>
<abstract>For George J. Buelow Beginning in the late 1680s, opposition to the conservative cultural politics of Louis XIV coalesced in an influential court clique around Louis XIV’s son, Louis (1661–1711). In contrast to the king’s anti-theatrical moralizing and heritage of supporting classicism, the Dauphin and his cabale embraced aspects of the arts that Louis XIV had rejected: the Comédie-Italienne, Italian music, and the operas of André Campra. The Dauphin not only supported the Opéra and encouraged Louis XIV to reinstitute the Comédie-Italienne, but his cabale also staged entertainments at court in which commedia dell’arte and Italian music featured. The group’s support for Campra during the early phase of his operatic career is reflected by three fêtes commissioned from him in 1697–8 by nobles seeking to cultivate members of the cabale as political patrons. The Dauphin’s importance as a protector of the theatre was publicly acknowledged in the prologue to Campra’s Le Carnaval de Venise (1699) and in other works of the period. The activities of the cabale and its extended political clientele thus played a significant role in the French fad for Italian music and comedy of the late 1690s, and demonstrate the influence of courtly politics in the musical life of the era.</abstract>
<qualityIndicators><score>9.448</score>
<pdfWordCount>19195</pdfWordCount>
<pdfCharCount>107390</pdfCharCount>
<pdfVersion>1.5</pdfVersion>
<pdfPageCount>34</pdfPageCount>
<pdfPageSize>479 x 697 pts</pdfPageSize>
<refBibsNative>false</refBibsNative>
<abstractWordCount>204</abstractWordCount>
<abstractCharCount>1287</abstractCharCount>
<keywordCount>0</keywordCount>
</qualityIndicators>
<title>The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700</title>
<genre><json:string>research-article</json:string>
</genre>
<host><title>Music and Letters</title>
<language><json:string>unknown</json:string>
</language>
<issn><json:string>0027-4224</json:string>
</issn>
<eissn><json:string>1477-4631</json:string>
</eissn>
<publisherId><json:string>musicj</json:string>
</publisherId>
<volume>86</volume>
<issue>3</issue>
<pages><first>380</first>
<last>413</last>
</pages>
<genre><json:string>journal</json:string>
</genre>
</host>
<namedEntities><unitex><date><json:string>1680</json:string>
<json:string>1708</json:string>
<json:string>1696</json:string>
<json:string>1690s</json:string>
<json:string>2005</json:string>
<json:string>1685</json:string>
<json:string>1957</json:string>
<json:string>1692</json:string>
<json:string>1709</json:string>
<json:string>1711</json:string>
<json:string>1700s</json:string>
<json:string>1700</json:string>
<json:string>1697</json:string>
<json:string>1705</json:string>
<json:string>in the Seventeenth Century</json:string>
<json:string>1693</json:string>
<json:string>1701</json:string>
<json:string>1698</json:string>
<json:string>1670s</json:string>
<json:string>1647</json:string>
<json:string>1676</json:string>
<json:string>1706</json:string>
<json:string>1694</json:string>
<json:string>1683</json:string>
<json:string>1713</json:string>
<json:string>1699</json:string>
<json:string>1688</json:string>
<json:string>1690</json:string>
<json:string>1680s</json:string>
<json:string>1695</json:string>
<json:string>1703</json:string>
</date>
<geogName></geogName>
<orgName><json:string>This party</json:string>
<json:string>See Edward Corp</json:string>
<json:string>Georgia Cowart</json:string>
<json:string>City University</json:string>
<json:string>American Musicological Society</json:string>
<json:string>and Georgia Cowart</json:string>
<json:string>Royal Academy of Music</json:string>
</orgName>
<orgName_funder></orgName_funder>
<orgName_provider></orgName_provider>
<persName><json:string>Emmanuel Le Roy</json:string>
<json:string>Henri Auguste</json:string>
<json:string>Guillaume Anffrie</json:string>
<json:string>Orléans</json:string>
<json:string>Hyacinthe de Gauréaul</json:string>
<json:string>Robert Isherwood</json:string>
<json:string>de Lully</json:string>
<json:string>Sourches</json:string>
<json:string>Bontemps</json:string>
<json:string>François Fossard</json:string>
<json:string>La Lande</json:string>
<json:string>Antonio Favalli</json:string>
<json:string>St-Simon</json:string>
<json:string>Michel</json:string>
<json:string>Michel-Richard de La</json:string>
<json:string>Louis Ladvocat</json:string>
<json:string>Marie de La</json:string>
<json:string>Philippe de Courcillon</json:string>
<json:string>Paris Opéra</json:string>
<json:string>André Blanc</json:string>
<json:string>André Danchet</json:string>
<json:string>Pascal Colasse</json:string>
<json:string>David Gordon</json:string>
<json:string>Jean-Baptiste Anet</json:string>
<json:string>Amelie Elisabeth</json:string>
<json:string>de La</json:string>
<json:string>Marie-Rosalie de Brouilly</json:string>
<json:string>Louis de Bourbon</json:string>
<json:string>Clerambault</json:string>
<json:string>E. Thomas</json:string>
<json:string>Antoine de Noailles</json:string>
<json:string>Bertrand de Broussillon</json:string>
<json:string>La Fare</json:string>
<json:string>Arthur Goldhammner</json:string>
<json:string>Louise Françoise</json:string>
<json:string>Claude Ouvrard</json:string>
<json:string>Olympe de Brouilly</json:string>
<json:string>de Conty</json:string>
<json:string>Jean-François Regnard</json:string>
<json:string>Entrée</json:string>
<json:string>Elizabeth Charlotte</json:string>
<json:string>Yves Coirault</json:string>
<json:string>Nicolas Francine</json:string>
<json:string>Jean-Baptiste Dubos</json:string>
<json:string>Claude Tannevot</json:string>
<json:string>M. A. Geoffroy</json:string>
<json:string>Marc-Antoine Charpentier</json:string>
<json:string>Rebecca Harris-Warrick</json:string>
<json:string>de Palatine</json:string>
<json:string>La Sagesse</json:string>
<json:string>de Toulouse</json:string>
<json:string>Catherine Massip</json:string>
<json:string>M. Destouches</json:string>
<json:string>Henry Desmarest</json:string>
<json:string>Louis François</json:string>
<json:string>La Vallières</json:string>
<json:string>Eduard Bodemann</json:string>
<json:string>La Ferté</json:string>
<json:string>La Motte-Houdancourt</json:string>
<json:string>Evrard Titon</json:string>
<json:string>Alceste Alceste</json:string>
<json:string>Christine-Antoinette Desmares</json:string>
<json:string>Marthe Le Rochois</json:string>
<json:string>Marcel Langlois</json:string>
<json:string>Adrien-Maurice de Noailles</json:string>
<json:string>Rose A. Pruiksma</json:string>
<json:string>Maurice Barthélemy</json:string>
<json:string>François Couperin</json:string>
<json:string>Emile Campardon</json:string>
<json:string>Mark Greengrass</json:string>
<json:string>La Musique</json:string>
<json:string>Duchesse</json:string>
<json:string>Marly Marly</json:string>
<json:string>André Campra</json:string>
<json:string>Dangeau</json:string>
<json:string>Dom Quichotte</json:string>
<json:string>Lois Rosow</json:string>
<json:string>Mercure</json:string>
<json:string>Paolo Lorenzani</json:string>
<json:string>L. von Ranke</json:string>
<json:string>Court Ballets</json:string>
<json:string>Madeleine Garros</json:string>
<json:string>Pierre Mignard</json:string>
<json:string>Even Elisabeth</json:string>
<json:string>de Cosnac</json:string>
<json:string>Edouard Pontal</json:string>
<json:string>Destouches</json:string>
<json:string>La Flore</json:string>
<json:string>Jérôme de La</json:string>
<json:string>Nicolas Bernier</json:string>
<json:string>de Condé</json:string>
<json:string>Denis Herlin</json:string>
<json:string>Italian</json:string>
<json:string>George J. Buelow</json:string>
<json:string>Don Quixtote</json:string>
<json:string>Palatine</json:string>
<json:string>de Brionne</json:string>
<json:string>Roger Mettam</json:string>
<json:string>Barbara Nestola</json:string>
<json:string>Madame</json:string>
<json:string>La Venitienne</json:string>
<json:string>La Vallière</json:string>
<json:string>William S. Brooks</json:string>
<json:string>Dauphin</json:string>
<json:string>Pierre Mélèse</json:string>
<json:string>Chine Mascarade</json:string>
<json:string>Honoré-Charles de Lunes</json:string>
<json:string>La Comédie</json:string>
<json:string>de Dangeau</json:string>
<json:string>Florent Dancourt</json:string>
<json:string>Journal</json:string>
<json:string>Maurice Bathélemy</json:string>
<json:string>Court Society</json:string>
<json:string>Jean Matho</json:string>
<json:string>Arthur Tilley</json:string>
<json:string>Catherine Cessac</json:string>
<json:string>Edmund Jephcott</json:string>
<json:string>La Barre</json:string>
<json:string>de Conti</json:string>
<json:string>Olivier Amiel</json:string>
<json:string>Charles Elliott</json:string>
<json:string>François Bluche</json:string>
<json:string>Virginia Scott</json:string>
<json:string>Nicolas-François Blondel</json:string>
<json:string>M. G. Brunet</json:string>
<json:string>Armand-Charles de Gontaut</json:string>
<json:string>Maurepas</json:string>
<json:string>Jean-Paul Montagnier</json:string>
<json:string>Chaulieu</json:string>
<json:string>Elisabeth-Charlotte</json:string>
<json:string>Roy Ladurie</json:string>
<json:string>Philidor</json:string>
<json:string>La Motte</json:string>
<json:string>Dom Caffiaux</json:string>
<json:string>Monseigneur</json:string>
<json:string>Luigi Rossi</json:string>
<json:string>Chine Lully</json:string>
<json:string>Sophie von Hannover</json:string>
<json:string>Duc de SaintSimon</json:string>
<json:string>Philippe</json:string>
<json:string>James R. Anthony</json:string>
<json:string>Philippe de Vendôme</json:string>
<json:string>La Comédie-Française</json:string>
<json:string>André Danican</json:string>
<json:string>Jean-Claude Gillier</json:string>
<json:string>Louis-Gaston Fleuriau</json:string>
<json:string>Sharon Kettering</json:string>
<json:string>Marie Adelaide</json:string>
<json:string>Teobaldo de Gatti</json:string>
<json:string>François Parfaict</json:string>
<json:string>Norbert Elias</json:string>
<json:string>Louis Pecour</json:string>
<json:string>F. C. Dancourt</json:string>
<json:string>Robert M. Isherwood</json:string>
<json:string>Lully</json:string>
<json:string>Ludwig Holland</json:string>
</persName>
<placeName><json:string>Monaco</json:string>
<json:string>Venice</json:string>
<json:string>Paris</json:string>
<json:string>Chantilly</json:string>
<json:string>Fontainebleau</json:string>
<json:string>Meudon</json:string>
<json:string>Portland</json:string>
<json:string>Versailles</json:string>
<json:string>Europe</json:string>
<json:string>Brussels</json:string>
<json:string>Chartres</json:string>
<json:string>Amsterdam</json:string>
<json:string>Toulouse</json:string>
<json:string>Rotterdam</json:string>
<json:string>York</json:string>
<json:string>Livry-le-Château</json:string>
<json:string>Pierre</json:string>
<json:string>France</json:string>
<json:string>Cambridge</json:string>
<json:string>Italy</json:string>
<json:string>Augsburg</json:string>
<json:string>Spain</json:string>
</placeName>
<ref_url><json:string>http://www.cmbv.com/ images/banq/cp/cp</json:string>
</ref_url>
<ref_bibl><json:string>Cambridge, 1929</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 2002</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1713</json:string>
<json:string>Stuttgart, 1867</json:string>
<json:string>Leipzig, 1877</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1698</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1856</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1729</json:string>
<json:string>November 1697</json:string>
<json:string>University of Michigan, 1999</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1768</json:string>
<json:string>Septembre 1699 (Paris, 1699)</json:string>
<json:string>Stanford University, 2000</json:string>
<json:string>June 1697</json:string>
<json:string>New York, 1992</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1993</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1855</json:string>
<json:string>Oxford, 1988</json:string>
<json:string>New York, 1986</json:string>
<json:string>June 1700</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1700</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1908</json:string>
<json:string>May 1680</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1981</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1705</json:string>
<json:string>July 1688</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1696</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1882</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1859</json:string>
<json:string>Princeton, 1994</json:string>
<json:string>Chicago, 2001</json:string>
<json:string>New York, 1990</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1695</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1760</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1743</json:string>
<json:string>Octobre 1699 (Paris, 1699)</json:string>
<json:string>December 1698</json:string>
<json:string>Bourg-la-Reine, 1996</json:string>
<json:string>Versailles, 2004</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1934</json:string>
<json:string>Tübingen, 1984</json:string>
<json:string>Hanover, 1891</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1683</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1939</json:string>
<json:string>New York, 1983</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1874</json:string>
<json:string>Ithaca, 1973</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1719</json:string>
<json:string>Paris, 1989</json:string>
<json:string>July 1700</json:string>
<json:string>Tours, 1983</json:string>
</ref_bibl>
<bibl></bibl>
</unitex>
</namedEntities>
<ark><json:string>ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K</json:string>
</ark>
<categories><wos></wos>
<scienceMetrix><json:string>arts & humanities</json:string>
<json:string>visual & performing arts</json:string>
<json:string>music</json:string>
</scienceMetrix>
<scopus><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string>
<json:string>2 - Arts and Humanities</json:string>
<json:string>3 - Music</json:string>
</scopus>
<inist><json:string>sciences humaines et sociales</json:string>
<json:string>art et archeologie</json:string>
</inist>
</categories>
<publicationDate>2005</publicationDate>
<copyrightDate>2005</copyrightDate>
<doi><json:string>10.1093/ml/gci069</json:string>
</doi>
<id>87662BE30817DAD2358CACD88560DE92D26EFF74</id>
<score>1</score>
<fulltext><json:item><extension>pdf</extension>
<original>true</original>
<mimetype>application/pdf</mimetype>
<uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/fulltext.pdf</uri>
</json:item>
<json:item><extension>zip</extension>
<original>false</original>
<mimetype>application/zip</mimetype>
<uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/bundle.zip</uri>
</json:item>
<istex:fulltextTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/fulltext.tei"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700</title>
<respStmt><resp>Références bibliographiques récupérées via GROBID</resp>
<name resp="ISTEX-API">ISTEX-API (INIST-CNRS)</name>
</respStmt>
</titleStmt>
<publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority>
<publisher scheme="https://publisher-list.data.istex.fr">Oxford University Press</publisher>
<availability><licence><p>© The Author (2005). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.</p>
</licence>
<p scheme="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-GTWS0RDP-M">oup</p>
</availability>
<date>2005</date>
</publicationStmt>
<notesStmt><note type="research-article" scheme="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</note>
<note type="journal" scheme="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</note>
</notesStmt>
<sourceDesc><biblStruct type="inbook"><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700</title>
<author xml:id="author-0000"><persName><forename type="first">Don</forename>
<surname>Fader</surname>
</persName>
</author>
<idno type="istex">87662BE30817DAD2358CACD88560DE92D26EFF74</idno>
<idno type="ark">ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K</idno>
<idno type="DOI">10.1093/ml/gci069</idno>
<idno type="local">069</idno>
</analytic>
<monogr><title level="j">Music and Letters</title>
<title level="j" type="abbrev">Music and Letters</title>
<idno type="pISSN">0027-4224</idno>
<idno type="eISSN">1477-4631</idno>
<idno type="publisher-id">musicj</idno>
<idno type="PublisherID-hwp">musicj</idno>
<imprint><publisher>Oxford University Press</publisher>
<date type="published" when="2005-08"></date>
<biblScope unit="volume">86</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="issue">3</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="page" from="380">380</biblScope>
<biblScope unit="page" to="413">413</biblScope>
</imprint>
</monogr>
</biblStruct>
</sourceDesc>
</fileDesc>
<profileDesc><creation><date>2005</date>
</creation>
<langUsage><language ident="en">en</language>
</langUsage>
<abstract xml:lang="en"><p>For George J. Buelow Beginning in the late 1680s, opposition to the conservative cultural politics of Louis XIV coalesced in an influential court clique around Louis XIV’s son, Louis (1661–1711). In contrast to the king’s anti-theatrical moralizing and heritage of supporting classicism, the Dauphin and his cabale embraced aspects of the arts that Louis XIV had rejected: the Comédie-Italienne, Italian music, and the operas of André Campra. The Dauphin not only supported the Opéra and encouraged Louis XIV to reinstitute the Comédie-Italienne, but his cabale also staged entertainments at court in which commedia dell’arte and Italian music featured. The group’s support for Campra during the early phase of his operatic career is reflected by three fêtes commissioned from him in 1697–8 by nobles seeking to cultivate members of the cabale as political patrons. The Dauphin’s importance as a protector of the theatre was publicly acknowledged in the prologue to Campra’s Le Carnaval de Venise (1699) and in other works of the period. The activities of the cabale and its extended political clientele thus played a significant role in the French fad for Italian music and comedy of the late 1690s, and demonstrate the influence of courtly politics in the musical life of the era.</p>
</abstract>
</profileDesc>
<revisionDesc><change when="2005-08">Published</change>
<change xml:id="refBibs-istex" who="#ISTEX-API" when="2017-10-6">References added</change>
</revisionDesc>
</teiHeader>
</istex:fulltextTEI>
<json:item><extension>txt</extension>
<original>false</original>
<mimetype>text/plain</mimetype>
<uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/fulltext.txt</uri>
</json:item>
</fulltext>
<metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus oup, element #text not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="US-ASCII"</istex:xmlDeclaration>
<istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType>
<istex:document><article xml:lang="en" article-type="research-article">

  <front>

    <journal-meta>

<journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">musicj</journal-id>

      <journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">musicj</journal-id>

      <journal-title>Music and Letters</journal-title>

      <abbrev-journal-title abbrev-type="publisher">Music and Letters</abbrev-journal-title>

      <issn pub-type="ppub">0027-4224</issn>

      <issn pub-type="epub">1477-4631</issn>

      <publisher>

        <publisher-name>Oxford University Press</publisher-name>

      </publisher>

    </journal-meta>

    <article-meta>

      <article-id pub-id-type="other">069</article-id>

      <article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.1093/ml/gci069</article-id>

      <article-categories>

        <subj-group subj-group-type="heading">

          <subject>Articles</subject>

        </subj-group>

      </article-categories>

      <title-group>

        <article-title>The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700</article-title>

      </title-group>

      <contrib-group>

        <contrib contrib-type="author">

          <name>

            <surname>Fader</surname>

            <given-names>Don</given-names>

          </name>

        </contrib>

      </contrib-group>

      <pub-date pub-type="ppub">

        <month>August</month>

        <year>2005</year>

      </pub-date>

      <volume>86</volume>

      <issue>3</issue>

      <fpage>380</fpage>

      <lpage>413</lpage>

      <permissions>

        <copyright-statement>© The Author (2005). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.</copyright-statement>

        <copyright-year>2005</copyright-year>

      </permissions>

      <abstract xml:lang="en">

        <p>

          <disp-quote>

            <p>

              <italic>For George J. Buelow</italic>

            </p>

          </disp-quote>

        </p>

        <p>Beginning in the late 1680s, opposition to the conservative cultural politics of Louis XIV coalesced in an influential court clique around Louis XIV’s son, Louis (1661–1711). In contrast to the king’s anti-theatrical moralizing and heritage of supporting classicism, the Dauphin and his <italic>cabale</italic>
 embraced aspects of the arts that Louis XIV had rejected: the Comédie-Italienne, Italian music, and the operas of André Campra. The Dauphin not only supported the Opéra and encouraged Louis XIV to reinstitute the Comédie-Italienne, but his <italic>cabale</italic>
 also staged entertainments at court in which commedia dell’arte and Italian music featured. The group’s support for Campra during the early phase of his operatic career is reflected by three fêtes commissioned from him in 1697–8 by nobles seeking to cultivate members of the <italic>cabale</italic>
 as political patrons. The Dauphin’s importance as a protector of the theatre was publicly acknowledged in the prologue to Campra’s <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise</italic>
 (1699) and in other works of the period. The activities of the <italic>cabale</italic>
 and its extended political clientele thus played a significant role in the French fad for Italian music and comedy of the late 1690s, and demonstrate the influence of courtly politics in the musical life of the era.</p>

      </abstract>

      <custom-meta-wrap>

        <custom-meta>

          <meta-name>hwp-legacy-fpage</meta-name>

          <meta-value>380</meta-value>

        </custom-meta>

        <custom-meta>

          <meta-name>cover-date</meta-name>

          <meta-value>August 2005</meta-value>

        </custom-meta>

        <custom-meta>

          <meta-name>hwp-legacy-dochead</meta-name>

          <meta-value>Article</meta-value>

        </custom-meta>

      </custom-meta-wrap>

    </article-meta>

  </front>

  <body>

    <p>A<sc>lthough it has often been observed</sc>
 that the vacuum of court entertainments in the 1690s was partly filled by younger pleasure-seeking members of the royal family, the activities of these princes and princesses have largely been viewed as marginal in a Versailles dominated by the <italic>dévots</italic>
 surrounding Madame de Maintenon and the king. The marginal position of the royal princes was given metaphorical shape in 1957, when Maurice Barthélemy dubbed their circles ‘satellite courts’ for their position orbiting the <italic>Roi soleil</italic>
. The concept was adopted by Robert Isherwood, whose <italic>Music in the Service of the King</italic>
 has in turn served as the basis for many discussions of French musical culture of this period.<xref rid="FN1"><sup>1</sup>
</xref>
 The tendency of these princes to ‘escape from Versailles’ to Paris and their own châteaux in order to indulge in music and theatre has contributed to the association of their activities with the musical life of ‘la ville’ rather than ‘la cour’, that is, as part of a Parisian musical culture celebrating pleasure and novelty that developed alongside of—or even in opposition to—the staid artistic life of Versailles.<xref rid="FN2"><sup>2</sup>
</xref>
 However, the political and musical roles played by members of the royal family, both at court and in the interchange between Versailles and Paris, were considerably more complex and influential than these formulations allow.</p>

    <p>Historians from Norbert Elias to Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie have recognized that the court of Louis XIV, far from being a system controlled despotically by the head, was an intricate network of conflicting interests held in check, but not entirely dominated, by the king.<xref rid="FN3"><sup>3</sup>
</xref>
 In this court system, other politically powerful players—many of them Louis’s own relatives—represented significant counterweights to the crown, a fact recognized by the king himself, who attempted to minimize their influence as much as possible. The political clash of wills between Louis and his family was played out in continual courtly intrigue that fills the pages of such famous chroniclers as the marquis de Dangeau and the duc de Saint-Simon. In this courtly environment, therefore, ‘artistic patronage’ meant not only direct commissioning of works or financial support of artists and musicians, but also the indirect influence of powerful figures in the system of court clientele: the ‘protection’ to which many dedications refer. This ‘protection’ amounts to an association with an important patron whose influence in support of a favoured artist or institution—either actual or potential—had the power to sway others in their favour, thus indirectly contributing to their success. In return, the patron derived notoriety and prestige in the courtly pecking order from his association with a famous artist or work of art. This latter form of courtly patronage was at least as important as any monetary exchange, although more difficult for the historian to trace.<xref rid="FN4"><sup>4</sup>
</xref>
</p>

    <p>Because of the courtly political implications of artistic patronage, the tensions between the king and the members of his own family had broader ramifications for the musical life of the period. Indeed, Louis XIV’s favouring of classical themes and the style of Lully as symbols of royal authority was increasingly opposed by his powerful relatives, who cultivated alternative artistic styles.<xref rid="FN5"><sup>5</sup>
</xref>
 The patronage of these members of the royal family may not have resulted in the impressive spectacles produced during the height of Louis’s sponsorship, but it was highly influential in the artistic life of both <italic>la cour</italic>
 and <italic>la ville</italic>
, between which many members of the royal family shuttled on a regular basis. This influence came not so much from a single central ‘solar’ patron who sponsored <italic>grands divertissements</italic>
 designed to reflect his <italic>gloire</italic>
 and carry his memory into posterity (and hence be considered historically significant) but rather from a loosely associated but hierarchically organized network of princes and their courtly clienteles. None of the members of this network had the financial resources of the king or the same long-term political interests, but in the absence of royal entertainments, their patronage was largely devoted to their own pleasure and to the cultivation of their courtly political connections, either to patrons above them in the hierarchy or clients below. Part of this network even acquired a degree of organization at Versailles itself in the circle of courtiers around Louis XIV’s son, the Grand Dauphin (Louis de Bourbon, called ‘Monseigneur’, 1661–1711). Not as obsessed with dominance as his father, Monseigneur fostered quite a different kind of cultural environment, not only organizing entertainments himself but also encouraging his clients and courtiers to provide them for him.</p>

    <p>The ‘cabale du Dauphin’, a major political clique described by the duc de St-Simon and others, was part of the complex network of competing political elements at the royal court traced by Le Roy Ladurie. During the late 1690s and the early 1700s, the group around Monseigneur included some of the most important musical amateurs at court: Marie-Anne, princesse de Conty (1666–1739), Philippe II d’Orléans (1674–1723), and a number of others (see below, Table <xref rid="T9">1</xref>
).<xref rid="FN6"><sup>6</sup>
</xref>
 This court <italic>cabale</italic>
 was not purely ‘political’, as Le Roy Ladurie points out, but was held together by ties of kinship, political patronage, and friendship. Its activities demonstrate that it was also united by common leisure and artistic interests, which, in the cut-throat competition of the royal court, must have been at least as important as friendship. Not only did Monseigneur, Philippe II d’Orléans, and a number of other group members assert themselves as an influential sphere of resistance to the moral tone set by Louis XIV through their risqué and even libertine behaviour, they also exerted a very important counter-current to the king and to the ‘official’ culture of Versailles in which the aesthetic and the political were closely entwined.</p>

    <p>The nature of this political/aesthetic tension at court had important implications for musical life on the Versailles–Paris axis. The musical core of the <italic>cabale</italic>
—Monseigneur, the princesse de Conty, and Philippe II d’Orléans—formed sometime before 1695 during the very period in which the cultural life of Versailles had reached its nadir, went on to play a central role in the heady years following the War of the League of Augsburg (concluded in 1696–7), when Louis XIV began to stage more productions at court in order to please the youngest generation of the royal family. The <italic>cabale</italic>
 also influenced the musical culture of this era through their cultivation of aspects of French artistic life that had been rejected by Louis XIV: the Comédie-Italienne and the Opéra in general, and André Campra and Italian music in particular. The group’s interest in these aspects is evident not only from their patronage but also from the entertainments sponsored by and given for them beginning around the premiere of Campra’s <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
 and Louis XIV’s disbanding of the Comédie-Italienne in 1697. The Comédie-Italienne was a natural rallying point for opponents of Louis XIV’s anti-theatrical stance because the king had commanded the company’s closure for its licentious language and postures, and for its satire of Madame de Maintenon.<xref rid="FN7"><sup>7</sup>
</xref>
</p>

    <p>Indeed, themes associated with the Comédie-Italienne played a substantial role in Campra’s <italic>opéras-ballets</italic>
, and Georgia Cowart links their use to a ‘subversive’ opposition to the politics and person of Louis XIV. Although she sees this trend—along with its association with Carnival themes of satire, libertinism, and inversion of monarchical symbols—as an elevation of ‘public <italic>fête</italic>
 opposed to court entertainment’, its adoption by the Dauphin and his clients shows it in a somewhat different light.<xref rid="FN8"><sup>8</sup>
</xref>
 As Louis XIV and Madame de Maintenon encouraged a pious conformism at court, circumscribing speech and behaviour in a way that was hostile to courtiers’ traditional freedoms as well as the dramatic arts they enjoyed, the Dauphin’s behaviour and his open support of theatre and opera marked him as a political patron to those repelled by Louis XIV’s new order. The Opéra remained as much an aristocratic playground as a public space, and it also retained close ties to the royal court, particularly to the Dauphin, who not only attended frequently but also counted its director, Jean Nicolas Francine, as one of his court clients. The <italic>cabale</italic>
’s support of the works of Campra and Italian music thus reflected not only a personal desire for pleasures denied at Versailles, but a broader resistance to royal attempts to influence culture, of which the closing of the Italian theatre was the most visible sign. The interest in theatre and opera on the part of several members of his own family, and their success at drawing followers, forced the king to moderate his position, demonstrating that the musical patronage of the period, although functioning within the hierarchical structure of Louis XIV’s political system, nevertheless had currents of influence that flowed from pinnacle to base and vice versa.</p>

    <p>The first part of this essay sets the scene by presenting the political aspects of Louis XIV’s tastes and artistic patronage from the late 1680s onwards, particularly his support of Lalande, which served as a foil for the activities of the Dauphin and his <italic>cabale</italic>
 in their support of Campra. I then turn to the courtly political aspects of Monseigneur’s patronage, particularly tensions with his father regarding the propriety of court entertainments and the Dauphin’s attempts to take over the king’s largely abandoned role at the centre of musical and theatrical events in the late 1680s and 1690s. The third section introduces the central membership of Dauphin’s musical <italic>cabale</italic>
, who brought their own clientele to his service and thus extended the sphere of the group’s influence. The remainder of the essay presents the artistic activities and patronage of the <italic>cabale</italic>
 in rough chronological order, focusing on their participation in a series of fêtes with music by Campra, and their cultivation of the same elements of exoticism, satire, Italian music, and commedia dell’arte found in the composer’s <italic>opéras-ballets</italic>
, particularly in the group’s carnival <italic>mascarades</italic>
 of 1699–1700. The cultural influence of the <italic>cabale</italic>
 culminated in those same years, and Monseigneur’s importance as a protector of the theatre was publicly acknowledged in a series of plays and operas (including Campra’s <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise</italic>
) that featured Italian music and comedy.</p>

    <sec id="SEC1">

      <title>ITALIAN MUSIC AND THE POLITICS OF LOUIS XIV’S PATRONAGE IN THE POST-LULLY PERIOD</title>

      <p>Although the king generally ceased to play a major role in court entertainments from the mid-1680s onwards, his indirect influence on the artistic activity at Versailles and the other royal palaces continued undiminished because of his importance in the system of political patronage. One of the king’s great successes was the degree of control he exerted over the court hierarchy by manipulating royal patronage—both real and honorary—to retain courtiers as political clients. The constant competition for the king’s favour influenced the actions of even the highest nobility, and those seeking to cultivate their relationship with him took to aping his interests, from hunting and dancing to religious devotion. His increasing piety in the 1680s caused a shift in tone at Versailles, and courtiers were observed ‘saying their <italic>Pater noster</italic>
 in the galleries, as in a convent’ in their desire to please their king.<xref rid="FN9"><sup>9</sup>
</xref>
 Courtiers’ feigned piety created the phenomenon of <italic>faux dévots</italic>
, those who pretended to be devout when at court but lived for their own pleasure elsewhere.</p>

      <p>Louis XIV’s artistic tastes continued to play a dominant role in setting the tone of events at court and influencing the musicians who worked for him. In earlier years, his interest in matters of musical style was such that he trained Lalande to write French music to his taste.<xref rid="FN10"><sup>10</sup>
</xref>
 The personal influence of the king probably accounts for the different ways in which Lalande set French and Latin texts: he freely incorporated Italian stylistic traits in his Latin music beginning in the early 1700s, but his secular music from the period generally conforms to the style of Lully.<xref rid="FN11"><sup>11</sup>
</xref>
 That Lalande’s choice of style continued to be influenced by the tastes of his patron is evident from Louis XIV’s attempts to dissuade his composer from updating his motets to a more Italianate and contrapuntal style, which did not conform to their original (and more French) ‘graces and naive beauties’:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>[Lalande] began to make some changes in many of his old motets. His Majesty, who noticed [them], stopped him from continuing, partly to make clearer the progress that the author had made under his gaze, partly to preserve the graces and naive beauties of his early productions, and partly because he feared that this occupation would take up too much of his time and prevent him from composing new things.<xref rid="FN12"><sup>12</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>The king’s evident intention was to remind Lalande of his taste for a more simple melodic style and to dissuade him from giving in to the fad for the more Italianate sacred music composed around the turn of the century by such figures as Campra and Jean-Baptiste Morin. It was probably for this same reason, according to Titon du Tillet, that Louis refused Henry Desmarest’s request to study in Italy. Titon du Tillet claimed that he had heard this story directly from Destouches, to whom the king had personally voiced his preference for the French style:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>I heard this story concerning Desmarets from M. Destouches, Surintendant de la Musique du Roi, to whom Louis XIV kindly told it in pointing out that he was satisfied with the music of <italic>Issé</italic>
—Destouches’s first opera, which he had performed at Fontainebleau in 1699 [<italic>recte</italic>
 1697] before His Majesty—the king making known to him that his taste was only for French music whose melodies are natural, noble, gracious, and well varied.<xref rid="FN13"><sup>13</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>Louis’s dislike of the Italian style goes back to the unpopular cultivation of Italian opera by Cardinal Mazarin, and although Italian music and texts appeared in court ballets early in the king’s reign, they were largely employed as an exotic or comic foil to superior French taste.<xref rid="FN14"><sup>14</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>The king’s preference for the ‘natural and noble’ French style was well known and was used as an example of good taste by those opposed to the influx of Italian cantatas and sonatas. Lecerf de la Viéville, for example, gleefully reported that Louis rejected the playing of the Corelli-trained Jean-Baptiste Anet (a violinist in the service of Philippe II d’Orléans) by having one of his own violinists play an air by Lully: the latter’s style, stated the king, was ‘my taste’.<xref rid="FN15"><sup>15</sup>
</xref>
 The taste for Lully’s music was evident on the numerous occasions when the composer’s operas were performed at royal functions in excerpts, not always pleasing members of the court. Even Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans (mother of Philippe II d’Orléans), who expressed a preference for Lully’s operas, grew tired of the constant revivals, complaining in a letter written from the royal château at Marly in 1709 that ‘in a half an hour, we will go to the music, which is only old warhorses [<italic>alte leyern</italic>
], as only the old operas of Lully are sung. It often happens that this puts me to sleep.’<xref rid="FN16"><sup>16</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>After the death of Lully, music at court was also influenced by the king’s increasingly marked lack of interest in secular music. This was a result of the machinations of Mme de Maintenon, whom Louis had secretly married in 1683 and whose influence on the artistic life of Versailles grew throughout the 1680s.<xref rid="FN17"><sup>17</sup>
</xref>
 A highly devout woman, she was opposed to the theatre because she believed its emphasis on love encouraged illicit liaisons. She particularly detested opera because the music made the subject matter even more attractive to the audience, and she encouraged Louis XIV to abandon it. By bringing the influence of the king’s confessors and clergy to bear on him, she gradually managed to change his opinion, and he began to attend fewer and fewer spectacles at court in order to set a good example to his courtiers. As her influence grew, Maintenon gathered around her a circle of clients whose piety earned them the name <italic>parti des dévots</italic>
. This party played just as important a role in the artistic life of the court as in the political, and Maintenon attempted to steer the royal family’s entertainments away from the pagan subjects she despised by organizing private musical gatherings and staging works on sacred subjects, including Racine’s <italic>Esther</italic>
 and <italic>Athalie</italic>
.</p>

      <p>Maintenon’s influence on the king and the artistic life of the court had its limits, however. Louis knew the tastes of his courtiers all too well and he never acted on her recommendation that operas and plays be forbidden or replaced by sacred genres. Indeed, she complained that although ‘he once took extreme pleasure in the beautiful songs of <italic>Esther</italic>
 and <italic>Athalie</italic>
, he is practically ashamed to have them sung because he realizes that this bores the courtiers’. She likewise reported that the king ‘fears to establish a novelty that does not please the public’.<xref rid="FN18"><sup>18</sup>
</xref>
 Louis’s pragmatic solution to this political and artistic problem was to attempt to change the culture of his court by pointing out to others both directly and by example that such pleasures endangered one’s soul, and by turning his attention to sacred music.<xref rid="FN19"><sup>19</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>Lalande in particular benefited from the ascendancy of the <italic>parti des dévots</italic>
 because of his reputation as a composer of church music. According to Dom Caffiaux, Lalande had ‘always maintained himself against Campra’, being the only composer whose morals were acceptable to Louis XIV. The old king ‘did not appreciate talents as much as he appreciated people’ who possessed them, and Campra was suspect because he worked in the realm of the theatre:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>Admired in Paris and in the provinces, [Campra] had the misfortune not to please at court and to see himself deprived by La Lande of a place of honour to which he had a right if only musical learning had decided the question. [This is] because at court, La Lande (and this is an anecdote that merits being preserved) always maintained himself against Campra, against Paris, and against the provinces, and in favour of the moral and compositional moderation that was required to flatter the sober and religious taste of a great king who did not like talents—of which he was nevertheless the magnificent rewarder—as much as he esteemed people, and who believed it necessary to public decency, to the majesty of religion, and to the crown to prefer the golden mediocrity of La Lande, who was religiously limited to sacred music, to the brilliant and ingenious fecundity of Campra, who with too much licence and brilliance, had the misfortune to excel in the profane after having excelled in the sacred.<xref rid="FN20"><sup>20</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>Indeed, in an unsuccessful attempt to hide his involvement in the theatre while Maître de musique at the cathedral of Nôtre Dame, Campra published <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
 (1697) anonymously and <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise</italic>
 (1699) under the name of his brother. According to a now famous epigram in the Chansonnier Maurepas, Campra had to give up his post after being found out by the archbishop of Paris, Louis Antoine de Noailles, a close friend of Madame de Maintenon and a staunch member of the <italic>parti des dévots</italic>
.<xref rid="FN21"><sup>21</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>Caffiaux’s description of the king’s patronage of Lalande as being determined both by personal and artistic factors—although clearly prejudiced in favour of Campra—nevertheless explains Louis’s choice to appoint Lalande to the post of Surintendant of the <italic>musique de la chambre</italic>
 and eventually to all four quarters as Sous-maître of the royal chapel. The practice of concentrating control over particular royal institutions in the hands of one man is consistent with Norbert Elias’s analysis of Louis’s general modus operandi in political patronage: he preferred to invest power in those who were dependent on him.<xref rid="FN22"><sup>22</sup>
</xref>
 Thus Louis XIV had many reasons to retain Lalande as a client and to reward him with control of music in the royal chapel and chamber: his formation under the king himself, his sole dependence on the king’s patronage, his dedication to the French style in secular music, his ‘morals’, and his devotion to sacred music rather than opera. The reasons for Louis’s patronage of Lalande and his lack of interest in figures such as Campra would have been a bell-wether for other composers who sought royal favour, and a warning to those who attempted to compose in a manner that was not in accordance with the monarch’s tastes and religious sympathies.</p>

      <p>At the same time, royal musical patronage did not represent an absolute authority even at Versailles. Lalande, like Lully, was perfectly capable of composing in the Italian vein, and did in fact begin to adopt a style more in line with the sacred music of his Parisian colleagues in spite of his patron’s initial opposition. Louis’s largely passive attempts to influence the musical culture of his court were thus only partly effective because they were actively opposed by members of the royal family whose influence at court, although not as great as the king’s, was nevertheless significant.</p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC2">

      <title>THE GRAND DAUPHIN AS MUSICAL PATRON</title>

      <p>Monseigneur (see Pl. <xref rid="P1">1</xref>
) has achieved a somewhat unjust historical image as dullard through the complaints of his zealous tutor, the abbé Bossuet, and the <italic>Mémoires</italic>
 of the duc de St-Simon. The Dauphin evidently found himself in a delicate political situation that required considerable circumspection. Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans, who knew him intimately, claimed that he was not stupid but rather extremely diffident: he ‘dissimulates dreadfully and very seldom says what he thinks’, she reported in one of her letters. A devotee of hunting, gambling, and other pleasures, the Dauphin ‘knew a great deal but...concentrated all his energies on unlearning it all, for such was his “good pleasure”’.<xref rid="FN23"><sup>23</sup>
</xref>
 Monseigneur nevertheless inherited his father’s keen interest in music, and had at least a basic level of musical education. One of his tutors, Nicolas-François Blondel, published a <italic>Cours de mathématique contenant divers traitez composez et enseignez à Monsieur le Dauphin</italic>
 (Paris, 1683), which treated practical and theoretical aspects of music. The <italic>Mercure galant</italic>
 reported in May of 1680 that Monseigneur had been inspired by his talented bride, Marie-Anne-Christine of Bavaria (d. 1690), to learn to sing, and could apparently do so at sight.<xref rid="FN24"><sup>24</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>

        <fig id="P1" position="float">

          <label>P<sc>l.</sc>
1.</label>

          <caption>

            <p>Louis de Bourbon (‘Monseigneur’), 1661–1711 (collection of the author)</p>

          </caption>

          <graphic xlink:href="musicj069.pl1"></graphic>

        </fig>

      </p>

      <p>The Dauphin was clearly uncomfortable at Versailles, where he spent a lifetime under the thumb of his father, and the strict etiquette and lack of entertainments left him bored. According to St-Simon, the ‘malaise’ he felt there caused him to spend considerable time away from the royal court beginning in the 1680s, travelling frequently to his country château at Meudon, where he enjoyed relative freedom. The absences of Monseigneur and his circle ‘divided the court’ and gave Louis XIV pause.<xref rid="FN25"><sup>25</sup>
</xref>
 To retain his son at court, Louis was forced not only to stage at least some entertainments, but also to make exceptions to the usual rules of precedence, allowing extra courtiers to visit the royal château of Marly (which was otherwise a privilege reserved for the royal family and those in the king’s favour) in order to provide the Dauphin with gambling partners.<xref rid="FN26"><sup>26</sup>
</xref>
 The king even contemplated granting Monseigneur’s mistress lodging at Versailles in order to retain his son, a move that would surely have caused consternation among the <italic>dévots</italic>
.<xref rid="FN27"><sup>27</sup>
</xref>
 Louis XIV also had to make concessions to the tastes of other members of the royal family, particularly to his brother, Philippe I d’Orléans (called ‘Monsieur’), who was Monseigneur’s regular gambling partner. At the height of piety at Versailles, in November 1697, Dangeau noted that ‘there has not been any [theatre] since Fontainebleau because Monsieur and Madame remained in Paris, and it is principally for them that the king wishes there to be plays’. In spite of the king’s efforts, Dangeau and others nevertheless record frequent absences of members of the royal family who were enjoying themselves in Paris or at their châteaux. Indeed, one evening during Carnival of 1697 the king was left practically alone ‘because’, as Dangeau writes, ‘Monseigneur, Monsieur and the princesses are all at Meudon or in Paris’.<xref rid="FN28"><sup>28</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>At the centre of the tensions between father and son lay the king’s attitude towards the propriety of court entertainments. Discussion became particularly heated when it came to the upbringing of the Dauphin’s children. In a transcribed conversation with one of her subordinates at the St-Cyr school in 1708, Madame de Maintenon expressed her concern about disagreements between the king and Monseigneur concerning the participation of the Dauphin’s popular daughter-in-law in a public ball at Meudon:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>I had the misfortune to be witness to a conversation between the King and the Dauphin that caused me extreme pain. I pass my life in trying to unite the two and removing anything that might cause a misunderstanding between them, and I see them ready to fall out over a bagatelle. Monseigneur wanted to give a public ball at Meudon where everyone could be generally admitted, and desired absolutely that the duchesse de Bourgogne attend. The king objected with a charming gentleness, demonstrating to him that this would not at all be suitable [because] as soon as he wanted the duchess to be there, all kinds of men and women would come. For her part, she found nothing objectionable, and was just as ready to dance with an actor as with a royal prince. I cannot tell you how much this dispute made me suffer...How I desire peace and unity in the royal family, and how I fear everything that could cause disharmony between a king of 70 and a dauphin of 46, and I am afraid that a civil war might be added to the general conflagration.<xref rid="FN29"><sup>29</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>Maintenon’s concern about the potential consequences of this spat over the Dauphin’s entertainment plans not only demonstrates the tension between father and son concerning royal participation in such entertainments, but also their political significance.</p>

      <p>Monseigneur’s interest in music positioned him as one of the most influential patrons and organizers of musical events in the period. During Lully’s last years, when Louis XIV showed little interest in opera, the Dauphin staged a number of ‘command performances’ of works by the composer and his successors. In 1685, for example, he commissioned Lully’s <italic>Temple de la Paix</italic>
, and two years later he requested a performance in Paris of <italic>Acis et Galatée</italic>
, originally written for the duc de Vendôme.<xref rid="FN30"><sup>30</sup>
</xref>
 The Dauphin continued to stage performances for his own court at the château of Meudon, where he journeyed frequently in the 1690s.<xref rid="FN31"><sup>31</sup>
</xref>
 During the late 1670s and early 1680s, Monseigneur also employed a <italic>musique</italic>
 for his private chapel, headed by Charpentier, who may have been at least partly responsible for the Dauphin’s interest in Italianate music.<xref rid="FN32"><sup>32</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>His interest in entertainments led him to take over from his father the role of host of the <italic>appartements</italic>
 (entertainments of music, games, and refreshments), which the king insisted reluctant courtiers attend ‘as if he himself were present’.<xref rid="FN33"><sup>33</sup>
</xref>
 Since the king himself had no desire for <italic>appartements</italic>
 or plays, they were cancelled during Monseigneur’s absences, further attracting the pleasure-loving crowd to Meudon.<xref rid="FN34"><sup>34</sup>
</xref>
 The Dauphin’s interest in music was well known, and was often used by those who wished to curry his favour, since, according to Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans, he ‘liked only those people who procured entertainment for him’. A number of these musical fêtes clearly made an impression on Monseigneur and he had them repeated at the royal court, undoubtedly contributing considerably to their composers’ renown.<xref rid="FN35"><sup>35</sup>
</xref>
 After the Dauphine’s death in 1690, Monseigneur also seems to have taken over some of her function as patron of the Comédie-Française and Comédie-Italienne. He often acted in their interest and had a hand in some decisions about membership, including the appointment of the two daughters of Florent Dancourt to the Comédie-Française.<xref rid="FN36"><sup>36</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>Monseigneur’s tastes were quite different from those of his father, and he demonstrated a liking for newer and more exotic music coupled with a certain indifference to that of Lully. During a visit to the Hôtel de Gramont on 9 June 1700, for example, Monseigneur was presented with a ‘fête à la Basque’ danced by Louis Pecour to the music of a ‘tambourin et un violon du Pays’. This was followed by a performance of ‘six of the best violins from the opera with a collection of the oldest and the most beautiful airs of the late Mr de Lully’. The prince showed little interest in the latter, however, and ‘only wanted to listen to them for a moment’, requesting ‘that the <italic>fête</italic>
 should finish as it had begun, in Basque style’. Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans’s report of this event indicates that the Dauphin’s favouring of this novel extra-national style over the old music of his national composer went hand in hand with a certain lack of interest in the etiquette of the royal court. She described the fête as being given exclusively for men and the duc de Gramont himself as having danced <italic>à la Basque</italic>
, adding disapprovingly that this dancing of many men without women organized by a duke and a grandfather was an unseemly sign of ‘new manners that were not customary before’.<xref rid="FN37"><sup>37</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>Some aspects of Monseigneur’s patronage reflected this interest in ‘new manners’ and placed him in opposition to the moral standards of his father. On 28 January 1688, for example, the king ordered changes in a comedy with ballet <italic>intermèdes</italic>
 that Monseigneur ‘had directed’, having found certain aspects of the production ‘too free’, in particular a scene in which duelling occurred, a practice that had been specifically banned by the king.<xref rid="FN38"><sup>38</sup>
</xref>
 The Dauphin likewise actively supported the Opéra and its leading figures—for both personal and artistic reasons—when the king’s interest in theatre and fête declined. From the late 1680s onwards, he acted as patron to the Opéra’s director, Jean Nicolas Francine, giving him 500 pistoles shortly after the death of Lully.<xref rid="FN39"><sup>39</sup>
</xref>
 In December 1698 he went so far as to encourage the king, whose dislike of spectacles was by then notorious, to continue Francine’s <italic>privilège</italic>
 to run the Opéra and to give pensions to Pascal Colasse and Marthe Le Rochois. This request was particularly unusual since, according to Dangeau, Monseigneur ‘had hardly ever asked the king for anything on behalf of particular individuals’:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>At Monseigneur’s request, the king continued Francine’s privilege for the Opéra for ten years, on the condition that he give a quarter of the profit to [Hyacinthe de Gauréaul] Dumont, Monseigneur’s <italic>écuyer</italic>
, and in addition that he give a pension of 1,000 écus to Colasse, one of the four Maîtres de la musique du roi, and 1,000 francs pension to Mlle Rochois, who sang for a long time at the Opéra to great applause. Monseigneur had hardly ever asked the king for anything on behalf of particular individuals, and he appeared to be quite interested in this matter.<xref rid="FN40"><sup>40</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>According to St-Simon, however, both Francine and his associate, Dumont, were clients of the Dauphin, and served him by procuring sexual partners since he was ‘peu capable’ when it came to ‘galanterie’.<xref rid="FN41"><sup>41</sup>
</xref>
 Monseigneur’s attachment to the ‘new manners’ was particularly evident in his participation in the fad among gentlemen in the 1690s for taking actresses and dancers as mistresses. The most infamous of these <italic>soulagements passagers</italic>
 was Christine-Antoinette Desmares of the Comédie-Française, whose beauty attracted the attention of a number of high-ranking nobles.<xref rid="FN42"><sup>42</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>The Dauphin’s patronage of the Opéra thus combined personal, political, and artistic interests in a way that was typical of such courtly exchanges. His financial support of Francine and his intercession with the king (who would otherwise have been unlikely to be well disposed) guaranteed the loyalty of his client, who would now naturally regard the interests of his protector as his own.<xref rid="FN43"><sup>43</sup>
</xref>
 In return, Francine and Dumont cultivated their relationship with the Dauphin in a typical courtly fashion by rendering services to their political patron. Although Monseigneur’s support therefore probably resulted as much from their position as his clients and procurers as from his artistic interests, the Dauphin also clearly showed a desire to support the well-being of the Opéra and its musicians. His pension request for Colasse, for example, seems to have been based on his admiration for the composer’s music, which had already pleased him in 1688.<xref rid="FN44"><sup>44</sup>
</xref>
 The Dauphin likewise derived political advantage from his protection of the Opéra, a fact which St-Simon himself recognized, noting that Monseigneur’s good reputation among Parisians could well have resulted from his frequent attendance.<xref rid="FN45"><sup>45</sup>
</xref>
 The patron–client relationship between Monseigneur and Francine thus allowed a two-way communication of interests between the royal court and the Opéra, and became a potential channel by which the Dauphin and his <italic>cabale</italic>
 could influence the artistic decisions of the Opéra’s administration.<xref rid="FN46"><sup>46</sup>
</xref>
</p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC3">

      <title>THE MUSICAL ‘CABALE’ OF THE GRAND DAUPHIN</title>

      <p>During the 1690s, Monseigneur attracted a circle of young noble amateurs and patrons who employed their own clienteles both for his entertainment and in his political/aesthetic cause. This process had begun by the middle of the decade, when a number of writers observed a growing interest in music at court. Writing from Versailles in March of 1695, Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans noted: ‘As I see it, the young people around your ladyship do as they do here, where no one wants to dance any more, but rather everyone learns music; this is now the latest fashion here and for all young people of quality, men as well as women.’<xref rid="FN47"><sup>47</sup>
</xref>
 A second letter dated three weeks later divulges that three of these courtiers were in fact members of the royal family: Monseigneur, Philippe II d’Orléans, and Monseigneur’s half-sister Marie-Anne, princesse de Conty. Their interest in music was such that they engaged in conversations about it that ‘lasted for hours’, according to Elisabeth-Charlotte, who reported their technical discussions, of which she herself understood not a word:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>Nothing is so fashionable at the moment as music. I often tell my son that he will go mad when I hear him talking endlessly of minor and major, flats and sharps [<italic>bémol, bécar, béfa, bémi</italic>
] and other things of this type of which I understand nothing; but Monsieur the Dauphin, my son, and the princesse de Conty discuss this for hours at a time.<xref rid="FN48"><sup>48</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>The princesse de Conty, Louis XIV’s illegitimate daughter by La Vallière, ‘had all the <italic>agréments</italic>
 of beauty and manners’ and ‘shone...particularly in court entertainments’ but was not possessed of a particularly great imagination or intellect, according to the ambassador Spanheim.<xref rid="FN49"><sup>49</sup>
</xref>
 After the death of the Dauphine in 1690, she became the Dauphin’s constant companion, devoting herself entirely to his entertainment. Reports of court activities invariably mention the two together, particularly in connection with frequent trips to the Paris Opéra. She was at least a competent amateur musician, a harpsichord student of Jean Henry D’Anglebert, who dedicated his 1689 <italic>Pièces de clavecin</italic>
 to her, and later of François Couperin. Her musical interests evidently influenced Monseigneur, since both Elisabeth-Charlotte and St-Simon reported that the princess governed him in the same way that Madame de Maintenon controlled Louis XIV.<xref rid="FN50"><sup>50</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>Philippe II d’Orléans (called duc de Chartres before the death of his father in 1701) was a natural member of Monseigneur’s circle, both by taste and by politics. His father, the pleasure-loving Philippe I d’Orléans, had long been the Dauphin’s gambling partner at court, and Monseigneur journeyed frequently to the Palais-Royal (the Orléans’s Parisian home) to play cards, dine, and attend the opera. The Dauphin was also the ideal political patron for Philippe II, who had quickly become estranged from Louis XIV. In 1692, Philippe and his father agreed to a politically disadvantageous marriage to one of the king’s own illegitimate daughters arranged as part of Louis’s policy of legitimizing his bastard children. The king secured the Orléans’ grudging consent only by providing the bride with an enormous dowry and by promising to grant Philippe II future but unspecified positions of influence. Louis apparently had no intention of fulfilling his promise since he refused Orléans military commands and manoeuvred to deprive him of available governorships. Philippe responded in typical teenage fashion by adopting manners certain to displease the pious king, openly leading a libertine life and flaunting his irreligion. It was natural, therefore, for him to join the party of the future king who was a devotee of the ‘new manners’ to which Philippe himself was entirely dedicated. He was a regular member of the Dauphin’s circle from at least 1693, according to reports of court activities by the marquis de Dangeau.<xref rid="FN51"><sup>51</sup>
</xref>
 At the same time, the talented and well-educated young prince also cultivated the arts and sciences, excelling particularly as an amateur and patron of painting, chemistry, and music.<xref rid="FN52"><sup>52</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>Ironically, the royal family’s interest in music had been fostered by Louis XIV, who passed on his love of the art by having his children and grandchildren trained by his best musicians. The importance of a musical education was such that upon the arrival in 1696 of Marie-Adelaide of Savoy (the future bride of Monseigneur’s eldest son), the king gave her not only a dancing master but a harpsichord master as well. Louis XIV appears to have unwittingly furthered the cause of the Italian style by having at least seven members of the royal family taught by François Couperin, beginning around 1693.<xref rid="FN53"><sup>53</sup>
</xref>
 This period of Couperin’s tenure as harpsichord teacher to the royal family not only coincides with Elisabeth-Charlotte’s description of a fad for learning music among their numbers but also with Couperin’s experiments with Italian music, which can be dated as far back as 1692. A number of Couperin’s royal pupils became not only influential patrons of Italian music but also members of the Dauphin’s circle. Titon du Tillet names three of these figures: Louis-Alexandre, comte de Toulouse (1678–1737), the Dauphin’s eldest son, Louis (known as the duc de Bourgogne), and the princesse de Conty herself.<xref rid="FN54"><sup>54</sup>
</xref>
 The duc de Bourgogne (1682–1712) was an avid musical amateur, and was said to have had ‘nearly as much of a taste’ for Italian music as Philippe II d’Orléans, at least until around 1706 when his piety overcame his love of music and caused him to renounce it.<xref rid="FN55"><sup>55</sup>
</xref>
 The comte de Toulouse’s interest in Italian music is reflected in the contents of the famous Toulouse Collection and in his patronage of Italian musicians.<xref rid="FN56"><sup>56</sup>
</xref>
 Philippe d’Orléans himself is not known to have studied with Couperin but was exposed to the Italian style through his training in composition under Charpentier sometime before 1698.</p>

      <p>Towards the end of the 1690s, the Dauphin’s circle became a centre of musical activity at court, attracted largely by Philippe II d’Orléans and the princesse de Conty. It was these two cousins who organized entertainments for the Dauphin, and who evidently played a central role in the artistic activities of his <italic>cabale</italic>
. The two gathered together a group of aristocratic musical amateurs and patrons that stood out in court entertainments over the next years. The most conspicuous example of this group’s activities was a production of Lully’s <italic>Alceste</italic>
 organized by the princesse de Conty at her <italic>hôtel</italic>
 towards the end of 1699 for the diversion of Monseigneur and his son, the duc de Bourgogne. The rehearsals, reported by Dangeau, began on 31 December 1699 and continued until 5 January 1700, culminating in two fully staged performances on 9 and 16 January. Dangeau’s first report of the rehearsals lists the singers, among them some of the most important musical amateurs at court:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>Monseigneur the duc de Bourgogne visited madame the princesse de Conty at her house in town where they rehearsed the opera <italic>Alceste</italic>
...The singers will be monseigneur the duc de Bourgogne, monsieur [the duc] de Chartres [Philippe II d’Orléans], monsieur the comte de Toulouse, the duc de Montfort, [the baron] de Biron, the two La Vallières, the comte d’Ayen, madame the princesse de Conty, mesdames Villequier and Chatillon, and mademoiselle de Sanzay.<xref rid="FN57"><sup>57</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>The membership of this group reflects the court hierarchy of Monseigneur’s <italic>cabale</italic>
. The members of the royal family were regular participants in the activities of Monseigneur’s circle, and the lower-ranking members were in turn clients either of Philippe II d’Orléans or of the princesse de Conty (see Table <xref rid="T9">1</xref>
). The duc de Montfort was ‘intimately associated’ with Orléans according to St-Simon, as was the baron de Biron, who served with him in the military campaigns of the 1690s and whom Philippe subsequently made his <italic>Premier Écuyer</italic>
 and raised to the rank of duke. The marquise de Chatillon had served the Orléans household from 1685 as one of the ladies-in-waiting to the duchess. Her sister, the marquise de Villequier, was probably also part of Philippe II’s circle because the two sisters were ‘intimement liées ensemble’ according to St-Simon. Members associated with the princesse de Conty were the marquis de La Vallière (her cousin), the chevalier de La Vallière (younger brother of the marquis), and Mlle de Sanzay, who was one of the princesse’s <italic>filles d’honneur</italic>
.<xref rid="FN58"><sup>58</sup>
</xref>
 This courtly hierarchy suggests that the real organizers of the event were Philippe II d’Orléans and the princesse de Conty, who had shared musical interests since their 1695 conversations with Monseigneur. The musical circle around Monseigneur therefore represented a particular hierarchy of patronage in which Conty and Orléans acted as principal patrons to lower-ranking sets of musical amateurs.<xref rid="FN59"><sup>59</sup>
</xref>
 The singers included the three known Couperin students—Conty, Toulouse, and Bourgogne—but the musical stars of this group were evidently Orléans and the comte d’Ayen because Dangeau reports that the group’s princely members sang a motet composed by each of the two young men later that same spring, on 15 April and 2–3 May 1700. Their enthusiasm caused Dangeau to comment that music was more popular than ever.<xref rid="FN60"><sup>60</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="T9" position="float">

          <label>T<sc>able</sc>
 1</label>

          <caption>

            <p>Courtiers involved in performing Lully’s Alceste (1699–1700)</p>

          </caption>

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Members of the Royal Family</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Marie-Anne, princesse de Conty (Monseigneur’s half-sister)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Philippe II d’Orléans, duc de Chartres (Monseigneur’s cousin)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Louis de Bourbon, duc de Bourgogne (Monseigneur’s eldest son)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Louis-Alexandre, comte de Toulouse (illegitimate son of Louis XIV)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Adrien-Maurice de Noailles, comte d’Ayen (nephew of Mme de Maintenon)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Members associated with Philippe II d’Orléans</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Honoré-Charles de Lunes, duc de Montfort (1669–1704)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Armand-Charles de Gontaut, baron de Biron (1663–1756)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Marie-Rosalie de Brouilly, marquise de Chatillon (1665–1735)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Olympe de Brouilly, marquise de Villequier (1660–1723)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Members associated with the princesse de Conty</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Charles-François, marquis de La Vallière (1670–1739)</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">    Marie-Anne Turpin de Crissé de Sanzay (1662–1709)</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC4">

      <title>PATRONAGE OF ITALIAN MUSIC AND ANDRÉ CAMPRA BY MONSEIGNEUR’S <italic>CABALE</italic>
, 1696–99</title>

      <p>The French fad for Italian music that began in the 1690s was already apparent from its earliest years among members of the <italic>cabale</italic>
, particularly the princesse de Conty. In 1696—the year after Madame reported the princess’s conversations concerning music with Monseigneur and Philippe d’Orléans—a collection of Italian arias was dedicated to the princess by Theobaldo de Gatti, an Italian protégé of Lully who had been active in Paris since 1676 as bass player at the Opéra. His <italic>Airs italiens</italic>
 was the third print devoted to Italian music in a small flood that had commenced in 1695 with the publication of the <italic>Airs italiens</italic>
 of Paolo Lorenzani and a volume assembled by François Fossard and André Danican Philidor from their collections at Versailles. Jérôme de La Gorce considered Gatti’s Italian airs particularly important because they include one of the first published ‘motto arias’, a form that Campra would develop further in <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
 a year later, and in a number of subsequent operas.<xref rid="FN61"><sup>61</sup>
</xref>
 The nature of Gatti’s connection with the princess is not exactly clear since the dedication mentions only that his works had been performed for Louis XIV (through her introduction?) and that the composer ‘aspired to the honour’ of her protection. If Gatti was not being directly supported by the princess at that point, she must at least have shown enough interest for him to regard her as a worthy patron. At the very least, he evidently recognized her as one of the ladies in whom he remarked ‘every inclination for Italian song’ in his notice to the reader.</p>

      <p>Gatti’s association with the princesse de Conty coincides with the <italic>cabale</italic>
’s interest in André Campra, whose adoption of the Italian style in his <italic>opéras-ballets</italic>
 over the next few years made him a favourite. Although there are no records of direct patronage of Campra by the group, the composer received no fewer than three commissions in the two years 1697–8—that is, the period leading up to and immediately following the premiere of <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
—to compose <italic>divertissements</italic>
 for members of the Dauphin’s <italic>cabale</italic>
. The first of these fêtes was given by the marquis de Livry and his music-loving wife when they hosted the <italic>cabale</italic>
 at the château of Raincy on 9–10 June 1697. The marquis and marquise were among the members of the Dauphin’s circle most active in cultivating Monseigneur through entertainments, offering his court musical <italic>divertissements</italic>
 as early as 1688, and as late as 1705.<xref rid="FN62"><sup>62</sup>
</xref>
 For the visit of the Dauphin’s party in 1697, the <italic>Mercure galant</italic>
 relates that Livry organized ‘a concert of recorders’ played by André Danican Philidor and his ‘troupe’ as well as a ‘dialogue for Bacchus, Comus, and Silenus’ staged by ‘musicians from the opera’ in costume. The verse was composed expressly for the occasion by the abbé Genest and, according to Dangeau, was set to music by ‘le Maître de la musique de Nôtre-Dame’, that is, by the young André Campra. This ‘dialogue’ was Campra’s first recorded foray into dramatic music, and has thus far been overlooked. It seems to have been quite successful since the <italic>Mercure</italic>
 reports that Monseigneur and his suite liked it so much the Dauphin had it repeated.<xref rid="FN63"><sup>63</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>As a demonstration of Campra’s dramatic talents, the ‘dialogue’ evidently impressed the Dauphin’s party, and particularly Philippe II d’Orléans, whose lifetime patronage of the composer culminated in his 1722 nomination of Campra for one of the posts as Sous-maître of the royal chapel. It is therefore perhaps no coincidence that Campra’s second dramatic venture was a <italic>divertissement</italic>
 staged by Maximilien-Pierre, duc de Sully (1664–1712), in Orléans’s honour about a month later.<xref rid="FN64"><sup>64</sup>
</xref>
 The duc de Sully led an openly libertine life in Paris, ‘ruining himself with women of ill repute’ (including Marthe Le Rochois, to whom he gave a pension) and serving very little time at court, according to St-Simon.<xref rid="FN65"><sup>65</sup>
</xref>
 Like the marquis de Livry, he must have used the occasion to cultivate his relationship with a powerful potential patron who shared his tastes. Sully, like Orléans, was well known not only as a frequenter of the Opéra (and its <italic>filles</italic>
), but also as a ‘cabaliste’ in favour of new operas, rating La Motte and Destouches’s <italic>Omphale</italic>
 (1701) ‘above Batiste [Lully]’.<xref rid="FN66"><sup>66</sup>
</xref>
 His choice of Campra for the <italic>divertissement</italic>
 probably reflected his preference for post-Lullian composers as well as Orléans’s taste for novelty and his love of music. Although there is little novel about the music of the <italic>divertissement</italic>
 itself, which generally holds to the Lullian idiom, the <italic>livret</italic>
 praises the prince’s equal devotion to heroic deeds and to the arts. In a veiled comparison with Louis XIV, the character Apollo lauds Philippe for not disdaining the arts as ‘Mars’s favourites’ often do:</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT1" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Il est vray que souvent les Favoris de Mars</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">It is true that often Mars’s Favourites</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">N’ont pour toute vertu qu’un superbe courage,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Have no other virtue than superb courage,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Et qu’un fier mépris des beaux arts.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">And a proud disdain for the arts.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mais ce Heros regle mieux son audace;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">But this Hero rules his boldness better;</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Il ne méprise point ma voix,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">He does not disdain my voice at all,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Et c’est sur le Parnasse</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">And it is on Parnassus</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Qu’il vient de se délasser de ses nobles exploits.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">That he comes to relax from his noble exploits.</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>Both Sully’s <italic>divertissement</italic>
 and <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
 (which premiered some three months later, on 24 October 1697) were collaborations between Campra and Houdar de La Motte, both of whom became Philippe’s protégés.<xref rid="FN67"><sup>67</sup>
</xref>
 In its report of the event, the <italic>Mercure</italic>
 pointed out that <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
 was already known ‘in good society’ and that ‘many good things were being said’ about it. This surely referred not only to the ‘cabaliste’ Sully, but also to Orléans and the <italic>cabale</italic>
 as well.<xref rid="FN68"><sup>68</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>The group’s continued interest in Campra was marked by another private <italic>divertissement</italic>
 given about six months later, this time in collaboration with André Danchet. The two produced <italic>Vénus, feste galante</italic>
 for Marie Isabelle de La Motte-Houdancourt, duchesse de La Ferté (1629–1714) at a fête she staged in Paris to honour the Dauphin and the princesse de Conty on 27 January 1698.<xref rid="FN69"><sup>69</sup>
</xref>
 Like Campra’s fête for Philippe d’Orléans, <italic>Vénus</italic>
 openly praises Monseigneur, and La Ferté used the occasion to cultivate the Dauphin through entertainment and by satisfying the musical tastes of his <italic>cabale</italic>
.<xref rid="FN70"><sup>70</sup>
</xref>
 Like <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
, which had premiered only three months earlier, <italic>Vénus</italic>
 contained an Italian aria, ‘Nó, nó, non si può veder un volto’, which is sung in the vein of an operatic prologue by one of the graces who arrive in the suite of Apollo to celebrate Monseigneur’s glory. Campra employed a concerted da capo aria in the same late seventeenth-century style he had used in <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
, an aria <italic>à devise</italic>
 with motto (Ex. 1(<italic>a</italic>
)) and a B section in the relative minor (see Ex. 1(<italic>b</italic>
)). While the instrumental echoes, goal-oriented harmonic progressions, and short sequences that drive to cadences (Ex. 1(<italic>b</italic>
), bars 6–7 and 9–10) are Italian, the vocal part perhaps reflects a concession to French tastes in being generally syllabic and eschewing overly virtuosic <italic>fioriture</italic>
. Campra’s inclusion of a similar Italian air in <italic>Vénus</italic>
 only a few months after <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
 confirms the style’s popularity with Monseigneur’s circle.</p>

      <p>If it is not entirely clear what role Parisian pro-Campra <italic>cabalistes</italic>
 such as the duchesse de La Ferté, the marquis de Livry, and the duc de Sully played in the adoption of Campra by the Dauphin’s circle, it seems unlikely that the staging of three events in close proximity by three different patrons with music by the same composer could have taken place without the cooperation of influential <italic>cabale</italic>
 members. These three fêtes with music by Campra are thus a good example of the influence of indirect ‘protection’ by princely patrons; while there is no definitive evidence that the princely members of the <italic>cabale</italic>
 interceded directly in Campra’s career, their support for him is evident in the actions of their clients, whose commissions to the composer were designed to cultivate their tastes. Thus, although the French fad for Campra’s music and the Italian style cannot be attributed to a single social entity or institution, the powerful influence of Monseigneur’s <italic>cabale</italic>
 and its clients evidently played an important part in the changing tastes of the period.</p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC5">

      <title>THE <italic>CABALE</italic>
 IN CARNIVAL CELEBRATIONS OF 1699–1700 AND NOSTALGIA FOR THE COMÉDIE-ITALIENNE</title>

      <p>After the closure of the Comédie-Italienne, Monseigneur and his circle not only agitated for its return but also sponsored entertainments that incorporated commedia dell’arte characters and themes. Support for the Comédie-Italienne was part of their cultural politics of promoting the unconventional, the comic, and the libertine, qualities that played an important role in the resistance to Louis XIV’s policies and tastes during the 1690s on the stage of the Académie Royale de Musique and elsewhere. Their interest in these aspects is particularly evident at court during the period of peace and prosperity after the close of the War of the League of Augsburg in 1697. This period saw an explosion in the number of fêtes at court as Louis XIV allowed the now idle members of the young nobility more of the pleasures of court life. He also began to devote much care to the entertainment of his grandchildren, particularly his granddaughter-in-law, Marie-Adelaide of Savoy, the duchesse de Bourgogne (1685–1712), whose passion for the theatre both he and Madame de Maintenon indulged by staging a number of private theatrical events, balls, and even operas in the late 1690s and early 1700s.</p>

      <p>The duchess’s increasing influence on the cultural life of the court was palpable in the sudden upsurge of Carnival entertainments.<xref rid="FN71"><sup>71</sup>
</xref>
 During Carnival of 1697, there was ‘not a single <italic>divertissement</italic>
 at court’, and the <italic>cabale</italic>
 was forced to spend its days at Meudon, but the next year’s Carnival was replete with balls and <italic>mascarades</italic>
 of all sorts.<xref rid="FN72"><sup>72</sup>
</xref>
 These events split the court into two large factions: the first around the king and Madame de Maintenon, who provided entertainments for the duchesse de Bourgogne and her courtiers, and the second around the Dauphin, aided by the princesse de Conty and Philippe II d’Orléans. The duc de St-Simon, whose preoccupation with ranks and factions at court made him particularly sensitive to these developments, described the situation:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>From before Candelmas up until Lent, there was nothing but balls and pleasures at the court. The king gave at Versailles and Marly ingenious <italic>mascarades</italic>
, <italic>entrées</italic>
, and all kinds of celebrations that quite amused him under the pretext of [entertaining] the duchesse de Bourgogne. There were private musical productions and plays in Mme de Maintenon’s rooms. Monseigneur also gave balls, and important people prided themselves on giving them for the duchesse de Bourgogne.<xref rid="FN73"><sup>73</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>Many of the evenings featured performances of masquerades and ballet <italic>entrées</italic>
 divided among the circles of the duchesse de Bourgogne, that of Monseigneur, and the musicians of the king (see Table <xref rid="T10">2</xref>
, which lists the events for the most elaborate set of the Carnival celebrations in 1700).</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="T10" position="float">

          <label>T<sc>able</sc>
 2</label>

          <caption>

            <p>Court entertainments, Carnival season 1700</p>

          </caption>

          <table>

            <thead>

              <tr>

                <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Date</th>

                <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Location</th>

                <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Work</th>

                <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Patron/Organizer</th>

                <th colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Performers</th>

              </tr>

            </thead>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">7 Jan.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Marly</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philidor, <italic>Mascarade du roi de la Chine</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Louis XIV</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Bontemps/professionals</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">8 Jan.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Marly</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">

                  <italic>Mascarade du roi de la Chine</italic>

                </td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Louis XIV</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Bontemps/professionals</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">9 Jan.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Hôtel de Conty</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Lully, <italic>Alceste</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Princesse de Conty</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Monseigneur’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">16 Jan.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Hôtel de Conty</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">

                  <italic>Alceste</italic>

                </td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Princesse de Conty</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Monseigneur’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">21 Jan.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Marly</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mascarade: <italic>La Flore</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">[Mme de Maintenon]</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Duchesse de Bourgogne’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philidor, <italic>Mascarade des Amazones</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Louis XIV</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Bontemps/professionals</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">22 Jan.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Marly</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mascarade: <italic>Noce de village</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Various courtiers</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philidor, <italic>Mascarade des Savoyards</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Louis XIV</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Bontemps/professionals</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mascarade: Fous et folles</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Monseigneur’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">4 Feb.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Marly</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Entrée des Espagnols et Espagnoles</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Duchesse de Bourgogne’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mascarade: <italic>Le Vieux maistre d’école</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philippe d’Orléans</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Monseigneur’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philidor, Mascarade: <italic>La Noce de village</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Louis XIV</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Bontemps/professionals</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">5 Feb.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Marly</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philidor, Mascarade: <italic>Lendemain de la noce</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Louis XIV</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Bontemps/professionals</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mascarade: <italic>Dom Quichotte</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philippe d’Orléans</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Monseigneur’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">18 Feb.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Marly</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mascarade: <italic>Le Grand Seigneur</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philippe d’Orléans</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Monseigneur’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philidor, <italic>Mascarade du vaisseau marchand</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Louis XIV</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Bontemps/professionals</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">19 Feb.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Marly</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Entrée: Jeu de cartes</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Duchesse de Bourgogne’s circle</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Philidor, Mascarade: Jeu des echecs</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Louis XIV</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Bontemps/professionals</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mascarade: Théâtre-Italien</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Duchesse de Bourbon</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Various courtiers</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">21 Feb.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Versailles, chez Maintenon</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Lalande, <italic>La Noce de village</italic>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mme de Maintenon</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Duchesse de Bourgogne’s circle</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

          <table-wrap-foot>

            <fn>

              <p><sc>sources</sc>
: Sourches, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
; St-Simon, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
; Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
; <italic>Mercure galant</italic>
; Correspondence of Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans; masquerade <italic>livrets</italic>
.</p>

            </fn>

          </table-wrap-foot>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>On 4 February 1700, for example, the evening was dominated by three main events. The first was an <italic>entrée</italic>
 danced by the duchesse de Bourgogne and her court representing three Spanish men and ladies. The second was a <italic>mascarade</italic>
 performed by Monseigneur, the princesse de Conty, the duc d’Orléans, and company representing ‘a schoolmaster, his wife, four children, and four nurses’, a comic portrayal of bourgeois characters in which the Dauphin himself played a child led by the princesse de Conty dressed as a nurse. The third was <italic>La Noce de village</italic>
, a <italic>mascarade</italic>
 performed by dancers from the Opéra with music composed by André Danican Philidor.<xref rid="FN74"><sup>74</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>In keeping with the irreverent tenor of Monseigneur’s circle, their productions nearly always reflected a carnivalesque comic spirit in which role reversal and satire of court manners played a central part, in contrast to the traditional mythological and allegorical characters of court ballets portrayed by the duchesse de Bourgogne’s group (Flora, Spanish men and ladies, a deck of cards, etc., as shown in Table <xref rid="T10">2</xref>
). On 6 February 1699, for example, Madame reported that Monseigneur, the duc d’Antin, and the comte de Brionne danced an ‘<italic>entrée</italic>
 from the opera with guitars’ dressed ‘as ladies <italic>en robe de chambre</italic>
’ sporting ridiculously tall hairdos in order to poke fun at the fashion for elaborate towers of hair.<xref rid="FN75"><sup>75</sup>
</xref>
 On 20 February Philippe II d’Orléans danced the role of the marquis de Mascarille, the servant from Molière’s <italic>Précieuses ridicules</italic>
 who attempts to impersonate a nobleman with comic results. This representation of a servant unsuccessfully attempting to parrot the manners of a nobleman by one of the most cultivated princes in France reflected perfectly the carnivalesque spirit of disguise and inversion relished by Monseigneur, Orléans, and their circle:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>A <italic>chaise à porteurs</italic>
 appeared containing the duc de Chartres [Philippe II d’Orléans] dressed as the marquis de Mascarille, covered with ribbons and wearing an enormous wig in which were four pounds of powder. The porters were the comte de Toulouse and the marquis de La Vallière. There were two pages, dressed in the same magnificent livery, completely covered in ribbons, and there were also four servants, of which Monseigneur was one. The duc de Chartres played his role very well. He went to make his reverences to the King with surprising contortions; he completely covered Monsieur and Madame with powder from his wig that he shook at them with his nose. He danced in a very pleasant manner, and finished his dance with a somersault, which no one expected except Monseigneur, whom he had forewarned.<xref rid="FN76"><sup>76</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>Although Philippe d’Orléans has often been regarded by historians (including Le Roy Ladurie) as an outsider at Versailles, he in fact played a central role in these events not only as performer but as organizer. On 3 February 1700 Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans reported in one of her letters that ‘my son understands quite well how to prepare <italic>plaisirs</italic>
. He is now <italic>directeur</italic>
 of Monseigneur’s Carnival entertainments, and has arranged the opera and the comedy as well.’<xref rid="FN77"><sup>77</sup>
</xref>
 Although no ‘operas’ are recorded as being staged for Monseigneur during Carnival (except <italic>Alceste</italic>
, given only two weeks earlier, which was staged by the princesse de Conty), the events to which Madame refers probably included the series of <italic>mascarades</italic>
 in which his court participated during the following days. Indeed, the <italic>Mercure</italic>
 specifically mentions that one of these <italic>mascarades</italic>
, on 18 February, had been ‘imagined’ by Orléans.<xref rid="FN78"><sup>78</sup>
</xref>
 This entertainment, cultivating the taste for the exotic exploited by works like Campra’s <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
, represented a sultan and his train with a menagerie of animals marching to janissary music, performed by a combination of professionals and members of Monseigneur’s <italic>cabale</italic>
:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>Shortly after [the ball] appeared Monseigneur’s <italic>mascarade</italic>
, which was the seraglio of the Grand Turk, who was represented by the marquis d’Antin carried on the shoulders of four slaves. He was preceded by two sultanas, who were the princesse de Conti and the marquise de Chatillon. They led two large monkeys by chains, who were the two Allards [members of a family of acrobats]. After this came two parakeets who were two musicians, followed by two large bears carrying guitars on their backs, who were the comte de Toulouse and the grand prieur [Philippe, duc de Vendôme]. After this came a tiger walking, like the bears, on his hind legs and playing a theorbo. One saw after that two Nubian women, a small monkey (who was a dancer), and two ostriches, who were the marquis de La Vallière and the prince Camille....Afterwards the sultan arrived, carried by his four slaves and surrounded by a number of courtiers, among whom were Monseigneur, the duc de Bourgogne, the duc de Chartres, the comte de Brionne, and a number of others.</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>In this order, the parade was carried out to the sound of a janissary march played by all the instruments for the ball, and afterwards it made a tour of the room in good order, the two large monkeys somersaulting and making perilous leaps. When they had retired, the two parakeets, accompanied by the tiger, sang amusing verses in answer to one another....[There followed a series of <italic>entrées</italic>
 performed both by professionals and courtiers.] Finally, the Grand Turk lay down as if to go to sleep, and there appeared a butterfly which flew around him in order to land on his face. The sultan waved it away in sleep while the small monkey tried to catch it. All this continued until the Grand Turk woke and, in anger that he had been woken up, took his sabre in his hand and began to charge whatever was in front of him. Thus finished the <italic>mascarade</italic>
, which was regarded as one of the most diverting that had ever been created.<xref rid="FN79"><sup>79</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>The organization of this event reflected the complex web of relationships among members of Monseigneur’s circle. Although the <italic>mascarade</italic>
 had been ‘imagined’ by Philippe d’Orléans, the Dauphin’s old friend the duc de Vendôme apparently had a hand in its organization as well, since Dangeau mentions that he had the verse composed.<xref rid="FN80"><sup>80</sup>
</xref>
 The texts were written by two Epicurean poets long associated with the libertine circle of Vendôme’s palace at the Temple in Paris: Charles-Auguste, marquis de La Fare (1644–1712) and Guillaume Anffrie, abbé de Chaulieu (1639–1720). La Fare was likewise one of Orléans’s clients because he served as the captain of his guards and was the librettist for his opera <italic>Penthée</italic>
, performed three years later in 1703.</p>

      <p>Judging by Sourches’s testimony that the <italic>mascarade</italic>
 was one of the most diverting ever created, the piece succeeded despite (or perhaps because of) its irreverent treatment of the court. This attitude is particularly evident in the satiric character of the songs composed and sung by La Fare and Chaulieu, who apparently caused consternation in some quarters by singing the following lines, which compare their squawking to the conversation of courtiers:</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT2" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Fi, fi, fi, fi, fi, fi, fi,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Fi, fi, fi, fi, fi, fi, fi,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">..............</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">..............</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Parlons tout long du jour,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">We talk all day long,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Sans rien penser, sans rien dire.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Without thinking or saying anything.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">C’est comme on parle à la Cour.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">That’s how one talks at Court.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">De ceux que notre fête attire</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Of those whom our celebration attracts</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Nous ne sommes pas les plus fous.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">We are not the wildest.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">De cent parleurs qu’on admire,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Of a hundred speakers that are admired</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Trente parlent comme nous.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Thirty speak as we do.<xref rid="FN81"><sup>81</sup>
</xref>
</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>The verse, although described by Sourches as ‘très joli’, was evidently considered offensive by some because La Fare wrote an epigram ‘on the fact that the dialogue was regarded as a piece in which the two authors wanted to ridicule the court’, poking further fun at courtiers’ lack of humour. Although it is not clear who authorized the composition of these lines—Orléans or Vendôme—the poetry evidently reflected the indulgence in satire, Carnival <italic>folie</italic>
, and the ‘new manners’ favoured by members of Monseigneur’s circle at odds with the more staid entertainments sponsored by Louis XIV and Madame de Maintenon for their grandchildren.<xref rid="FN82"><sup>82</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>The Carnival masquerades of the years 1699–1700 staged by Monseigneur’s <italic>cabale</italic>
 also reflect the group’s interest in the Comédie-Italienne. Monseigneur’s circle performed a <italic>mascarade</italic>
 based on commedia characters during the first major set of Carnival entertainments at court on 5 February 1699. The <italic>mascarade</italic>
 made use of the same elements of satire and disguise as the other productions by the <italic>cabale</italic>
, according to Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans:</p>

      <p>

        <disp-quote>

          <p>Right after the meal we went to the ball, which began at 10. At 11 came the masks. In came a lady who appeared like a tower, so high and wide was she, because it was the duc de Valentinois, Monsieur de Monaco’s son, who is very large. This lady wore a coat that fell to the floor, and as she came into the room she removed it and out leaped many figures from the commedia dell’arte: a harlequin, scaramouche, pulcinello, doctor, brighella, and a peasant, who began to dance quite nicely. The harlequin was monsieur de Brionne, scaramouche was the comte d’Ayen, pulcinello was my son, the doctor the duc de Bourgogne, Brighella was La Vallière, and the peasant was the prince Camille. My son appeared as a proper pulcinello, who made us laugh heartily.<xref rid="FN83"><sup>83</sup>
</xref>
</p>

        </disp-quote>

      </p>

      <p>The timing of this particular <italic>mascarade</italic>
 seems not to have been accidental: not only was it staged during the run of Campra’s <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise</italic>
, but it coincided with the Dauphin’s agitation for the return of the Comédie-Italienne. It was only about a month later that the Brussels journal <italic>Relations véritables</italic>
 reported that Monseigneur had asked Louis XIV to re-establish the Italian comedy but had been refused. The Dauphin’s circle was also apparently behind a renewed request chronicled in the <italic>Mercure historique</italic>
 of April 1700, which reported that the duchesse de Bourgogne had used her influence with the king to persuade him to reinstitute a troupe of Italian comedians, a project which apparently never went beyond the planning stages. The duchess, whose love of the theatre was well known, had evidently been persuaded to make this request by members of the <italic>cabale</italic>
 because the <italic>Mercure historique</italic>
 states that the administration of the new troupe would be awarded to Monseigneur’s infamous clients, Francine and Dumont.<xref rid="FN84"><sup>84</sup>
</xref>
 Monseigneur’s circle thus made support for a return of the Comédie-Italienne—both overt and invoked as a subtext in other productions—an important aspect of their artistic politics.</p>

      <p>The fascination with Venetian Carnival and commedia dell’arte that was reflected in Campra’s <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise</italic>
 and Monseigneur’s masquerade also influenced artistic trends at Versailles. During the next Carnival season in 1700, there were at least two <italic>mascarades</italic>
 based upon commedia dell’arte characters. The first, entitled <italic>Mascarade des Savoyards</italic>
, was staged on 22 January by the king’s musicians and dancers with music by André Danican Philidor. It was one of several <italic>mascarades</italic>
 during that year’s Carnival commanded by Louis XIV, and its verse honours the duchesse de Bourgogne (who, as the daughter of the duke of Savoy, was herself a ‘Savoyarde’), possibly in response to her wish to see the re-establishment of an Italian comedy reported in the <italic>Mercure historique</italic>
 of that year.<xref rid="FN85"><sup>85</sup>
</xref>
 The king’s staging of this <italic>mascarade</italic>
 thus reflected the recent trend at Versailles and elsewhere to include improvised <italic>intermèdes</italic>
 in the style of the Comédie-Italienne by other actors and acrobats without the Italians’ infamous licentious antics.<xref rid="FN86"><sup>86</sup>
</xref>
 Unlike the productions by Monseigneur’s circle, however, there was no danger of satirical subversion in <italic>Savoyards</italic>
 because the songs between the two <italic>entrées</italic>
 praise marital fidelity and the deeds of Louis XIV.<xref rid="FN87"><sup>87</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>The second <italic>mascarade</italic>
 based on the commedia dell’arte given during the Carnival season of 1700 was organized by another member of Monseigneur’s <italic>cabale</italic>
: Louise Françoise, duchesse de Bourbon (1673–1743; Louis XIV’s illegitimate daughter by Mme de Montespan, called ‘Madame la duchesse’). On 19 February, she danced in a Venetian masquerade representing the characters of the Comédie-Italienne along with her sister, Françoise-Marie (1677–1749), the wife of Philippe d’Orléans. The two were former harpsichord students of Lalande and also presumably of his successor, Couperin. Louise-Françoise was likewise infamous for the composition of satirical ‘chansons salées’ against her foes at court, greatly displeasing Louis XIV and Madame de Maintenon.<xref rid="FN88"><sup>88</sup>
</xref>
 According to Sourches’s account of the <italic>mascarade</italic>
, it had been ‘invented’ by Louise-Françoise and the <italic>Mercure</italic>
 described it as including a ‘chanson italienne’.<xref rid="FN89"><sup>89</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>The fad among members of the royal family for productions in imitation of the Comédie-Italienne was similarly adopted by those who sought to court their favour. During the Carnival season of 1700, Mme Ponchartrain, the wife of the chancellor, gave a ball for the duchesse de Bourgogne, Monseigneur, and family, which included a performance of Dancourt’s one-act comedy <italic>L’Opérateur barri</italic>
 by members of the Comédie-Française. The piece employs characters derived from the commedia dell’arte, and was combined with ‘quelques scènes italiennes’ performed by Dancourt’s two daughters inserted into the play as <italic>intermèdes</italic>
. This was followed by an equally multilingual musical entertainment composed by Colasse consisting of various ensembles performed by members of the king’s music dressed as shopkeepers and singing in various regional dialects, including an Italian lemonade seller performed by Antonio Favalli, a castrato employed at the royal chapel.<xref rid="FN90"><sup>90</sup>
</xref>
</p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC6">

      <title>THE APOGEE OF THE DAUPHIN AS PATRON OF MUSIC AND THEATRE, 1699–1700</title>

      <p>The explosion of Carnival entertainments in the years 1698–1700 reflected the influence of the teenage duchesse de Bourgogne’s love of plays and acting. Along with her husband and his brothers, she was allowed to attend the theatre for the first time during the Fontainebleau season of 1698, an event whose significance merited its recording in the journal of the marquis de Dangeau.<xref rid="FN91"><sup>91</sup>
</xref>
 Monseigneur clearly encouraged the couple’s interests, taking them to the Opéra for the first time during the following Carnival season on 20 January 1699—two weeks before his masquerade based on commedia dell’arte characters—to hear yet another Italian Carnival-inspired production, <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise</italic>
.<xref rid="FN92"><sup>92</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>In this work, Monseigneur’s patronage of Campra, Francine, Italian comedy, and Italian music came together. Indeed, his support was evident on several different levels. His attendance at the performances—including the first one and the last—was conspicuous and commented upon in the press. It was reported that he ‘took much pleasure in’ the opera and ‘requested to see it five more times during Carnival’, clearly marking his enthusiasm for it. The prince’s interest was likewise lifelong, since he requested a reprise during the Carnival season of 1711.<xref rid="FN93"><sup>93</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>Monseigneur’s special support was also made public in the prologue of the opera itself. Minerva (goddess of wisdom) demands to take over preparations for the prince’s fête (the opera to follow) from the group of workers who have yet to complete their task. Their mortal incompetence makes it clear that service to the Dauphin is ‘an occupation worthy of the Gods’:</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT3" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Pour attirer les yeux d’un grand Prince que j’ aime,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">To attract the gaze of a great Prince whom I love</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Vos soins me paroissent trop lents,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Your efforts seem to me too slow;</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Retirez-vous, Ministres negligents,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Withdraw, negligent workmen,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Je prétends m’employer moy-mesme.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">I intend to devote myself to this task.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Accourez, Dieux des Arts, embelissez ces lieux:</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Come quickly, Gods of the Arts, adorn this place:Qu’à ma voix vostre ardeur réponde, Let your ardour answer my voice,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Servez le fils du plus grand Roy du monde,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Serve the son of the greatest king in the world,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">C’est un employ digne des Dieux</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">This is an occupation worthy of the Gods.<xref rid="FN94"><sup>94</sup>
</xref>
</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>That the librettist, Jean-François Regnard (a former playwright for the now disbanded Comédie-Italienne), knew the opera would ‘serve’ the Dauphin indicates the importance attached to Monseigneur’s protection of the production. This public recognition of the Dauphin’s interest in the opera was undoubtedly the decision not just of the librettist but also of the management of the Opéra, since the content of prologues had important political implications. Indeed, <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise</italic>
 was unique in being the first work performed at the Académie royale de musique whose prologue praised someone other than Louis XIV. The <italic>livret</italic>
 even goes so far as to mention the Dauphin first before turning to the obligatory laudatory topos of the 1690s: ‘Celebrez un Roy plein de gloire; / Ses travaux vous ont fait un repos précieux [Celebrate a King full of glory; / his efforts have created for you a precious peace]’). This break with operatic convention thus represented a recognition of Monseigneur’s support of the production and his interest in Campra’s music, as well as his intercession with Louis XIV on the behalf of Francine’s Opéra and of Regnard’s Comédie-Italienne. Regnard and Campra also capitalized on the Dauphin’s tastes by expanding the use of Italian music. Instead of including a single Italian aria in a <italic>divertissement</italic>
 in the typical operatic practice of the period, the two devoted an entire act to a miniature Italian opera on the Orpheus myth, an equally unprecedented gesture. The choice of Orpheus was probably not accidental, as Georgia Cowart has remarked: not only did it hark back to Luigi Rossi’s influential opera of 1647, but its subject—the musician whose powers overcome the will of a reluctant ruler—and its use of the Italian style evidently suited the political agenda of Monseigneur and his <italic>cabale</italic>
.</p>

      <p>Later that same year, the Dauphin was yet again recognized for his interest in Italian airs and also for his commanding position as protector of the theatre in <italic>La Comédie des fée</italic>
<italic>s</italic>
, which he commissioned from Dancourt and Lalande for the court’s annual visit to Fontainebleau in September–October. The play and <italic>intermède</italic>
<italic>s</italic>
 were given three times, each viewed by the Dauphin and his entourage, but not by the king.<xref rid="FN95"><sup>95</sup>
</xref>
 Dancourt dedicated the play to Monseigneur, citing not only their common birthday but also the prince’s intercession on his behalf with the Comédie-Française in 1698 in the appointment of his two young daughters. In the guise of ‘The Fairy of Entertainments’ (<italic>La Fée des spectacle</italic>
<italic>s</italic>
), who addresses the audience in the prologue, Dancourt also pointedly praised the Dauphin for his interest in the theatre when it had been abandoned by Louis XIV:</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT4" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Helas! Dans ces heureux momens</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Alas! In those happy moments</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Du plus grand Heros j’étois favorisée;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">I was favoured by the greatest Hero;</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Et quand pour travailler à ses amusemens</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">And when, for working on his amusements,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Ma puissance est presqu’épuisée</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">My powers are almost exhausted,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Ose-t-on publier que j’en suis meprisée?</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Can one dare to announce that I am despised for this?</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">......</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">.......</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mais parmi la tranquilité</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">But in the tranquillity</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Dont on joüit sous sa puissance,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">That is enjoyed under his reign,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Le Héros glorieux qui lui doit la naissance</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">The glorious Hero who owes him his birth</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Commet à mon experience</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Commits to my expertise</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Le soin de quelque nouveauté,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">The care for some new novelty,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Dont l’agrément ou la magnificence</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Whose attractiveness or magnificence</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Content avec éclat sa curiosité,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Satisfies with brilliance his interest,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Et soit digne de la presence</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">And may it be worthy of the presence</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">De sa jeune posterité.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Of his young posterity.<xref rid="FN96"><sup>96</sup>
</xref>
</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>The play included a da capo aria, ‘Può saggio cuore’, which Dancourt placed in a culminating position in the concluding <italic>intermèd</italic>
<italic>e</italic>
. This <italic>intermèd</italic>
<italic>e</italic>
 takes up the theme of the prologue, a reconciliation between the followers of ‘La Fée des plaisirs’ and ‘La Sagesse’ (Wisdom), whose feeble invocation of ‘la gloire’ is overridden by the fairies’ arguments in favour of theatrical pleasure, which could just as well have been addressed to Louis XIV:</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT5" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Nous ne pouvons assujettir</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">We are not able to subjugate</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Les coeurs soumis à vôtre empire.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">The hearts committed to your realm.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Quand les charmes ne peuvent nuire,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">When charms cannot harm,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Pourquoy s’en vouloir garantir?</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Why wish to protect yourself from them?</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Nous ne cherchons point à seduire,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">We do not seek to seduce at all,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Nous ne voulons que divertir.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">We only want to entertain.</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>The third <italic>intermèd</italic>
<italic>e</italic>
 continues this plea for moderation, clearly aimed at countering the claims of Louis XIV and the <italic>dévot</italic>
<italic>s</italic>
 that the theatre was dangerous. This theme culminates in a choral maxim (whose music, in the reduced scoring of the source, appears in Ex. 2):</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT6" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">La Sagesse est trop sévère,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Wisdom is too strict,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Le Plaisir trop dangereux;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Pleasure too dangerous;</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Quand la Raison les modère</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">When reason moderates them,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Qu’ils ont de charmes tous deux!</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">What charms both have!</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>The chorus’s important role as the moral of the play is underlined by its repetition as the closing number of the <italic>intermède</italic>
, which concludes the piece.</p>

      <p>The political/artistic message was augmented by the inclusion of a chaconne and ‘Può saggio’, which takes up the theme of reconciliation between pleasure and wisdom in the realm of love:</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT7" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Può saggio cuore</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">A wise heart</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Su’l mar d’amor</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">On the sea of love</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Cercar ventura[,]</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">May seek adventure,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Ma se da vento infido,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">But if an untrustworthy wind</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Si turban l’Onde e’l ciel s’oscura;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Disturbs the waves and darkens the sky,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Déh fuggi ô mio cuor[,] torna al lido.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Then flee, my heart, and return to the shore.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Può saggio cuoure</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Su’l mar d’amor</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Cercar ventura.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>That Dancourt included a da capo aria in a production sponsored by the Dauphin and used it as part of his plea for acceptance of theatre as a moderate and legitimate pleasure clearly reflects his recognition of Monseigneur’s cultural politics of sponsoring the Italian style and protecting the theatre.</p>

      <p>It is not clear who set ‘Può saggio cuore’, and the music does not appear in any of the sources for the play. If it is indeed by Lalande, it would be one of the few such arias by the composer to receive public performance, and would mark the beginning of his turn away from Louis XIV’s tastes through the influence of the Dauphin and his <italic>cabale</italic>
.<xref rid="FN97"><sup>97</sup>
</xref>
 Indeed, it was only two years later, in 1701, that the king invited Monseigneur and the princesse de Conty to hear a ‘new motet by Lalande in the Italian manner’ sung in Madame de Maintenon’s rooms. The style was at that point ‘fort à la mode’, according to Dangeau.<xref rid="FN98"><sup>98</sup>
</xref>
 The Dauphin himself seems to have taken an increasing interest in sacred music beginning around 1700. During that year, he cultivated a relationship with Nicolas Bernier, whose sacred music he had performed on several occasions, giving it ‘great praise’. The Dauphin’s sponsorship of Bernier, who like Charpentier had studied in Italy, served to introduce the young and otherwise little-known composer to the court. It was because of these performances that, according to the <italic>Mercure</italic>
, Bernier’s reputation became ‘very well established’.<xref rid="FN99"><sup>99</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>The continuing importance of the Dauphin’s musical patronage was acknowledged in a subsequent—this time private—production with music by another of his favourite composers: Colasse. The composer was commissioned to write music for a <italic>divertissement</italic>
 entitled <italic>Impromptu donné à Monseigneu</italic>
<italic>r</italic>
 given at the Château of Saint-Maur as part of a fête organized by Louis III de Condé (called ‘Monsieur le Duc’) on 18 July 1700 for Monseigneur’s circle.<xref rid="FN100"><sup>100</sup>
</xref>
 The production, staged on an outdoor theatre, consisted of three scenes of improvised comedy with characters from the commedia dell’arte and musical <italic>intermède</italic>
<italic>s</italic>
. The <italic>intermède</italic>
<italic>s</italic>
 were performed by singers and dancers in the guise of fauns and satyrs, first contending in praise of love and wine, then in agreement concerning the virtues of Louis XIV and the Dauphin. As if to excuse the antics of the drunken and love-obsessed pastoral characters, the final scene presents three Silvains who sing an ensemble praising the Dauphin’s self-control in the midst of so many pleasures, echoing the moral of <italic>Les Fée</italic>
<italic>s</italic>
 the previous autumn:</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT8" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Mais doit-on moins loüer dans le sein du repos,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">But must one, in this time of peace,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">praise less</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Les charmants vertus d’un aymable Heros;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">The charming virtues of an attractive</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Hero;</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">De sçavoir éviter dans ces heureux loisirs,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">To know how to avoid, in these happy</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">recreations,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">La superbe licence & loisive molesse;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Great licence and the weakness of</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">leisure;</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">D’estre en un Rang suprême entouré de plaisirs,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">To be of the highest rank, surrounded</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">by pleasures</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Et n’en éprouver point l’yvresse;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">And not be touched by drunkenness;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Qu’il est beau, qu’il est rare en la vive jeunesse,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">How fine and how rare in lively youth</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">De commander à ses desirs.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">To be able to command one’s <xref rid="FN101"><sup>101</sup>
</xref>
</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">desires!</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>This presentation of Monseigneur as a virtuous hero indulging in innocent pleasures was somewhat disingenuous since the prince’s amorous habits and his attachment to gambling were known to at least some of the audience. However, the authors of <italic>Les Fées</italic>
 and the <italic>Impromptu</italic>
 nevertheless clearly saw a need both to defend court entertainments from the attacks of the <italic>parti des dévots</italic>
 and to acknowledge their patron as a supporter of music and theatre who could not be corrupted by their influence. This aspect of political propaganda in these productions continued the tradition of praising the monarch’s cultivation of the arts but now placed it in the service of the a new patron.</p>

      <p>One final acknowledgement of the Dauphin’s dedication to satire and Italian comedy, as well as his support of the Opéra, came in La Motte and Michel de La Barre’s <italic>comédie-lyriqu</italic>
<italic>e</italic>
, <italic>La Venitienne</italic>
 (1705), whose prologue celebrates the prince. The scene opens in the garden of the palace of Momus, which is decorated with statues in the form of Italian comedians. Momus, the god of ridicule, reprimands the Italian comedians for ‘abusing their rights’, promising to bring them back to life temporarily as long as he may ‘preside at the fête’ that will follow. The statues suddenly come to life and dance to a <italic>symphonie</italic>
 that announces the arrival of the muse Euterpe. She asks for Momus’s help in staging a musical comedy:</p>

      <p>

        <table-wrap id="UT9" position="anchor">

          <table>

            <tbody>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Pour plaire au Fils d’un Roy que Momus</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">To please the son of a king whom même admire, even Momus admires,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">J’ay medité de nouveaux Jeux;</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">I have thought up new amusements;</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">J’en espere un succés heureux,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">I expect of them a great success,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Si tu veux seconder le zele qui m’inspire.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">If you would share in the enthusiasm that inspires me.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Momus replies:</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top"></td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Ce dessein est trop beau pour le desavouer,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">This idea is too good to reject,</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Offrons à ce Heros une Fête nouvelle,</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Let us offer a new celebration to this Hero.</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Tout me paroît aisé pour luy marquer</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Everything seems easy for me to show mon zele. him my zeal</td>

              </tr>

              <tr>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">Et j’apprendrois même à louer.</td>

                <td colspan="1" rowspan="1" align="left" valign="top">And I could even learn to praise.<xref rid="FN102"><sup>102</sup>
</xref>
</td>

              </tr>

            </tbody>

          </table>

        </table-wrap>

      </p>

      <p>La Motte had evidently been a favourite of the <italic>cabale</italic>
 since his work on Sully’s <italic>divertissement</italic>
 for Philippe d’Orléans and <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
. Indeed he and La Barre had previously collaborated on a work for the Académie royale de musique, the opéra-ballet <italic>Le Triomphe des arts</italic>
 (1700), whose libretto includes a dedicatory poem from La Motte to Monseigneur’s son, the duc de Bourgogne. Although the prologue itself mentions only Louis XIV, the poem praises Bourgogne’s dedication to the various arts invoked in the opera.<xref rid="FN103"><sup>103</sup>
</xref>
 Since by the 1705 premiere of <italic>La Venitienne</italic>
 the pious young prince’s thoughts had turned away from opera, the authors evidently chose to please his father with a subject that was much to his now well-known taste.</p>

    </sec>

    <sec id="SEC7">

      <title>THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DAUPHIN’S PATRONAGE</title>

      <p>Praise for the Dauphin from the stage of the Académie royale de musique in the prologue of <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise</italic>
 marked his apogee as a central figure in the liberal opposition to his father in the realm of the arts. Despite mention of him in the prologue of <italic>La Venitienne</italic>
, his influence seems to have declined around 1701. He continued to host <italic>appartements</italic>
 and visit Meudon and the Opéra, but the pages of Dangeau’s journal and the <italic>Mercure</italic>
, which had often featured descriptions of productions staged by him, mention few such entertainments in the following years. Several factors evidently influenced this decline in the Dauphin’s stature. Beginning in 1701 and continuing until his death in 1711, the War of the Spanish Succession diverted funds away from entertainments, and military service kept many male nobles away from court during most of the year. At the same time, with the coming of age of the duc and duchesse de Bourgogne, attention shifted to the younger generation, the ‘jeune posterité’ to which Dancourt refers in his prologue to <italic>Les Fées</italic>
. The increasing influence of other members of the royal family and the relaxation of Louis XIV’s attitude towards theatre and opera further diminished the influence of Monseigneur’s artistic patronage and thus his attraction to those seeking an alternative source of entertainments. The year 1701, for example, saw Philippe II d’Orléans inherit his father’s princely finances so that he could afford to hire an extensive musical staff and finance his own productions, which the Dauphin himself attended on a number of occasions.<xref rid="FN104"><sup>104</sup>
</xref>
</p>

      <p>While the Dauphin’s active patronage of new works or composers such as Campra may not have continued with the same intensity, he and his <italic>cabale</italic>
 made a much greater contribution to French cultural life of the period than has been recognized thus far. The activities of this group indicate that it maintained a complex and far-reaching hierarchical clientele in which political and artistic relationships mixed fluidly. At the uppermost level, the Dauphin himself cultivated a complex relationship with his father in which family and political bonds intermingled. The Dauphin’s position nevertheless gave him a certain degree of influence over Louis XIV, particularly in matters of court entertainments. Having limited financial resources, the Dauphin thus had three main potential avenues of artistic patronage: direct support by the commissioning of works, indirect patronage through command performances that attracted the attention of others to a composer’s work, and finally recommendation to the king for pensions or employment. Monseigneur used all these avenues with facility. His support of the Académie royale de musique, for example, encompassed all three: not only did his commissions and frequent presence at performances announce him as a powerful example of opposition to Louis XIV’s attempts to dissuade courtiers from indulging in the Opéra’s musical (and other) pleasures, but his intercession with the king in favour of Francine’s privilege and his direct financial support for his client clearly played an important role in the Opéra’s continued existence in spite of the machinations of the <italic>parti des dévots</italic>
 and its own financial troubles.</p>

      <p>Unlike his father, Monseigneur also relied on the wider patronage of his court circle, whose musical tastes reflected (or influenced) his own and whose members contributed to the direction and breadth of the activities pursued by the <italic>cabale</italic>
. In this, both the princesse de Conty and Philippe II d’Orléans played key roles, particularly in the group’s cultivation of the Italian style. In turn, the group’s clients, such as the marquis de Livry and the duchesse de La Ferté, cultivated the <italic>cabale</italic>
 members’ tastes by organizing musical entertainments for them, publicizing to others their access to powerful political patrons. Thus, although the multiplicity of influences in this hierarchy of patronage often make it difficult to determine the exact nature of the relationships between particular musicians and members of this <italic>cabale</italic>
, the group’s activities as a whole clearly indicate that they used the various avenues of patronage available to them not only to support opera and theatre in general, but to encourage interest in Italian music and comedy, cultivating it even at court. This pattern would continue with Philippe II d’Orléans: he employed composers who wrote in the newer styles, and clearly supported Campra’s efforts, but seems not to have employed or directly commissioned a work from the composer.<xref rid="FN105"><sup>105</sup>
</xref>
 Even if patronage of Campra by the <italic>cabale</italic>
 was more symbolic than concrete, the support of such an influential political faction marked the composer as a favourite of powerful princes and, in concert with the intercession by the Dauphin with Francine, played an important role in guaranteeing Campra’s works a place on the stage of the Académie royale de musique.</p>

      <p>The political importance of the <italic>cabale du Dauphin</italic>
 thus gave it an influential role in French musical life during the critical period of change from 1695 to 1701, which saw the beginning of the fad for Italian music and the rise of Campra as an operatic composer. Because of the unusual degree of interest in music among its members, the <italic>cabale</italic>
 carved out a niche as a supporter of new trends and as a counter-current to Louis XIV’s attempts to influence his courtiers to reject theatre and music. Thus the distinction drawn by Georgia Cowart between the spirit of ‘court entertainment’ that reflected the tastes and political aims of the monarch, and Parisian ‘public fête’ associated with Carnival <italic>folie</italic>
 and satire, was not simply a question of an institutional division between <italic>la cour</italic>
 and <italic>la ville,</italic>
 since the latter set of themes was cultivated by the <italic>cabale du Dauphin</italic>
 and others at the court itself. While the fad for the Comédie-Italienne, Italian music, and <italic>opéras-ballets</italic>
 may have resulted from the increasing influence of a newer ‘public’ sphere that would eventually come to dominate French musical life, this fad was equally the product of a shift in one of the fundamental political and aesthetic fault lines of the <italic>ancien régime</italic>
: the competition between the aristocratic desire for free enjoyment of privilege and the royal need for order and political harmony.<xref rid="FN106"><sup>106</sup>
</xref>
 This conflict played a decisive factor in the lives of individual musicians, and can be seen in the dichotomy between the career of Lalande, who as Louis XIV’s client retained numerous royal posts, and those of Campra and Bernier, who attained fame in part through their association with Monseigneur’s <italic>cabale</italic>
 but remained outside the sphere of royal patronage. Their existence on the margins of the royal court would continue until the Regency, when Philippe d’Orléans awarded the two composers quarter-years as <italic>sous-maître</italic>
 of the Chapelle royale in place of Louis XIV’s old favourite.</p>

    </sec>

    <sec>

      <title></title>

      <p>

        <fig id="F1" position="float">

          <label>EX. 1.</label>

          <caption>

            <p>Campra, ‘Nó, nó, non si può veder un volto’, from <italic>Vénus, feste galante</italic>
</p>

          </caption>

          <graphic xlink:href="musicj069.f1a"></graphic>

          <graphic xlink:href="musicj069.f1b"></graphic>

        </fig>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fig id="F2" position="float">

          <label>EX. 2.</label>

          <caption>

            <p>Lalande, ‘La sagesse est trop sévère’, chorus from <italic>Les Fées</italic>
, third <italic>intermède</italic>
</p>

          </caption>

          <graphic xlink:href="musicj069.f2"></graphic>

        </fig>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN1" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>1</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Maurice Barthélemy, ‘La Musique dramatique à Versailles de 1660 à 1715’, <italic>Dix-septième siècle</italic>
, 34 (1957), 7–18. Robert M. Isherwood, <italic>Music in the Service of the King: France in the Seventeenth Century</italic>
 (Ithaca, 1973), 312.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN2" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>2</sup>

          </label>

          <p>See e.g. Julie Anne Sadie, ‘Paris and Versailles’, in George J. Buelow (ed.), <italic>The Late Baroque Era from the 1680s to 1740</italic>
 (Music and Society Series; Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1993), 129–89.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN3" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>3</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Norbert Elias, <italic>The Court Society</italic>
, trans. Edmund Jephcott (New York, 1983); Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, ‘Cabals, Lineages, and Power’, in <italic>Saint-Simon and the Court of Louis XIV</italic>
, trans. Arthur Goldhammner (Chicago, 2001), 121–59. See also Roger Mettam, <italic>Power and Faction in Louis XIV’s France</italic>
 (Oxford, 1988) and Sharon Kettering, <italic>Patrons, Brokers, and Clients in Seventeenth-Century France</italic>
 (New York, 1986), 85–97 and 175–83.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN4" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>4</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Elias, <italic>The Court Society</italic>
, 63–5.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN5" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>5</sup>

          </label>

          <p>This was by no means a new phenomenon in the 1690s. The political ambitions of Louis XIV’s younger brother, Philippe I d’Orléans (1640–1701), to take but one example, revealed themselves in his organization of entertainments, his collection of art, and particularly in the decoration of his country château, Saint-Cloud, whose frescoes by Pierre Mignard, according to Jean-Pierre Néraudau (<italic>L’Olympe du roi-soleil</italic>
 (Paris, 1986), 184), stood as a ‘manifeste artistique et idéologique’ of Philippe I’s Baroque tastes, which were out of step with the classicism cultivated by his brother.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN6" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>6</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Although St-Simon does not include Philippe II in his description of the Dauphin’s <italic>cabale</italic>
, his picture of the political life of the court largely derives from the final years of the first decade of the 18th c. when Philippe had begun to carve out his own political niche through military success, distancing him from the Dauphin. During the 1690s and early years of the next decade, neither Philippe II d’Orléans nor the duc de Bourgogne (the Dauphin’s son and head of the third court <italic>cabale</italic>
 described by St-Simon) had much political influence of their own, and they played important roles in the activities of Monseigneur’s circle.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN7" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>7</sup>

          </label>

          <p>See Virginia Scott, <italic>The Commedia dell’Arte in Paris, 1644–1697</italic>
 (Charlottesville, Va., 1990).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN8" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>8</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Georgia Cowart, ‘Carnival in Venice or Protest in Paris? Louis XIV and the Politics of Subversion at the Paris Opéra’, <italic>Journal of the American Musicological Society</italic>
, 54 (2001), 265–302.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN9" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>9</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Letter to E. of Albemarle dated 1 Mar. 1698 from Matthew Prior, secretary to the English ambassador in France, quoted in Arthur Tilley, <italic>The Decline of the Age of Louis XIV or, French Literature, 1687–1715</italic>
 (Cambridge, 1929), 41.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN10" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>10</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Claude Tannevot (attrib.), ‘Preface ou discours sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. de la Lande’, in <italic>Motets de feu Mr de la Lande</italic>
 (Paris, 1729), 3: ‘His Majesty had [Lalande] compose short French pieces that His Majesty would arrive to examine several times a day, making him retouch them until His Majesty was content with them. One can judge how much the opportunity of working thus under the gaze of the king would expand one’s talent [<italic>ouvrir le génie</italic>
]...’.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN11" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>11</sup>

          </label>

          <p>See Barbara Coeyman, ‘The Stage Works of Michel-Richard Delalande in the Musical-Cultural Context of the French Court, 1680–1726’ (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1987). Lalande’s exposure to the Italian style seems largely to have been in the realm of sacred music owing to his participation in the circle of the abbé Matthieu at St-André-des-Arts, although he may have been familiar with the music of Innocenzo Fede at the Jacobite court. See Edward Corp, ‘The Exiled Court of James II and James III: A Centre of Italian Music in France, 1689–1712’, <italic>Journal of the Royal Musical Association</italic>
, 120 (1995), 216–231.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN12" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>12</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Tannevot, ‘Preface ou discours’, 3. On the changes in Lalande’s sacred style shortly after the turn of the century, see James R. Anthony, <italic>French Baroque Music</italic>
 (rev. edn., Portland, Ore., 1997), 242–4.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN13" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>13</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Suite du Parnasse François</italic>
 (Paris, 1743), 755. According to the article, the king had initially accorded Desmarest his wish, but when Lully found out about it he told the king that Desmarest would lose his ‘excellent taste’ for French music if he studied in Italy. The king’s preference for French music was clear from early on, according to Claude Ouvrard, who described in a letter to the abbé Nicaise that in dismissing Italian musicians brought to France by Cardinal Mazarin, ‘The king loses less in this matter than we do because he never listened to them, and much has been done to render them useless to him [Le Roy y perd moins que nous parce qu’il ne les entendoit jamais et l’on s’estoit efforcé de les luy rendre inutiles]’ (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France (hereafter BNF), f. fr. 9360, fo. 7; 16 July 1666).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN14" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>14</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Rose A. Pruiksma, ‘“Dansé par le roi”: Construction of French Identity in the Court Ballets of Louis XIV’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1999).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN15" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>15</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Jean-Laurent Lecerf de la Viéville, <italic>Comparaison de la musique italienne et de la musique françoise</italic>
 (Brussels, 1704–6; repr. Geneva, 1972), ii. 350. The more progressive <italic>Mercure galant</italic>
 (Nov. 1701), 206, on the other hand, reported: ‘The King appeared surprised by the excellence of [Anet], whom he had not yet heard.’</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN16" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>16</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Briefe der Herzogin Elisabeth Charlotte von Orléans</italic>
, ed. Wilhelm Ludwig Holland (Stuttgart, 1867), letter of 9 Nov. 1709. On Elisabeth-Charlotte’s artistic tastes, see Philip John Yarrow and W. S. Brooks, <italic>The Dramatic Criticism of Elizabeth Charlotte, Duchesse d’Orléans: With an Annotated Chronology of Performances of the Popular and Court Theatres in France 1671–1722, Reconstructed from her Letters</italic>
 (Lewiston, NY, 1996), and Dirk Van der Cruysse, <italic>Madame Palatine</italic>
 (Paris, 1989), 470–2.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN17" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>17</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Isherwood, <italic>Music in the Service of the King</italic>
, 310–13; Madeleine Garros, ‘Mme de Maintenon et la musique’, <italic>Revue de musicologie</italic>
, série spéciale, 1 (Jan. 1943), 8–17.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN18" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>18</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Mme de Maintenon, <italic>Recueil des instructions données aux Demoiselles de Saint-Cyr</italic>
 (Paris, 1908), 222–3.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN19" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>19</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans, for example, relates how the king turned to her during a sermon against the theatre in 1694, saying, ‘He doesn’t preach against me, since I no longer go to the theatre, but against the rest of you who like it and go’ (letter of 23 Dec. 1694, ed. in Eduard Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen der Herzogin Elisabeth Charlotte von Orléans an die Kurfürstin Sophie von Hannover: Ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts</italic>
, 2 vols. (Hanover, 1891)).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN20" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>20</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dom Philippe Joseph Caffiaux, <italic>Histoire de la musique</italic>
 (1754), BNF f. fr. 22536, fo. 186: ‘admiré dans Paris et dans les provinces, [Campra] eut le chagrin de ne pas plaire à la Cour et de se voir ravis par La Lande une place d’honneur à laquelle il avoit droit de prendre, si la seule science musicale avoit dÛ en decider. Car à la Cour La Lande (et c’est une anecdote qui merite d’etre conservée) s’est toujours maintenu contre Campra, contre Paris et les provinces pour la sagesse des moeurs et de composition, dont il faut flater le goÛt sage et religieux d’un grand Roi, qui n’aimoit les talens, dont il étoit pourtant le magnifique remunerateur, qu’autant qu’il estimoit les personnes, et qui crut devoir à la decence publique et à la majesté de la religion et de la couronne de préferer le mediocrité toute d’or de la Lande, religieusement bornée à la musique ecclesiastique, à la brilliante et ingennieuse fécondité de Campra, qui avec trop de licence et d’éclat, eut le malheur d’exceller dans le profane, après avoir excellé dans le sacré.’</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN21" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>21</sup>

          </label>

          <p>See Maurice Bathélemy, <italic>André Campra (1660–1744): Étude biographique et musicologique</italic>
 (2nd edn., Arles, 1995). The friendship between Maintenon and the archbishop is evident in their extensive correspondence, which is found in the many editions of Maintenon’s letters. According to another chanson in the Chansonnier Maurepas (BNF f. fr. 12624, p. 27) the archbishop, following a papal edict, had Carnival celebrations suspended in 1696, much to the chagrin of the inhabitants of his diocese.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN22" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>22</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Following St-Simon, Elias (<italic>The Court Society</italic>
, 120) observed that Louis frequently attempted to concentrate power in those whose dependence on royal patronage ensured their loyalty, including his ministers (whom he personally appointed) and his own bastard children (whom he officially legitimized but whose legal position was always precarious).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN23" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>23</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The traditional view of the Dauphin derives from the famous dismissal of him by St-Simon (‘He lacked any character, had quite a bit of common sense, but without any kind of wit [De caractère, il n’en avoit aucun, du sens assez, sans aucune sorte d’esprit]’), who blamed the ‘rigour’ of his education under Bossuet for having spoilt his character (<italic>Mémoires; Additions au Journal de Dangeau</italic>
, ed. Yves Coirault (Tours, 1983), iv. 78). Elisabeth-Charlotte had a more nuanced view of him: ‘I admit that I am more curious than the king’s son, but it is not really the fault of stupidity that he cannot decide on anything [<italic>nach nichts nicht versichern</italic>
], since he is not entirely lacking in intelligence. He can banter [<italic>railliren</italic>
] well, and understands banter [<italic>raillerie</italic>
]; he observes everything carefully and sees everything right away, so that when one thinks that he sees nothing and thinks about nothing, he actually knows everything and can often bring it up apropos. He is all in all quite an unusual character [<italic>humor</italic>
], dissimulates dreadfully, and says very seldom what he thinks. There are few people in the world like him; he hates no one and loves nothing, but can in fact understand everything and expresses himself well when he wishes’ (letter of 21 Sept. [1695], in Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
). A balanced view of Monseigneur’s character is presented by François Bluche, <italic>Louis XIV</italic>
, trans. Mark Greengrass (New York, 1990), 117–19 and 357–8.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN24" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>24</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mercure</italic>
 (May 1680), 102: ‘always behaving gallantly towards Madame la Dauphine, [the Dauphin] studies everything that is to her taste in order to conform his to it; and as he remarked that it would please her to like singing, this princess having a lovely voice and great ability, he himself decided to learn to sing. No sooner had he conceived the idea, than he executed it; and this will appear incredible: he understood the difference in pitch between one tone and another so well that in his second lesson he sang a quite difficult air at sight.’ The article does not mention who Monseigneur’s teacher was, but he probably took lessons from Lambert, who taught the Dauphine.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN25" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>25</sup>

          </label>

          <p>St-Simon is somewhat contradictory on this point, on the one hand continuing his attempts to portray the Dauphin as weak, ‘dependent’ on Louis XIV, and subject to his permission to leave court, and on the other hand documenting the king’s concern with his frequent and lengthy absences: ‘That little ability to please and little consideration, that dependence, up until his death, never to dare to take a step away from the court without telling the king, equivalent to permission, made Monseigneur uneasy at court. He fulfilled the duties of son and courtier with a most exact regularity, but always the same without any addition, and with an air more respectful and measured than any other subject. All of this together made him find Meudon and the liberty that he enjoyed there delicious, and although he only needed to reflect to see that the King was often pained by these frequent separations...[Monseigneur] was very little at Versailles, and when [the royal court’s] trips to Marly went on for too long, he interrupted them by journeys to Meudon lasting several days’ (<italic>Mémoires</italic>
, iv. 83). In a letter of 11 Jan. 1710 (<italic>Briefe der Herzogin</italic>
, ed. Holland), Madame described how ‘The court is divided; Monsieur de Dauphin and my son are at Meudon’.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN26" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>26</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Philippe de Courcillon, marquis de Dangeau, <italic>Journal du princesse de Dangeau avec les additions inédites du Duc de Saint-Simon</italic>
, ed. Eudore Soulié <italic>etal</italic>
. (Paris, 1856), entry of 6 Mar. 1697. In a letter to Amelie Elisabeth of the Pfaltz dated 12 June 1699 (in <italic>Briefe</italic>
, ed. Holland), Elisabeth-Charlotte concurs: ‘The king cannot forbid <italic>landknecht</italic>
 [gambling at cards] as long as his only son and brother—Monsieur the Dauphin and Monsieur—do not want to play anything else.’</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN27" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>27</sup>

          </label>

          <p>St-Simon, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, iii. 488–9. The political implications of these tensions are described by Elias, <italic>The Court Society</italic>
, 198.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN28" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>28</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 18 Feb. 1697.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN29" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>29</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Mme de Maintenon, <italic>Recueil des instructions</italic>
, 215–16.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN30" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>30</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 8 Oct. 1685; 10 Jan. 1687. These two events are described in detail by Jérôme de La Gorce, <italic>Jean-Baptiste Lully</italic>
 (Paris, 2002), 323–7 and 332–9.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN31" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>31</sup>

          </label>

          <p>For example, Dangeau reports (<italic>Journal</italic>
, 27 Jan. 1697): ‘Monseigneur had the litle opera by the young Lully sung at Meudon.’</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN32" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>32</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The Dauphin’s music is described in Catherine Cessac, <italic>Marc-Antoine Charpentier</italic>
, trans. E. Thomas Glasow (Portland, Ore., 1995), 114–22. At some point, this ensemble apparently lost its identity as separate from the king’s music, since Dangeau (<italic>Journal</italic>
, 19 July 1711) reports: ‘Madame the Dauphine [the duchesse de Bourgogne] at present has the king’s music at her Mass; it is the Dauphin [the duc de Bourgogne] who should have it but he does not care about it, and he prefers that the Dauphine have it, as the late Monseigneur always did.’ See also St-Simon, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, iv. 306.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN33" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>33</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 6 Dec. 1693.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN34" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>34</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau penned numerous reports of this phenomenon throughout this period. On 17 Feb. 1697, for example, he recorded that ‘While Monseigneur is at Meudon, there is here neither <italic>appartement</italic>
 nor theatre because the king attends neither the one nor the other.’</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN35" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>35</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Letter of 5 May 1716 in <italic>Correspondance complète de Madame duchesse d’Orléans</italic>
, ed. M. G. Brunet (Paris, 1855). One example of the influence of Monseigneur’s courtiers occurred in July of 1688, while he was a guest at the country château of the marquis de Livry. He was fêted with an operatic prologue composed by Colasse employing ‘the loveliest voices and the best dancers of the Royal Academy of Music’, followed by a Molière comedy with <italic>intermèdes</italic>
 newly composed for the occasion. Having pleased the Dauphin, the prologue, comedy, and <italic>intermèdes</italic>
 were performed again a few days later at the royal château of Marly (<italic>Mercure</italic>
 (July 1688), 45–64). That same year, he was treated to a fête over several days given by the prince de Condé at Chantilly that included Paolo Lorenzani’s <italic>Orontée</italic>
 and excerpts from his Italian pastoral <italic>Nicandro e Fileno</italic>
.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN36" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>36</sup>

          </label>

          <p>See Emile Campardon, <italic>Les Comédiens du roi de la troupe italienne</italic>
 (Paris, 1880; repr. Geneva, 1970), ii. 225–30, and Jules Bonnassies, <italic>La Comédie-Française: Histoire administrative (1658–1757)</italic>
 (Paris, 1874), 75–83.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN37" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>37</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mercure</italic>
 (June 1700), 103. Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans, letter of 10 June 1700, in Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN38" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>38</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 28 Jan. 1688: ‘The ballet was danced for the first time. Monseigneur had directed the rehearsals....The king saw the performance from the petite chambre de Joyeux, which adjoins the theatre. The <italic>entrées</italic>
 were combined with a new comedy entitled <italic>Le Jaloux</italic>
. The king found it quite lovely, but ordered that certain things be changed concerning duels, along with other things that he found too free [<italic>trop libre</italic>
].’ See also Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans, letter of 4 Mar. 1699, in Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN39" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>39</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 23 Nov. 1687.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN40" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>40</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Ibid., 5 Dec. 1698. On the pensions for Colasse and Le Rochois, see Jérôme de La Gorce, ‘L’Académie Royale de Musique en 1704, d’après des documents inédits conservés dans les archives notariales’, <italic>Revue de musicologie</italic>
, 65 (1979), 160–91.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN41" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>41</sup>

          </label>

          <p>St-Simon (<italic>Mémoires</italic>
, iv. 87–8) says that the king did not suffer his son having mistresses, and ‘in their place, [Monseigneur] had passing and obscure trysts [<italic>soulagements passagers et obscurs</italic>
] instead of affairs [<italic>galanteries</italic>
], of which he was little capable. These were furnished by Du Mont and Francine (a relative of Lully), who together had control of the Opéra for many years.’</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN42" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>42</sup>

          </label>

          <p>She is mentioned as the Dauphin’s mistress both by St-Simon (<italic>Mémoires</italic>
, iv. 88) and Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans (letter of 18 Jan. 1697, in Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
). On the fad for taking dancers as mistresses, see Isherwood, <italic>Music in the Service</italic>
, 317–18.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN43" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>43</sup>

          </label>

          <p>On this process, see Kettering, <italic>Patrons, Brokers, and Clients</italic>
, 3–4.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN44" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>44</sup>

          </label>

          <p>See above, n. 35.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN45" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>45</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mémoires</italic>
, i. 868.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN46" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>46</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Although Lois Rosow (‘From Destouches to Berton: Editorial Responsibility at the Paris Opéra’, <italic>Journal of the American Musicological Society</italic>
, 40 (1987), 285–309) found it more likely that Francine ‘left editorial decisions to one or more musically inclined employees’, she cites a letter from Louis Ladvocat to Jean-Baptiste Dubos, dated 13 Feb. 1696 (since edited by Jérôme de La Gorce in <italic>Louis Ladvocat, Lettres sur l’Opéra à l’abbé Dubos</italic>
 (Paris, 1993), 62–3), indicating that Francine had not yet decided to whom he would assign the musical composition of <italic>Les Fêtes galantes</italic>
, and therefore he had at least the final say in the selection of composers during this period.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN47" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>47</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Letter of 3 Mar. 1695, in Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN48" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>48</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Letter of 24 Mar. 1695, in <italic>Lettres de Madame duchesse d’Orléans née Princesse de Palatine</italic>
, ed. Olivier Amiel (Paris, 1981).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN49" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>49</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Ézéchiel Spanheim, <italic>Rélation de la cour de France en 1690</italic>
, ed. Charles Henri Auguste Schefer (Paris, 1882), 96–7.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN50" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>50</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans, letter of 18 Jan. 1697 in Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
: ‘Monsieur the Dauphin does not mix himself up in anything, but stays all of his life by the princesse de Conty, whom he mocks, but is as controlled by her as his father by [Mme de] Maintenon.’ St-Simon concurs (<italic>Mémoires</italic>
, v. 557).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN51" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>51</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The first of many entries that mention the Philippe II d’Orléans as a member of this circle is 4 Mar. 1693.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN52" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>52</sup>

          </label>

          <p>On the duke’s intellectual interests and their influence on his musical patronage, see Fader, ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style at the Court of Philippe II, duc d’Orléans (1674–1723)’ (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 2000), and Jean-Paul Montagnier, <italic>Un Mécène-musicien: Philippe d’Orléans, régent (1674–1723)</italic>
 (Bourg-la-Reine, 1996).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN53" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>53</sup>

          </label>

          <p>This number comes from Couperin himself, who mentions his duties in the preface to his first book of <italic>Pièces de Clavecin</italic>
 (Paris, 1713): ‘Twenty years ago I had the honour of being employed by the King, and teaching Monseigneur the Dauphin-duc de Bourgogne and six princes or princesses of the Royal house practically at the same time.’ At least some of these lessons must have begun later than 1693, however, because Dangeau reports the duc de Bourgogne’s interest in playing harpsichord in 1700 as if he had not started learning it yet (<italic>Journal</italic>
, 12 Apr. 1700: ‘Monseigneur le duc de Bourgogne...likes music very much, and also wants to learn to play the harpsichord’).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN54" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>54</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Evrard Titon du Tillet, <italic>Suite du Parnasse François</italic>
 (Paris, 1743), 664.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN55" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>55</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The duc de Bourgogne’s interest in Italian music is mentioned by Anne Marie de La Trémoille-Noirmoutier, princesse des Ursins, in a letter to Mme de Maintenon dated 23 Dec. 1706 (in <italic>Lettres inédites de la princesse des Ursins</italic>
, ed. M. A. Geoffroy (Paris, 1859), 287). The princess’s acquaintance with Bourgogne’s tastes dates primarily from a 1702 visit to Versailles from her home in Spain. He was trained in singing by Jean Matho, who had taken over the post of teacher to the Dauphine from Lambert in 1688 (see Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 12 Apr. 1700). In a letter of 14 Dec. 1704 (in Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
), Elisabeth-Charlotte reported that, in order to be able to justify singing his favourite opera melodies, Bourgogne had replaced the words with sacred texts. During the court’s annual trip to Marly in 1706 Dangeau reports that he ‘ceased going to musical events although he loved them greatly’ (<italic>Journal</italic>
, 5 Nov. 1706).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN56" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>56</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Catherine Massip, ‘La Collection musicale Toulouse-Philidor à la Bibliothèque nationale’, <italic>Fontes Artis Musicae</italic>
, 30 (1983), 184–207.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN57" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>57</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 31 Dec. 1699.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN58" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>58</sup>

          </label>

          <p>St-Simon, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, i. 867 and 523.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN59" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>59</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The group around the princesse de Conty is mentioned in a letter from Mme de Maintenon to her nephew, the comte d’Ayen (also a frequent member of Dauphin’s circle), dated 29 Jan. [1701], in <italic>Madame de Maintenon: Lettres</italic>
, ed. Marcel Langlois (Paris, 1939), 555: ‘The princesse de Conty has declared that she will not dance, and the ladies of her <italic>cabale</italic>
 follow her example.’</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN60" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>60</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 15 Apr. 1700.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN61" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>61</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Airs italiens de Monsieur Theobaldo dè Gatti</italic>
 (Paris, 1696); Jérôme de La Gorce, ‘Vogue et influence de l’air italien dans l’opéra français autour de 1700’, <italic>Studi musicali</italic>
, 25 (1996), 195–207. The aria in question, ‘Care pene, dolci catene’ (<italic>Airs italiens</italic>
, 31–3) does indeed have a motto, but its style is otherwise consistent with the other airs in the collection, which belong more to the mid-century cantata and do not reflect the late-century style of da capo aria employed by Campra. See Barbara Nestola, ‘Le arie italiane di Teobaldo de Gatti’, <italic>Cahiers Philidor</italic>
 (Versailles, 2004), <ext-link xlink:href="http://www.cmbv.com/images/banq/cp/cp025.pdf" ext-link-type="url">http://www.cmbv.com/images/banq/cp/cp025.pdf</ext-link>
, accessed 13 Aug. 2004.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN62" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>62</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Divertissements</italic>
 for the Dauphin were recorded in July 1688 (<italic>Mercure</italic>
 (July 1688), 45–50), 16 June 1698 (Dangeau), 7 June 1700 (<italic>Mercure</italic>
 (June 1700), 100), and 12 Aug. 1705 (Dangeau). The <italic>livret</italic>
 for the latter is extant: <italic>Impromptu de Livry, comédie-ballet, Divertissment donné à S.A.S. Madame le Princesse douairière De Conty à Livry-le-Château, le 12 AoÛt, 1705, par Mr Marquis de Livry</italic>
 (Paris, 1705), copy in BNF ThB 3767. The composer of the music, Jean-Claude Gillier, and the author of the <italic>livret</italic>
, Dancourt, worked together frequently in productions for the Comédie-Française, and may have been chosen for this fête because of the Dauphin’s connections with the company. The marquise’s fascination with music is described in a satire, ‘Noel sur les Dames de la cour (1696)’, in the Chansonnier Maurepas, BNF f. fr. 12624, 183.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN63" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>63</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mercure</italic>
 (June 1697), 203; Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, entry of 10 June 1697. Maurice Barthélemy’s <italic>André Campra</italic>
 curiously does not mention Campra’s involvement in this fête, mistakenly assigning the music to Philidor (pp. 78–9).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN64" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>64</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The date cannot not be precisely established. According to a copy of Maurice Barthélemy’s transcription available in the library of the Centre de Musique Baroque, Versailles, the title (‘Divertissement donné a M. le duc de Chartres, Juillet 1697’) indicates that it was given in July. The MS score itself is now in a private collection.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN65" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>65</sup>

          </label>

          <p>St-Simon, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, iv. 565; <italic>Recueil de Tralage</italic>
 (Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 6544, iv, fo. 237). Sully’s pension for Le Rochois (500 livres) is mentioned by Titon du Tillet, <italic>Parnasse François</italic>
, 790–5, and Durey de Noinville (<italic>Histoire du Théatre de l’Académie Royale de Musique en France</italic>
 (2nd edn., Paris, 1757; repr. Geneva, 1972), ii. 56).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN66" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>66</sup>

          </label>

          <p>See ‘Sur l’Opéra d’Hercules et Omphale sur l’air “Il a batu son petit frere”’ (1701), Chansonnier Maurepas, BNF f. fr. 12625, 47: ‘Des Touches a fait un Opéra / Soutenu de ses Cabalistes, / Sully, Cominge et cetera, / Le mettent au dessus de Batiste, / Les foibles juges que voila, / En comédie, en Opéra. [Destouches wrote an opera / supported by his <italic>cabalistes</italic>
 / Sully, Cominge, et cetera, / Who place him above Baptiste, / Feeble judges thus / Of theatre and opera.]’ A chanson from the Chansonnier Clerambault puts him among the famous spectators at the opera in 1705 (BNF f. fr. 12692, fo. 298<sup>r</sup>
, ‘Satyre sur plusieurs personnes êtant un jour à l’opera en 1705’).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN67" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>67</sup>

          </label>

          <p>La Motte himself reports his involvement in the verse-fable ‘L’Aigle et l’aiglon’, addressed to Orléans (in <italic>Fables Nouvelles, dédiées au roy, avec un discours sur la fable</italic>
 (Paris, 1719), 1, ll. 16–20): ‘Sulli dans ce temps-là te donnoit une fête; / Campra t’y préparoit des airs / Dont je m’applaudissois d’avoir fourni les vers. / Quand tu vis ton nom à la tête, / Une noble rougeur s’éleva sur ton front.’ [Sully, back then, gave you a <italic>fête</italic>
; / Campra prepared you the airs / For which I would congratulate myself for having furnished the verse. / When you saw your name in the title, / A noble blush rose on your face.]</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN68" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>68</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Sept. 1697), 228. The <italic>cabale</italic>
 may well have had a hand in putting <italic>L’Europe galante</italic>
 forward as a candidate for performance at the wedding of the duc and duchesse de Bourgogne, as reported in the December issues of the <italic>Gazette de Amsterdam</italic>
 (2 Dec. 1697) and the <italic>Mercure historique</italic>
 (Dec. 1697), quoted in Pierre Mélèse, <italic>Répertoire analytique des documents contemporains d’information et de critique concernant le théâtre à Paris sous Louis XIV, 1659–1715</italic>
 (Paris, 1934), 205. Instead, Destouches’s <italic>Issé</italic>
 (favoured by Louis XIV) was chosen, giving the king the opportunity to express his views on musical style quoted above. In 1713, Louis XIV went on to appoint his favourite to the post of Inspector General at the Opéra.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN69" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>69</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Vénus, feste galante, Chantée devant Monseigneur, le 27. Janvier 1698. chez Madame la Duchesse de la Ferté</italic>
 (Paris, 1698), BNF Vm2 232. The event is described in Dangeau’s <italic>Journal</italic>
 (27 Jan. 1698) and the <italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Jan. 1698), 274–6.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN70" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>70</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The Orléans family evidently played some role in this event: not only did the fireworks mentioned by the <italic>Mercure</italic>
 as part of the event take place in the gardens of the Palais-Royal, but the family had close ties to the duchess. In May of that same year, Mlle de Ménétou, the duchesse de La Ferté’s daughter (yet another student of Couperin’s) married Monsieur’s captain of the guards, upon whom Monsieur was ready to bestow ‘grands avantages’ in order to ‘get the girl’s family to consent’ (Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 12 May 1698). One of these ‘advantages’ was a serenade by musicians of the Opéra fit for ‘a great prince’ organized by Francine (possibly through his patron, the Dauphin), according to the account of the event by Louis François du Bouchet, marquis de Sourches (<italic>Mémoires du marquis de Sourches sur le règne de Louis XIV</italic>
, ed. Gabriel-Jules, comte de Cosnac, Arthur Bertrand de Broussillon, and Edouard Pontal (Paris, 1882–93), entry of 22 July 1698). The connections with the royal family that La Ferté carefully cultivated through her daughter’s marriage and her fête for the Dauphin netted her family coveted invitations to the royal retreat at Marly, where she ‘had not come for a long time’ (Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 6 Jan. 1698).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN71" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>71</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Her influence on Louis XIV and its effects are described in Charles Elliott, <italic>Princess of Versailles: The Life of Marie Adelaide of Savoy</italic>
 (New York, 1992), 196.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN72" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>72</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Elisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans, letter of 18 Feb. 1697 (in <italic>Briefe</italic>
, ed. Holland): ‘One does not sense here that it is Carnival because there is not a single <italic>divertissement</italic>
 at court. Monseigneur the Dauphin has gone with the widowed princesse de Conty and many ladies and cavaliers, along with my son, to Meudon to make merry.’ Several entries in Dangeau’s journal from this time confirm the Dauphin’s presence at Meudon.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN73" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>73</sup>

          </label>

          <p>St-Simon, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, i. 698.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN74" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>74</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Feb. 1700), 164; Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 4 Feb. 1700; <italic>La Noce de village, mascarade mise en musique Par Mr Philidor l’aîné, Ordinaire de la Musique du Roy, Representée devant Sa Majesté à Marly</italic>
 (Paris, 1700), Paris, Bibliothèque-Musée de l’Opéra Liv 17 R7/10.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN75" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>75</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Letter of 6 Feb. 1699, ed. in L. von Ranke, <italic>Aus den Briefen der Herzogin von Orleans, Elisabeth Charlotte, an die Kurfürstin Sophie von Hannover</italic>
, vol. 6 of <italic>Französische Geschichte vornehmlich im sechzehnten und siebzehnten Jahrhundert</italic>
 (Leipzig, 1877). Elisabeth-Charlotte says that they appeared ‘with blonde <italic>touren</italic>
 [tall wigs], piled up much higher than [actually] worn’. She also reports that her son, the comte d’Ayen, prince Camille, and La Vallière appeared alongside their compatriots ‘ridiculous men’s attire’. Sourches likewise reports (<italic>Mémoires</italic>
, 5 Feb. 1700) that Philippe played the role of Doloride in drag as part of a <italic>mascarade</italic>
 on the subject of Don Quixtote, dancing ‘a very strange <italic>entrée</italic>
 for a lady’.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN76" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>76</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Sourches, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, entry of 20 Feb. 1699.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN77" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>77</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Letter of 3 Feb. 1700, in Bodemann, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN78" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>78</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Feb. 1700), 222.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN79" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>79</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Sourches, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, entry of 18 Feb. 1700.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN80" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>80</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, entry of 18 Feb. 1700. Vendôme had long been a cultivator of the Dauphin, frequently inviting him to his country château at Anet, where he staged musical and theatrical entertainments for his prince on several occasions. On 23 Feb. 1691, for example, Dangeau reports that Vendôme treated Monseigneur to an extensive array of newly composed musical entertainments. The events of this and another fête given for the Dauphin by Vendôme in 1693 are described in detail in François Parfaict, <italic>Histoire du theatre françois, depuis son origine jusqu’à present</italic>
 (Paris, 1768), xiv. 230–4 and 308–16.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN81" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>81</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Charles-Auguste, marquis de La Fare, ‘DIALOGUE Entre deux Perroquets’, in <italic>Poësies de Monsieur le Marquis de la Farre</italic>
 (rev. edn., Amsterdam, 1755), 47–9. The composer of the music, which is lost, is unknown.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN82" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>82</sup>

          </label>

          <p>La Fare, ‘EPIGRAMME Sur ce qui le Dialogue précédent fut regardé comme une piece dans laquelle les deux Auteurs avoient voulu tourner la Cour en ridicule’, <italic>Poësies</italic>
, 49. According to a note (p. 48), it was the duc de Chartres and Monseigneur who charged the two musician-poets with playing these roles, but according to Dangeau (entry of 18 Feb.) it was their patron Philippe de Vendôme who actually instructed them to compose the verse. The masquerade is also described in the <italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Feb. 1700), 222–3.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN83" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>83</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Letter of 8 Feb. 1699, ed. in Ranke, <italic>Aus den Briefen</italic>
.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN84" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>84</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mercure historique</italic>
, 28 (Apr. 1700), 427. See Pierre Mélèse, <italic>Le Théâtre et le public à Paris sous Louis XIV, 1659–1715</italic>
 (Paris, 1934), 56.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN85" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>85</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The event is described in Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, entry of 22 Jan. 1700, in the <italic>Mémoires</italic>
 of the marquis de Sourches, entry of 18 Feb. 1700, and in the <italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Feb. 1700), 158. The <italic>Mercure</italic>
 report describes the dancing of a harlequin (performed by Balon) and a Polichinelle (by des Moulins), and their wives, Varango and Chappe. It is unlikely that this particular <italic>mascarade</italic>
 included Italian music as part of its ‘Savoyard’ character since the <italic>livret</italic>
 (<italic>Mascarade des Savoyards, Mise en Musique par Philidor l’aîné, Ordinaire de la Musique, et représentée devant le Roy, à Marly</italic>
 (Paris, 1700), Bibliothéque-Musée de l’Opéra, Liv 17 R7/16) includes no airs in Italian.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN86" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>86</sup>

          </label>

          <p>See William S. Brooks, ‘From <italic>Lazzi</italic>
 to Acrobats: The Court’s Taste after 1680’, <italic>Cahiers du dix-septième</italic>
, 62 (1992), 45–53.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN87" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>87</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The character Marinette sings the following lines in praise of marital fidelity (p. 5): ‘I love Pulcinello, / I love him, he is my husband, / Our ardour is mutual, / How sweet our is fate! [J’aime Polichinelle, / Je l’aime, il est mon Epoux, / Nôtre ardeur est mutelle, / Que nôtre sort est doux!].’</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN88" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>88</sup>

          </label>

          <p>St-Simon, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, i. 263–4; iii. 872.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN89" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>89</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Sourches, <italic>Mémoires</italic>
, entry of 19 Feb. 1700; <italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Feb. 1700), 229–30.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN90" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>90</sup>

          </label>

          <p>André Blanc, <italic>F. C. Dancourt (1661–1725): La Comédie Française à l’heure du Soleil couchant</italic>
 (Tübingen, 1984), 90–3; <italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Feb. 1700), 181–3; Parfaict, <italic>Histoire du Théatre François</italic>
, xiv. 292. The text of the Comédie-Française version is found in Dancourt, <italic>Les oeuvres de Monsieur Dancourt, nouvelle édition</italic>
 (Paris, 1760), xiii. 204–46. The play includes not only improvised dialogue but also a stock comic character, the clever neighbour Zerbinette, who speaks both Italian and French. The music for the <italic>divertissement</italic>
 is lost.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN91" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>91</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Journal</italic>
, 30 Oct. 1698.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN92" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>92</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Ibid., 27 Jan. 1699.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN93" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>93</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Gazette de Rotterdam</italic>
 (29 Jan. 1699) and <italic>Relations Véritables</italic>
 [Brussels] (5 Feb. 1699), cited in Mélèse, <italic>Répertoire</italic>
, 207.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN94" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>94</sup>

          </label>

          <p>James R. Anthony (ed.), <italic>Le Carnaval de Venise, comédie lyrique</italic>
, (Stuyvesant, NY, 1989), p. xlvii.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN95" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>95</sup>

          </label>

          <p>The sources for the play and the <italic>intermèdes</italic>
 are described in Coeyman, ‘The Stage Works of Michel-Richard de La Lande’, 241–55, 467–71.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN96" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>96</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Two different sets of sources for the 1699 libretto exist: one set for the Fontainebleau performance, <italic>Intermèdes de la Comedie des Fées, mêlé de musique et de danses, representée pour Monseigneur Le Dauphin, à Fontainebleau au mois de Septembre 1699</italic>
 (Paris, 1699), and a second for the Parisian performance, <italic>Les Fées Comédie Représentée pour la première fois, le 29 Octobre 1699</italic>
 (Paris, 1699), which contains the melody line to the vocal airs. The vocal music can also be found in Dancourt, <italic>OEuvres,</italic>
 vi, app., 47–86.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN97" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>97</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Lalande did write instrumental ‘ritornelles’ for several airs by Italian composers, which are found in François Fossard and André Danican Philidor, <italic>Airs italiens</italic>
 (Paris, 1695); see Denis Herlin, ‘Fossard et la musique italienne en France au <sc>xvii</sc>
<sup>e</sup>
 siècle’, <italic>Recherches</italic>
, 20 (1996–8), 27–47. ‘Può saggio cuore’ could have been composed by Jean-Claude Gillier, who wrote the music to a number of Italian texts sung at the Comédie-Française.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN98" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>98</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 8 Dec. 1701.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN99" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>99</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Oct. 1700), 251: ‘Friday the 8th...In the evening in the apartment of Monseigneur, there was sung a motet composed by sieur Bernier, music master of St-Germain de L’Auxerrois. Monseigneur was so satisfied [with this motet] that he wanted to hear it twice, and praised [Bernier] greatly.’ See Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, 8 Oct. 1700, <italic>Mercure</italic>
 (Nov. 1700), 208–10, and (Apr. 1701), 225. Bernier’s patronage by members of Monseigneur’s circle, including Philippe d’Orléans, played an important role in his entry into the field of the <italic>cantate</italic>
, the subject of a future study.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN100" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>100</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Dangeau, <italic>Journal</italic>
, entry of 18 July 1700; <italic>Mercure</italic>
 (July 1700), 265–81. Monsieur le duc had been a devotee of the Comédie-Italienne and Italian music as well as a cultivator of Monseigneur for some time. In 1694, according to Dangeau (entry of 26 Nov.), he invited the Dauphin for a dinner with music and ‘quelques scènes italiennes’ performed by Mezzetin and Pascariel.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN101" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>101</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Impromptu donné à Monseigneur au château de Saint-Maur, le dix-huitième jour de juillet 1700</italic>
 (Paris, 1700), BNF Rés Yf 2186, p. 9.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN102" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>102</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Recueil général des opéras représentés par l’académie royale de musique depuis son établissement</italic>
 (Paris, 1703–46; repr. Geneva, 1971), ii. 228. On <italic>La Venitienne</italic>
, and the theatrical issues behind the use of Venetian subjects at the Opéra, see Rebecca Harris-Warrick, ‘Staging Venice’, <italic>Cambridge Opera Journal</italic>
, 15 (2003), 297–316.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN103" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>103</sup>

          </label>

          <p><italic>Recueil général des opéras</italic>
, ii. 8.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN104" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>104</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Orléans’s <italic>Penthée</italic>
 was even produced at Meudon, according to Dangeau (<italic>Journal</italic>
, 16 Apr. 1703).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN105" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>105</sup>

          </label>

          <p>Orléans may, however, have been involved in the selection of Campra at the Collège Louis-le-Grand, where the composer wrote music for Jesuit plays beginning with <italic>Philochrysus, ou L’Avare</italic>
 (performed on 15 Dec. 1698). Campra’s work at the Collège thus apparently began just after Charpentier’s move to the Ste-Chapelle, which was facilitated by Philippe II and the Jesuit Louis-Gaston Fleuriau.</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

      <p>

        <fn id="FN106" xml:lang="en">

          <label>

            <sup>106</sup>

          </label>

          <p>This aspect of the culture of the period has been commented upon by numerous authors including Norbert Elias (<italic>The Court Society</italic>
, 248–67), who analysed the pastoral themes in D’Urfé’s <italic>L’Astrée</italic>
 as reflections of aristocratic desire for escape from the realities of a regimented court life to an imaginary world of pleasures ‘sans contrainte’. On the aristocratic contributions to the development of a public sphere within the political structure of the <italic>ancien régime</italic>
, see David Gordon, <italic>Citizens without Sovereignty: Equality and Sociability in French Thought, 1670–1789</italic>
 (Princeton, 1994).</p>

        </fn>

      </p>

    </sec>

  </body>

</article>

</istex:document>
</istex:metadataXml>
<mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700</title>
</titleInfo>
<titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700</title>
</titleInfo>
<name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Don</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Fader</namePart>
</name>
<typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource>
<genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre>
<originInfo><publisher>Oxford University Press</publisher>
<dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2005-08</dateIssued>
<copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2005</copyrightDate>
</originInfo>
<language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm>
<languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm>
</language>
<abstract lang="en">For George J. Buelow Beginning in the late 1680s, opposition to the conservative cultural politics of Louis XIV coalesced in an influential court clique around Louis XIV’s son, Louis (1661–1711). In contrast to the king’s anti-theatrical moralizing and heritage of supporting classicism, the Dauphin and his cabale embraced aspects of the arts that Louis XIV had rejected: the Comédie-Italienne, Italian music, and the operas of André Campra. The Dauphin not only supported the Opéra and encouraged Louis XIV to reinstitute the Comédie-Italienne, but his cabale also staged entertainments at court in which commedia dell’arte and Italian music featured. The group’s support for Campra during the early phase of his operatic career is reflected by three fêtes commissioned from him in 1697–8 by nobles seeking to cultivate members of the cabale as political patrons. The Dauphin’s importance as a protector of the theatre was publicly acknowledged in the prologue to Campra’s Le Carnaval de Venise (1699) and in other works of the period. The activities of the cabale and its extended political clientele thus played a significant role in the French fad for Italian music and comedy of the late 1690s, and demonstrate the influence of courtly politics in the musical life of the era.</abstract>
<relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Music and Letters</title>
</titleInfo>
<titleInfo type="abbreviated"><title>Music and Letters</title>
</titleInfo>
<genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre>
<identifier type="ISSN">0027-4224</identifier>
<identifier type="eISSN">1477-4631</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID">musicj</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">musicj</identifier>
<part><date>2005</date>
<detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption>
<number>86</number>
</detail>
<detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption>
<number>3</number>
</detail>
<extent unit="pages"><start>380</start>
<end>413</end>
</extent>
</part>
</relatedItem>
<identifier type="istex">87662BE30817DAD2358CACD88560DE92D26EFF74</identifier>
<identifier type="DOI">10.1093/ml/gci069</identifier>
<identifier type="local">069</identifier>
<accessCondition type="use and reproduction" contentType="copyright">© The Author (2005). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.</accessCondition>
<recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-GTWS0RDP-M">oup</recordContentSource>
<recordOrigin>© The Author (2005). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.</recordOrigin>
</recordInfo>
</mods>
<json:item><extension>json</extension>
<original>false</original>
<mimetype>application/json</mimetype>
<uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/record.json</uri>
</json:item>
</metadata>
<annexes><json:item><extension>jpeg</extension>
<original>true</original>
<mimetype>image/jpeg</mimetype>
<uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/annexes.jpeg</uri>
</json:item>
<json:item><extension>gif</extension>
<original>true</original>
<mimetype>image/gif</mimetype>
<uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/HXZ-QJZTFS1N-K/annexes.gif</uri>
</json:item>
</annexes>
<serie></serie>
</istex>
</record>

Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)

EXPLOR_STEP=$WICRI_ROOT/Wicri/Musique/explor/BourgeoisGentilV1/Data/Istex/Corpus

HfdSelect -h $EXPLOR_STEP/biblio.hfd -nk 000454 | SxmlIndent | more

HfdSelect -h $EXPLOR_AREA/Data/Istex/Corpus/biblio.hfd -nk 000454 | SxmlIndent | more

Pour mettre un lien sur cette page dans le réseau Wicri

{{Explor lien
   |wiki=    Wicri/Musique
   |area=    BourgeoisGentilV1
   |flux=    Istex
   |étape=   Corpus
   |type=    RBID
   |clé=     ISTEX:87662BE30817DAD2358CACD88560DE92D26EFF74
   |texte=   The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700
}}

This area was generated with Dilib version V0.6.33.
Data generation: Sun Sep 29 22:08:28 2019. Site generation: Mon Mar 11 10:07:23 2024

	Serveur d'exploration autour du Bourgeois gentilhomme
	Attention, ce site est en cours de développement ! Attention, site généré par des moyens informatiques à partir de corpus bruts. Les informations ne sont donc pas validées.

Serveur d'exploration autour du Bourgeois gentilhomme

The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700

The ‘Cabale du Dauphin’, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700

Source :

English descriptors

Abstract

Links to Exploration step

Le document en format XML

Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)

Pour mettre un lien sur cette page dans le réseau Wicri