«Non urbe, non vico, non castris»: territorial control and the colonization and urbanization of Wales and Ireland under Anglo-Norman lordship
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By playing on the Classical belief that urbanity is a sign of civility, urbanism has often been used by Europeans to characterize the «other» as uncivilized. In the twelfth century, contemporary chroniclers in England made much use of the myth that Wales and Ireland were unurbanized and therefore uncivilized. This conviction provided, in their view, a justification for colonizing lands in Wales and Ireland, at the western edge of the Anglo-Norman kingdom. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the process of this colonization was intimately linked with urbanization. This paper examines the spatial dimensions of this process and proposes two views of how urbanization facilitated colonization. First, English domination was extended geographically by the use of particular Anglo-Norman urban laws, and by the foundation of chartered towns. These laws spread English legal practices into Wales and Ireland, reinforcing the myth that these areas lacked urbanity before colonization, whilst at the same time placing them under the watchful eye of Anglo-Norman lordship. Secondly, in the creation of chartered «new» towns, Anglo-Norman lords used exclusionary devices to structure the internal spaces of towns, separating English townspeople from Welsh and Irish and in the process marking them as «outsiders» in a «colonial» society.
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DOI: 10.1006/jhge.2000.0242
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<record><TEI><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title xml:lang="en">«Non urbe, non vico, non castris»: territorial control and the colonization and urbanization of Wales and Ireland under Anglo-Norman lordship</title><author><name sortKey="Lilley, Keith D" uniqKey="Lilley K">Keith D Lilley</name><affiliation wicri:level="2"><mods:affiliation>School of Geography, Queen's University, Belfast, BT7 1NN, Northern Ireland</mods:affiliation><country>Royaume-Uni</country><placeName><region type="country">Irlande du Nord</region></placeName><wicri:cityArea>School of Geography, Queen's University, Belfast, BT7 1NN</wicri:cityArea></affiliation></author></titleStmt><publicationStmt><idno type="RBID">ISTEX:2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72</idno><date when="2000">2000</date><idno type="doi">10.1006/jhge.2000.0242</idno><idno type="url">https://api.istex.fr/document/2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72/fulltext/pdf</idno><idno type="wicri:Area/Istex/Corpus">000272</idno><idno type="wicri:Area/Istex/Curation">000272</idno></publicationStmt><seriesStmt><idno type="ISSN">0305-7488</idno></seriesStmt></fileDesc><profileDesc><textClass></textClass></profileDesc></teiHeader><front><div type="abstract" xml:lang="eng">By playing on the Classical belief that urbanity is a sign of civility, urbanism has often been used by Europeans to characterize the «other» as uncivilized. In the twelfth century, contemporary chroniclers in England made much use of the myth that Wales and Ireland were unurbanized and therefore uncivilized. This conviction provided, in their view, a justification for colonizing lands in Wales and Ireland, at the western edge of the Anglo-Norman kingdom. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the process of this colonization was intimately linked with urbanization. This paper examines the spatial dimensions of this process and proposes two views of how urbanization facilitated colonization. First, English domination was extended geographically by the use of particular Anglo-Norman urban laws, and by the foundation of chartered towns. These laws spread English legal practices into Wales and Ireland, reinforcing the myth that these areas lacked urbanity before colonization, whilst at the same time placing them under the watchful eye of Anglo-Norman lordship. Secondly, in the creation of chartered «new» towns, Anglo-Norman lords used exclusionary devices to structure the internal spaces of towns, separating English townspeople from Welsh and Irish and in the process marking them as «outsiders» in a «colonial» society. </div></front></TEI><istex><corpusName>elsevier</corpusName><pii><json:string>S0305-7488(00)90242-1</json:string></pii><copyrightdate>2000</copyrightdate><author><json:item><name>Keith D Lilley</name><affiliations><json:string>School of Geography, Queen's University, Belfast, BT7 1NN, Northern Ireland</json:string></affiliations></json:item></author><genre></genre><host><pii><json:string>S0305-7488(00)X0005-9</json:string></pii><issn><json:string>0305-7488</json:string></issn><genre></genre><language></language><title>Journal of Historical Geography</title><pubdate>200010</pubdate></host><language><json:string>eng</json:string></language><abstract>By playing on the Classical belief that urbanity is a sign of civility, urbanism has often been used by Europeans to characterize the «other» as uncivilized. In the twelfth century, contemporary chroniclers in England made much use of the myth that Wales and Ireland were unurbanized and therefore uncivilized. This conviction provided, in their view, a justification for colonizing lands in Wales and Ireland, at the western edge of the Anglo-Norman kingdom. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the process of this colonization was intimately linked with urbanization. This paper examines the spatial dimensions of this process and proposes two views of how urbanization facilitated colonization. First, English domination was extended geographically by the use of particular Anglo-Norman urban laws, and by the foundation of chartered towns. These laws spread English legal practices into Wales and Ireland, reinforcing the myth that these areas lacked urbanity before colonization, whilst at the same time placing them under the watchful eye of Anglo-Norman lordship. Secondly, in the creation of chartered «new» towns, Anglo-Norman lords used exclusionary devices to structure the internal spaces of towns, separating English townspeople from Welsh and Irish and in the process marking them as «outsiders» in a «colonial» society.</abstract><title>«Non urbe, non vico, non castris»: territorial control and the colonization and urbanization of Wales and Ireland under Anglo-Norman lordship</title><pubdate>2000</pubdate><doi><json:string>10.1006/jhge.2000.0242</json:string></doi><id>2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72</id><fulltext><json:item><original>true</original><mimetype>application/pdf</mimetype><extension>pdf</extension><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72/fulltext/pdf</uri></json:item><json:item><original>false</original><mimetype>application/zip</mimetype><extension>zip</extension><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72/fulltext/zip</uri></json:item><json:item><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><extension>txt</extension><uri>https://api.istex.fr/document/2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72/fulltext/txt</uri></json:item><istex:fulltextTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/document/2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72/fulltext/tei"><teiHeader type="text"><fileDesc><titleStmt><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">«Non urbe, non vico, non castris»: territorial control and the colonization and urbanization of Wales and Ireland under Anglo-Norman lordship</title></titleStmt><publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority><publisher>ELSEVIER</publisher><availability><p>Academic Press, ©2000</p></availability><date>2000</date></publicationStmt><notesStmt><note type="content">Section title: Regular Article</note></notesStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct type="inbook"><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">«Non urbe, non vico, non castris»: territorial control and the colonization and urbanization of Wales and Ireland under Anglo-Norman lordship</title><author><persName><forename type="first">Keith D</forename><surname>Lilley</surname></persName><affiliation>School of Geography, Queen's University, Belfast, BT7 1NN, Northern Ireland</affiliation></author></analytic><monogr><title level="j">Journal of Historical Geography</title><title level="j" type="abbrev">YJHGE</title><idno type="pISSN">0305-7488</idno><idno type="PII">S0305-7488(00)X0005-9</idno><imprint><publisher>ELSEVIER</publisher><date type="published" when="2000"></date><biblScope unit="vol">26</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">4</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="517">517</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="531">531</biblScope></imprint></monogr><idno type="istex">2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1006/jhge.2000.0242</idno><idno type="PII">S0305-7488(00)90242-1</idno></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>2000</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>By playing on the Classical belief that urbanity is a sign of civility, urbanism has often been used by Europeans to characterize the «other» as uncivilized. In the twelfth century, contemporary chroniclers in England made much use of the myth that Wales and Ireland were unurbanized and therefore uncivilized. This conviction provided, in their view, a justification for colonizing lands in Wales and Ireland, at the western edge of the Anglo-Norman kingdom. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the process of this colonization was intimately linked with urbanization. This paper examines the spatial dimensions of this process and proposes two views of how urbanization facilitated colonization. First, English domination was extended geographically by the use of particular Anglo-Norman urban laws, and by the foundation of chartered towns. These laws spread English legal practices into Wales and Ireland, reinforcing the myth that these areas lacked urbanity before colonization, whilst at the same time placing them under the watchful eye of Anglo-Norman lordship. Secondly, in the creation of chartered «new» towns, Anglo-Norman lords used exclusionary devices to structure the internal spaces of towns, separating English townspeople from Welsh and Irish and in the process marking them as «outsiders» in a «colonial» society.</p></abstract></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="2000">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="Elsevier converted-article found"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//ES//DTD journal article DTD version 4.5.2//EN//XML" URI="art452.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><converted-article version="4.5.2" docsubtype="fla" xml:lang="en"><item-info><jid>YJHGE</jid><aid>90242</aid><ce:pii>S0305-7488(00)90242-1</ce:pii><ce:doi>10.1006/jhge.2000.0242</ce:doi><ce:copyright type="full-transfer" year="2000">Academic Press</ce:copyright></item-info><head><ce:dochead><ce:textfn>Regular Article</ce:textfn></ce:dochead><ce:title>«Non urbe, non vico, non castris»: territorial control and the colonization and urbanization of Wales and Ireland under Anglo-Norman lordship</ce:title><ce:author-group><ce:author><ce:given-name>Keith D</ce:given-name><ce:surname>Lilley</ce:surname></ce:author><ce:affiliation><ce:textfn>School of Geography, Queen's University, Belfast, BT7 1NN, Northern Ireland</ce:textfn></ce:affiliation></ce:author-group><ce:abstract><ce:section-title>Abstract</ce:section-title><ce:abstract-sec><ce:simple-para>By playing on the Classical belief that urbanity is a sign of civility, urbanism has often been used by Europeans to characterize the «other» as uncivilized. In the twelfth century, contemporary chroniclers in England made much use of the myth that Wales and Ireland were unurbanized and therefore uncivilized. This conviction provided, in their view, a justification for colonizing lands in Wales and Ireland, at the western edge of the Anglo-Norman kingdom. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the process of this colonization was intimately linked with urbanization. This paper examines the spatial dimensions of this process and proposes two views of how urbanization facilitated colonization. First, English domination was extended geographically by the use of particular Anglo-Norman urban laws, and by the foundation of chartered towns. These laws spread English legal practices into Wales and Ireland, reinforcing the myth that these areas lacked urbanity before colonization, whilst at the same time placing them under the watchful eye of Anglo-Norman lordship. Secondly, in the creation of chartered «new» towns, Anglo-Norman lords used exclusionary devices to structure the internal spaces of towns, separating English townspeople from Welsh and Irish and in the process marking them as «outsiders» in a «colonial» society.</ce:simple-para></ce:abstract-sec></ce:abstract></head></converted-article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.5"><titleInfo lang="eng"><title>«Non urbe, non vico, non castris»: territorial control and the colonization and urbanization of Wales and Ireland under Anglo-Norman lordship</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="eng"><title>«Non urbe, non vico, non castris»: territorial control and the colonization and urbanization of Wales and Ireland under Anglo-Norman lordship</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Keith D</namePart><namePart type="family">Lilley</namePart><affiliation>School of Geography, Queen's University, Belfast, BT7 1NN, Northern Ireland</affiliation><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><originInfo><publisher>ELSEVIER</publisher><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2000</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2000</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm></language><physicalDescription><internetMediaType>text/html</internetMediaType></physicalDescription><abstract lang="eng">By playing on the Classical belief that urbanity is a sign of civility, urbanism has often been used by Europeans to characterize the «other» as uncivilized. In the twelfth century, contemporary chroniclers in England made much use of the myth that Wales and Ireland were unurbanized and therefore uncivilized. This conviction provided, in their view, a justification for colonizing lands in Wales and Ireland, at the western edge of the Anglo-Norman kingdom. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the process of this colonization was intimately linked with urbanization. This paper examines the spatial dimensions of this process and proposes two views of how urbanization facilitated colonization. First, English domination was extended geographically by the use of particular Anglo-Norman urban laws, and by the foundation of chartered towns. These laws spread English legal practices into Wales and Ireland, reinforcing the myth that these areas lacked urbanity before colonization, whilst at the same time placing them under the watchful eye of Anglo-Norman lordship. Secondly, in the creation of chartered «new» towns, Anglo-Norman lords used exclusionary devices to structure the internal spaces of towns, separating English townspeople from Welsh and Irish and in the process marking them as «outsiders» in a «colonial» society. </abstract><note type="content">Section title: Regular Article</note><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Journal of Historical Geography</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="abbreviated"><title>YJHGE</title></titleInfo><originInfo><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">200010</dateIssued></originInfo><identifier type="ISSN">0305-7488</identifier><identifier type="PII">S0305-7488(00)X0005-9</identifier><part><date>2000</date><detail type="volume"><number>26</number><caption>vol.</caption></detail><detail type="issue"><number>4</number><caption>no.</caption></detail><extent unit="issue pages"><start>505</start><end>658</end></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF1"><titleInfo><title>Tristia 5.1.69–74, J.B. Hall, Ed</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="family">Ovid</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF2"><titleInfo><title>Urbanitas: Ancient Sophistication and Refinement</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">E.S.</namePart><namePart type="family">Ramage</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><part><extent unit="pages"><start>99</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF3"><titleInfo><title>A History of Civilizations</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">F.</namePart><namePart type="family">Braudel</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><part><extent unit="pages"><start>17</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF4"><note type="reference">Ibid., 18</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF5"><note type="reference">See N. AlSayyad (Ed.), Forms of Dominance: On the Architecture and Urbanism of the Colonial Enterprise, Aldershot 1992, A.D. King, Urbanism, Colonialism and the World Economy: Cultural and Spatial Foundations of the Modern World System, London 1990, on medieval «colonialism» R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonisation and Cultural Change 950–1350, London 1993, R. Bartlett and, A. McKay (Eds), Medieval Frontier Societies, Oxford 1989, B. Graham, The town in the Norman colonizations of the British Isles, in D. Denecke and G. Shaw (Eds), Urban Historical Geography: Recent Work in Britain and Germany, Cambridge 1988, 37, 52</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF6"><note type="reference">R. R. Davies, Conquest, Coexistence and Change: Wales 1063–1415, Oxford 1987, R. R. Davies, Domination and Conquest: the Experience of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, Cambridge 1990, M. T. Flanagan, Irish Society, Anglo-Norman Settlers, Angevin Kingship, Oxford 1989, In this paper I use the term «Anglo-Norman» as shorthand to describe those people whose ancestry was a Norman and English mix.</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF7"><note type="reference">See A. Gransden, Realistic observation in twelfth century England, Speculum, 47, 1972, 29, 51, J.K. Hyde, Medieval descriptions of cities, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 48, 1966, 308, 40</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF8"><note type="reference">Orderic Vitalis, Historia Æcclesiatica, Vol. 2, M. Chibnall Ed, Oxford 1969, 37, Gerald of Wales, Journey Through Wales, L. Thorpe, Ed, London 1978, 114, 5</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF9"><note type="reference">Gerald of Wales, Description of Wales, 274, 251</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF10"><note type="reference">Ibid., 271</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF11"><titleInfo><title>Gesta Stephani</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">K.R.</namePart><namePart type="family">Potter and</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">R.H.C.</namePart><namePart type="family">Davis Eds</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><part><extent unit="pages"><start>15</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF12"><note type="reference">Ibid.</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF13"><note type="reference">On the authorship of the Gesta see, Ibid., xviii, xxxviii</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF14"><note type="reference">Ibid., 15</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF15"><note type="reference">Gerald of Wales, Description, 270</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF16"><titleInfo><title>William of Malmesbury</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">R.A.B.</namePart><namePart type="family">Mynors Ed</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Gesta Regum Anglorum</title></titleInfo><part></part></relatedItem><part><extent unit="pages"><start>739</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF17"><note type="reference">See C. Doherty, Exchange and trade in early medieval Ireland, Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 110, 1980, 67, 89, L. A. J. Butler, The “monastic city” in Wales: myth or reality?, Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, 28, 1979, 456, 67, D. L. Swan, Monastic proto-towns in early medieval Ireland: the evidence of aerial photography, plan-analysis and survey, in H. B. Clarke and A. Simms (Eds), The Comparative History of Urban Origins in Non-Roman Europe, Oxford 1985, 77, 102</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF18"><note type="reference">For example, the «monastic towns» of Ireland did not have borough charters until after the arrival of the Anglo-Normans. See, C. Doherty, The monastic town in early medieval Ireland, in Clarke and Simms op. cit., 45, 75</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF19"><note type="reference">M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, London 1991, F. Driver, Power and Pauparism: the Workhouse system, 1834–1884, Cambridge 1993, T. Markus, Buildings and Power, London 1994</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF20"><titleInfo><title>Imperfect panopticism: envisioning the construction of normal lives, in G. Benko>and U. Strohmeyer (Eds)</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">M.</namePart><namePart type="family">Hannah</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Space and Social Theory. Interpreting Modernity and Postmodernity</title></titleInfo><part></part></relatedItem><part><extent unit="pages"><start>344</start><end>359</end></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF21"><titleInfo><title>The Law of Breteuil</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">M.</namePart><namePart type="family">Bateson</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>English Historical Review</title></titleInfo><part><date>1900</date><detail type="volume"><number>15</number></detail></part></relatedItem><part><extent unit="pages"><start>305</start><end>306</end></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF22"><note type="reference">Ibid., 754, 7</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF23"><titleInfo><title>English and French Towns in Feudal Society</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">R.H.</namePart><namePart type="family">Hilton</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><part><extent unit="pages"><start>38</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF24"><titleInfo><title>On conceptual links between bureaucracy and surveillance, see</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="family">Hannah</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">A.</namePart><namePart type="family">Giddens</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>The Consequencies of Modernity</title></titleInfo><part></part></relatedItem></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF25"><note type="reference">G. Louise, Chateaux et frontière siegneurial au XI siècle: l»example du Saosnois aux confins de la siegneurie de Beleme et du comte du Maine, Chateau Gaillard, 14, 1990, 225, 45, Also, of course, William “was to secure greater control of his realm by giving power to his most trusted vassals”, fitzOsbern and de Montgomery included, R. Allen Brown, The Normans and the Norman Conquest, London 1969, 214</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF26"><titleInfo><title>Law of Breteuil</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="family">Bateson</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">J.</namePart><namePart type="family">Hillaby</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Transactions of the Woolhope Naturalists» Field Club</title></titleInfo><part><date>1982</date><detail type="volume"><number>44</number></detail></part></relatedItem><part><extent unit="pages"><start>305</start><end>395</end></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF27"><titleInfo><title>Law of Breteuil</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="family">Bateson</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">A.</namePart><namePart type="family">Ballard</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>The Domesday Boroughs</title></titleInfo><part></part></relatedItem><part><extent unit="pages"><start>307</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF28"><note type="reference">The information on Figure 1 is based on a map in Hillaby, Norman new town, with additional information from Bateson, Law of Breteuil.</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF29"><note type="reference">Bateson, Law of Breteuil, 517, 20</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF30"><note type="reference">Ibid., 516</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF31"><note type="reference">Ibid., 520, 1</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF32"><note type="reference">Ibid.</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF33"><note type="reference">For the geography of this colonization see, I.W. Rowlands, The making of the March. Aspects of the Norman settlement of Dyfed, Proceedings of the Battle Conference, 3, 1980, 142, 57, M. Chibnall, Anglo-Norman England, Oxford 1986, 44, 8</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF34"><note type="reference">Bateson, Law of Breteuil, 311, 14</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF35"><note type="reference">D. Sibley, Outsiders in society and space, in K. Anderson and F. Gate (Eds), Inventing Places. Studies in Cultural Geography, London 1993, 113; see also, D. Sibley, Geographies of Exclusion: Society and Difference in the West, London 1995</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF36"><note type="reference">Ballard, Domesday Boroughs, 68, 86</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF37"><note type="reference">Hillaby, Norman new town, 187, 9, I am wary of using the term «ethnic» in this context, though the distinctions between «English» and «Norman», «Welsh» and «Irish», would have been apparent to contemporaries through language and customs, as well as the laws that individuals followed. See, Bartlett, Making of Europe, 197, 242</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF38"><titleInfo><title>For example in both Nottingham and Norwich the new Norman boroughs recorded in Domesday Book swung the main commercial focus away from the Anglo-Saxon core, the effect of which was to bring the status of the latter down, both economically and demographically; see</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">C.</namePart><namePart type="family">Stephenson</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Borough and Town. A Study of Urban Origins in England</title></titleInfo><part></part></relatedItem><part><extent unit="pages"><start>209</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF39"><titleInfo><title>On Anglo-Norman urban landscapes see</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">K.D.</namePart><namePart type="family">Lilley</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Journal of Landscape Research</title></titleInfo><part><date>1999</date><detail type="volume"><number>24</number></detail></part></relatedItem><part><extent unit="pages"><start>5</start><end>23</end></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF40"><note type="reference">Sibley, Outsiders, 112, 3</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF41"><note type="reference">Bartlett, Making of Europe, 234</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF42"><note type="reference">Ibid.</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF43"><titleInfo><title>The Towns of Medieval Wales</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">I.</namePart><namePart type="family">Soulsby</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><part><extent unit="pages"><start>149</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF44"><note type="reference">Davies, Conquest, Coexistence and Change, 166, citing, J. Conway Davies (Ed.), Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents relating to Welsh Dioceses 1066–1272, Cardiff 1946–8 Volume 1, 237</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF45"><note type="reference">Gerald of Wales, Journey Through Wales, 141, 2</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF46"><note type="reference">Rowlands, Making of the March, 146, 8, Soulsby, Towns of Medieval Wales, 269</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF47"><note type="reference">Bateson, Law of Breteuil, 517, 20, Gerald, Journey, 143, 4, Although the earliest extant borough charter of Haverfordwest belongs to William Marshall and dates to the 1180s, “the town may owe its origin to Gilbert de Clare”, according to, M. W. Beresford, New Towns of the Middle Ages, London 1967, 567, The de Clares and the fitzBaldwin branch of the de Clare family were both active in Dyfed in the 1090s and 1100s; see, Rowlands, Making of the March, 144, 9, J. C. Ward, Royal service and reward: the Clare family and the Crown, 1066–1154, Anglo-Norman Studies, 11, 1988, 261, 78, Both sides of this important Norman family also established castle-towns on their estates in England, for example, at Tonbridge in Kent and Plympton Erle in Devon.</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF48"><note type="reference">T. A. James, The origins and topography of medieval Haverford, Journal of the Pembrokeshire Historical Society, 4, 1990–1, 51, 73, K. D. Lilley, The Norman Town in Dyfed (Urban Morphology Research Monograph, No. 1, University of Birmingham 1996, 23, 36</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF49"><note type="reference">Prendergast is said to be derived from the Welsh words for «oak tree» (prender) and «bitch, whore» (gast) according to, B.G. Charles, The Place-Names of Pembrokeshire, Aberystwyth 1992 Volume 2, 434, St David was «the dominant cult of Deheubarth», the Welsh princely dynasty of Dyfed. See, D. Crouch, William Marshall. Court, Career and Chivalry in the Angevin Empire, 1147–1219, London 1990, 96, Rowlands, Making of the March, 144, 5</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF50"><note type="reference">Soulsby, Towns of Medieval Wales, 181</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF51"><note type="reference">M. F. Hurley, Late Viking Age and Medieval Waterford Excavations 1986–1992, Waterford 1997, J. Bradley, Recent archaeological research on the Irish town, in H. Jager (Ed.), Stadtkernforschung, 27, Cologne 1987, 321, 70</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF52"><titleInfo><title>Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica. The Conquest of Ireland by Giraldus Cambrensis</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">A.B.</namePart><namePart type="family">Scott and</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">F.X.</namePart><namePart type="family">Martin (Eds)</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><part><extent unit="pages"><start>67</start></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF53"><note type="reference">The expulsion is discussed by, J. Bradley and, A. Halpin, The topographical development of Scandinavian and Anglo-Norman Waterford, in W. Nolan (Ed.), Waterford, History and Society, Dublin 1992, 105, 29, Although Hiberno-Norse inhabitants were known as «Ostmen» to contemporaries, “the old Norse of Dublin [and] Waterford spoke Irish and seemed Irish. to the effect that in spite of charters given by Henry II and other lords they were being treated like Irish”, according to, E. Curtis, Norse Dublin, in H. B. Clarke (Ed.), Medieval Dublin. The Making of the Metropolis, Dublin 1990, 98, 109</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF54"><titleInfo><title>On the marginal place of lepers and prostitutes in medieval cities, see</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">B.</namePart><namePart type="family">Geremek</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>The Margins of Society in Late Medieval Paris</title></titleInfo><part></part></relatedItem></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF55"><note type="reference">G. H. Orpen, Ireland Under the Normans, 1169–1216, Oxford 1911 Volume 1, 336, note. The most likely location of the villa Ostmannorum is the low-lying area called «Caldebec» around St Catherine's priory to the south of the walled town, an area that was built up by the early thirteenth century according to contemporary records; see, K. Nicholls, Inquisitions of 1224 from the miscellanea of the Exchequer, Analecta Hibernica, 27, 1972, 109, 10, The Augustinian priory was founded before 1207, apparently «by an Ostman» (according to a late-seventeenth-century source); see, A. Gwynn and, R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, Ireland, Dublin 1988, 197, For a different view on the suburb's location see, Bradley and Halpin, Topographical development, 122, 3</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF56"><note type="reference">See, Crouch, William Marshall, 101, note 21. Figure 3 is an extract from the first edition six-inch Ordnance Survey map of New Ross.</note></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF57"><titleInfo><title>The status and social composition of these Irishtowns remains unclear according to</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">J.</namePart><namePart type="family">Bradley</namePart><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>The Comparative History of Urban Origins in Non-Roman Europe</title></titleInfo><part></part></relatedItem><part><extent unit="pages"><start>411</start><end>467</end></extent></part></relatedItem><relatedItem type="references" displayLabel="RF58"><note type="reference">Clarke and Simms, op, cit., 411, 67</note></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">2344E8C99EC987F828ACE50395FCB7322AA08D72</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1006/jhge.2000.0242</identifier><identifier type="PII">S0305-7488(00)90242-1</identifier><part><extent unit="pages"><start>517</start><end>531</end></extent></part><recordInfo><recordOrigin>ELSEVIER</recordOrigin><recordContentSource>Academic Press, ©2000</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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