Parapublic Underpinnings of International Relations: The Franco-German Construction of Europeanization of a Particular Kind
Identifieur interne : 000694 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000693; suivant : 000695Parapublic Underpinnings of International Relations: The Franco-German Construction of Europeanization of a Particular Kind
Auteurs : Ulrich KrotzSource :
- European Journal of International Relations [ 1354-0661 ] ; 2007-09.
English descriptors
- Teeft :
- Affaires paris, Bernationale zusammenarbeit, Bilateral relations, Bundesregierung, Bundesrepublik deutschland, Cambridge university press, Causal theorizing, Certain kind, Chicago press, Christian lequesne, Citizen diplomacy, City partnerships, Collective actors, Cornell university press, Couple francoallemand, Daily life, Deenen, Deutsche, Deutsche historische institut, Different kind, Diverse interactions, Dokumente, Domestic impact, Domestic policies, Domestic structures, Eastern europe, Editions oberlin, Educational exchanges, Ernst weisenfeld, Europa, Europa union verlag, European identity, European integration, European journal, European politics, European polity, European studies, European union, Europeanization, Europeanizing processes, Featherstone, First time, Former german, Francogerman, Frankfurter allgemeine zeitung, Frankreich, Free press, German children, German states, German students, German towns, German universities, Greatest mass migration, Gunzburg center, Hans manfred, Harvard university, Henrik uterwedde, Hereditary enmity, Human infrastructure, Informationsamt, Institut, Institut ludwigsburg, Institutional reality, International activity, International affairs, International institutions, International interaction, International organization, International organizations, International parapublic activity, International politics, International purpose, International relations, International value, Jacques delors, January, John gerard, Karl lamers, Kevin featherstone, Koch, Krotz, Lequesne, Ludwigsburg, Many europeanization researchers, Many others, Many twinships, Member states, Military cooperation, Motor europa, Multiple ways, Mutual understanding, National sentiment, Normal expectations, Official relations, Oskar niedermayer, Other country, Other parapublic elements, Oxford university press, Paper minda, Parapublic, Parapublic activity, Parapublic effects, Parapublic fabric, Parapublic institutions, Parapublic interaction, Parapublic interactions, Parapublic practices, Parapublic processes, Parapublic underpinnings, Particular kind, Particular type, Past half century, Picht, Political analysis, Polity, Presse, Princeton university press, Private world, Public officials, Public opinion, Public relations, Public world, Radaelli, Reconciliation, Regularized intergovernmentalism, Richard sinnott, Risse, Ruggie, Same size, Same time, Second half, Social collectivities, Social meaning, Social phenomena, Social purpose, Specific kinds, Specific states, State funding, Structural component, Structural components, Study programs, Such activity, Such practices, Third kind, Thomas risse, Tiefen einer zweierbeziehung, Town partnerships, Transnational, Transnational actors, Transnational relations, Twinships, Ulrich, Ulrich sedelmeier, Underpinnings, University students, Verlag, Viable content, Weimar agreement, Western alliance, Westview press, Wide range, World order, World polity, Young people, Youth exchanges, Youth office, Zeitung, Zusammenarbeit.
Abstract
Parapublic underpinnings of international relations are cross-border interactions that belong neither to the public world of states nor to the private world of societies. They underpin relations among specific states and construct social purpose in the international realm. Focusing on Franco-German parapublic underpinnings reveals a particular and neglected kind of `Europeanization'. Such parapublic activity includes massive state-financed youth exchanges, some two thousand municipal partnerships, and a host of institutes and associations. In their entirety, these parapublic interactions have developed into structural components of the European polity. Rather than directly affecting domestic political affairs, this kind of Europeanization connects French and Germans in a certain way. It makes Europeans more European, but without making them less national. This article contributes a concept to properly capture a distinct and substantial type of international activity and to identify its characteristic effects and limitations.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/1354066107080129
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:5358D2800AF420FBA40557838DC2A45B6230CDADLe document en format XML
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They underpin relations among specific states and construct social purpose in the international realm. Focusing on Franco-German parapublic underpinnings reveals a particular and neglected kind of `Europeanization'. Such parapublic activity includes massive state-financed youth exchanges, some two thousand municipal partnerships, and a host of institutes and associations. In their entirety, these parapublic interactions have developed into structural components of the European polity. Rather than directly affecting domestic political affairs, this kind of Europeanization connects French and Germans in a certain way. It makes Europeans more European, but without making them less national. 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They underpin relations among specific states and construct social purpose in the international realm. Focusing on Franco-German parapublic underpinnings reveals a particular and neglected kind of `Europeanization'. Such parapublic activity includes massive state-financed youth exchanges, some two thousand municipal partnerships, and a host of institutes and associations. In their entirety, these parapublic interactions have developed into structural components of the European polity. Rather than directly affecting domestic political affairs, this kind of Europeanization connects French and Germans in a certain way. It makes Europeans more European, but without making them less national. This article contributes a concept to properly capture a distinct and substantial type of international activity and to identify its characteristic effects and limitations.</p></abstract><kwd-group>
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Parapublic
Underpinnings of International Relations: The Franco-German Construction
of Europeanization of a Particular Kind
SAGE Publications, Inc.200710.1177/1354066107080129
UlrichKrotz
Brown University, USA
Parapublic underpinnings
of international relations are cross-border interactions that belong neither
to the public world of states nor to the private world of societies. They
underpin relations among specific states and construct social purpose in
the international realm. Focusing on Franco-German parapublic underpinnings
reveals a particular and neglected kind of `Europeanization'. Such parapublic
activity includes massive state-financed youth exchanges, some two thousand
municipal partnerships, and a host of institutes and associations. In their
entirety, these parapublic interactions have developed into structural components
of the European polity. Rather than directly affecting domestic political
affairs, this kind of Europeanization connects French and Germans in a certain
way. It makes Europeans more European, but without making them less national.
This article contributes a concept to properly capture a distinct and substantial
type of international activity and to identify its characteristic effects
and limitations.
agent—structure
bilateralism
constructivism
Europeanization
France
Franco-German relations
Germany
parapublic underpinnings
There
is a kind of activity across borders that escapes the common binary dis- tinctions
of state–society or public–private. It properly belongs neither
to the public world of states nor to the private world of transborder societies
and economies. Such practices are not forms of public interaction among states,
because the participants do not relate to each other as representatives of
their
386
states
or governments. Yet, these practices also are inadequately conceptualized
as transnational links among private individual or collective actors, because
they do not autonomously originate in private society and, critically, because
they are largely state-financed or -organized. Without state funding or public
organizational support, such activities would barely exist. This article con-
tributes a concept to reveal a third kind of international interaction that
is `parapublic'. Parapublic practices are a distinct type of international
activity that underpins relations among specific states and constructs social
purpose in the international sphere. To disregard parapublic processes is
to overlook an important and charac- teristic kind of international interaction
with distinctive kinds of effects; and to disregard the parapublic underpinnings
of Franco-German relations is to over- look a particular kind of Europeanization.
Their predominant focus on the impact of the European Union (EU) on the domestic
political affairs of its member or accession states has led Europeanization
researchers to neglect this substantial set of intra-European processes that
are beyond and independent from the EU integration experience. However, Europeanizing
processes are neither necessarily EU-bound nor Europe-wide. This article portrays
a different facet of `Europeanization'. It empirically uncovers particular
types of historical formations that have helped to define the relationship
between France and Germany over the past half century. Rather than directly
affecting domestic policy-making, politics, or institutional arrange- ments,
these parapublic practices help to connect France and Germany in a certain
way. The Franco-German parapublic processes make Europeans more European,
but they do not make them less national. A proper conceptual grasp of the
parapublic underpinnings of international relations enables us to comprehend
how a broad range of very diverse inter- actions relate to one another. It
also allows us to comprehend how Franco- German parapublic practices, in their
entirety, have developed into structural components of the evolving European
polity, and how actors reproduce these components over time. A thorough understanding
of these practices permits us to identify the distinct causal pathways or
mechanisms that parapublic interactions generate and through which they affect
the states whose relations they underpin.1 Parapublic underpinnings of international
relations have at least three specific kinds of partially overlapping effects,
which together construct international social purpose: they provide resources
for joint undertakings most broadly con- ceived; they socialize their participants,
thus cultivating a certain kind of per- sonnel to later practice international
affairs by staffing public (and private) offices; and they generate and perpetuate
social meaning, by shaping standards of normal expectations, helping to define
political success and failure, defining
387
legitimate
political ends, and contributing to the formation of rudiments of international
collective identity. At the same time, the parapublic underpinnings of the
Franco-German relationship analyzed in this article face considerable limitations:
their impact is very indirect, as effects do not emerge mechanically and are
not altogether assured; they have not brought about a true cross-border Franco-German
public sphere; they have not removed the enduring domestic cultural and social
dissimilarities that often separate French and Germans; and they have had
little effect on how French and Germans think of themselves as social collectivities
and of their roles in the world. The relationship between France and Germany
consists of much more than the relations between two states and the private
transnational contacts originating in the two countries' civil societies or
economies. It also com- prises connections among the French and the Germans,
which the govern- ments of the neighboring states have helped to fund and
organize, but which have evolved into something more. `Beyond public relations',
then German ambassador in Paris Axel Herbst insisted, `we have knitted a net
of human ties through the multitude of Franco-German city partnerships. These
ties are more than a mere addendum to the official relations; they give official
relations, like the solid fundaments of a house, robustness and endurance'
(Herbst, 1978).2 Newspaper editor Günther Nonnenmacher (1997) holds that such
partnerships, along with numerous other Franco-German ex- changes and related
practices, constitute the `weaving of a lining that has become increasingly
sturdy' and that undergirds `the cooperation in the “big” questions'.3
Veteran analyst of Franco-German affairs Alfred Grosser spoke already in 1965
about `the human infrastructure of the present polit- ical relationship' (Grosser,
1965: 26). `This friendship', Jacques Delors and Karl Lamers (1998) asserted
at the end of the century with a sense of achieve- ment, `goes beyond the
political power centers in government and ad- ministration. It blossoms among
our contemporaries through youth exchanges, city partnerships, and through
a certain awareness of a common destiny.' The parapublic underpinnings of
Franco-German relations comprise three main pillars: extensive youth and educational
exchanges, with the Franco- German Youth Office alone involving some 7 million
participants since 1963; some 2000 `twinships' between French and German towns
and between départements or régions and Landkreise or Länder; and a host of
institutes and associations committed to Franco-German affairs. A variety
of additional para- public elements, including publicly supported mass media
institutions and a multitude of prizes accorded for advancing Franco-German
matters, comple- ment these three main staples.
388
The
public funding or organization of international parapublic activity comes
with the institutionalization of social purpose. For example, the Franco-German
TV channel ARTE presents world news and even weather from a `Franco- German'
perspective. Publicly funded or publicly organized youth activities across
borders virtually always embody social purpose. Parapublic underpin- nings
of inter-state relations are normatively charged. They are not neutral. They
are not value-free. Accordingly, the parapublic underpinnings of the relations
between France and Germany have helped to define a particular Franco-German
meaning and social purpose. They have undergirded the `special' relationship
between France and Germany in the second half of the 20th centur y and thus
have helped to make this part of the world hang together (compare Ruggie,
1998a).4 Cold War strategic bipolarity, superpower competition, and the division
of the world into two opposing blocs affected, but did not determine, the
Franco- German relationship in the post-war period. On the one hand, the Cold
War might have lubricated the formation of a Franco-German `tandem' from the
1950s on. The common Soviet threat and US dominance within NATO, for example,
presumably contributed to bringing together the two countries, per- haps by
encouraging de Gaulle to bind Germany closer to France. On the other hand,
Cold War realities might have undermined the construction of a deeper Franco-German
connection, for example by cementing German dependence on America's security
umbrella.5 However, neither the logic of the Cold War nor US dominance within
the Western alliance can account for the specific shape and content that France
and Germany have given their relationship and the meaning they have accorded
to it, not least through establishing Franco- German parapublic structures.
In the same vein, Franco-German relations are neither just a subset of nor
reducible to wider European integration. They have their own life and relevance.
And through much of the post-war period, EC/EU integration arguably depended
significantly more on a certain kind of Franco-German relationship than vice
versa.6 `[T]he cornerstone of all subsequent history' (Friend, 1991: XIX),
Franco-German reconciliation after World War II, was crucial for European
post-war politics. Accordingly, scholars of various intellectual orientations
have paid much attention to the political relations between France and Germany,
as well as to Franco-German societal and economic affairs over the past half
centur y.7 However, beneath the relations between the French and German states,
and separate from French and German societal interaction and economic interpenetration,
there is a Franco-German institutional reality that is neither public nor
strictly private, but `para- public'.8 To the systematic exploration of this
structural aspect of European politics, and to its relevance for broader conceptual
and theoretical concerns in political analysis, researchers have paid little
attention.9
389
Franco-German
Parapublic Interaction: Particular Kind of Europeanization and Structures
of the European Polity Franco-German parapublic practices are a particular
kind of Europeanization. In their entirety, these practices constitute a structural
component of the European polity. Europeanization of a Different Kind By scrutinizing
international parapublic practices, this article reveals a particu- lar kind
of Europeanization that has been neglected by the expanding research on Europeanization.
The lion's share of this growing literature has investigated the impact of
the EU on the domestic political affairs of the member states or accession
countries. This research has not operated with entirely identical con- ceptions
of Europeanization. However, on the independent variable side — the
factors causing Europeanization — it has generally focused on the devel-
opments, processes, structures, interactions, or policies on the European
level within or tied to the EU frame. On the dependent variable side — with respect to that which is being Europeanized (or not) — research
in this vein has focused especially on the more or less direct effects on
domestic policies, polit- ical structures or institutions, or politics, or
combinations among them (Anderson, 2002; Börzel, 2001; Bulmer and Lequesne,
2005a; Cowles et al., 2001; Featherstone and Radaelli, 2003; Goetz and Hix,
2001; Héritier et al., 2001; Knill, 2001; Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier, 2005a).
However, the large-scale process of Europe's internal Europeanization in the
second half of the 20th century, making Europe more European, comprises a
multitude of processes, practices, actions, procedures, and developments.
Many of these lie outside or are unrelated to the EU. This historical process
of con- necting and binding together the European states and peoples in new
ways and beyond the mere national is a phenomenon larger and significantly
more multi- faceted than an exclusively EU-centered analytic perspective can
capture. Many Europeanization researchers recognize that a narrow EU-centric
con- ception of intra-European Europeanization remains incomplete and misses
much of the empirical reality. This includes structural Europeanization com-
ponents as they have evolved as part of the wider European polity in the second
half of the 20th century. Many Europeanization researchers also comprehend
that it is imprecise and somewhat unfortunate to equate `Europeanization'
with what could more accurately be termed the `EU impact on domestic institutions,
politics, and national policy-making', or, as some have it, `EU- ization'
(Börzel and Risse, 2003; Bulmer and Lequesne, 2005b; Featherstone, 2003; Olsen,
2002; Radaelli, 2003; Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier, 2005b). Europeanizing
processes are not necessarily EU-bound or Europe-wide. And
390
Europeanizing
effects are not necessarily confined to more or less direct impact on domestic
policy, politics, or institutions. This article reveals a facet of Europeanization
that the standard Euro- peanization literature has missed. It documents another
type of intra-European processes beyond and little connected to Europe's EU
integration. The Franco- German parapublic processes indeed refer to `structures
of meaning and people's minds … that give direction … to capabilities
and capacities' (Olsen, 2002: 926). But rather than more or less directly
affecting domestic policies, politics, or institutions, the Franco-German
parapublic experience of the past half century suggests that such practices,
more than anything else, affect the meaning and purpose of the relationship
between French and Germans as social collectivities (and imply rather indirect
medium- or long-term effects). Parapublic processes' Europeanizing effects
rest in specific kinds of contacts that construct meaning and social purpose
among Europeans of different national origins. These go hand in hand with
an enduring sense of national belonging and rootedness. Underpinning the bilateral
relations between France and Germany, the parapublic processes documented
here connect different units, national communities, in a certain way. This
`certain way' entails a sense of belonging together, of joint or connected
historical experiences, and, fre- quently, of shared contemporary challenges
or difficulties. And, frequently, it implies awareness of the possibility
of crafting a present and future better than the past. Parapublic underpinnings
help to define ends and legitimate public political goals. This kind of Europeanization
and domestic resilience of national sentiment within the collectivities constituting
Europe are phenomena likely to endure in unfolding simultaneously. Parapublic
practices make Europeans more European, but without making them less national.10
Parapublic The type of processes that this article identifies, and which in
their Franco- German manifestation shape a particular type of Europeanization,
however, escape the common binar y distinctions of public–private or
state–society. Distinct from the international public practices of
the `state world' and the private activities of the `society world', they
are parapublic. Reiterated inter- action processes across borders by individuals
or collective actors, parapublic underpinnings are a third kind of international
interaction. This article con- tributes a concept that allows us to properly
grasp a substantial set of distinct international activity, which state-centric
and society-dominated perspectives on international affairs have failed to
capture adequately. The sizeable empir- ical reality that the article uncovers
demonstrates the concept's usefulness; in reverse, only with this concept
can we thoroughly appreciate the substance and distinct implications of this
characteristic type of international practice.11
391
Parapublic
processes are not public: those individuals involved in para- public interaction
do not relate to one another as official representatives of their states or
governments, and they are not subcontracted agents of their states. Nor is
parapublic interaction transgovernmental, that is, networks of bureaucrats
or coalitions among public officials in governmental sub-units who pursue
their own agendas and act independently from, or even contrary to, national
governments (compare Risse-Kappen, 1995a: 4, 9–10; 1995b: 285; Slaughter,
2004; see also Risse-Kappen, 1995c). However, parapublic contacts are also
not strictly private: they do not ori- ginate in a more or less autonomous
national, regional, or global civil society. Unlike transnational relations
among private individuals or collective societal actors, parapublic activity
is to a significant or decisive degree publicly funded, organized, or co-organized.
Although only loosely tied to the state and its bureaucracy as financiers,
parapublic interaction would barely exist without state funding or public
organizational support. This is not interpenetration among different autonomous
societies. Those involved in parapublic interchange are not the types of (non-state)
actors typically associated with the private transnational society-world:
multi- national corporations, international non-governmental organizations
(INGOs), epistemic communities, advocacy networks or other cross-border social
move- ments, internationally operating religious groupings or organizations,
or other loose coalitions among societal groups from different countries (Evangelista,
1999; Haas, 1992; Keck and Sikkink, 1998; Risse, 2002; Risse-Kappen, 1995d).12
Nor are these processes about trade, international production net- works,
migration, or tourism (Beisheim et al., 1999; Held et al., 1999: 149–88,
236–326). As a structural ensemble, parapublic underpinnings further
differ from private–societal transnational relations in the way in
which they affect inter- national affairs. Transnational actors typically
attempt `to influence policy out- comes and state behavior in specific instances
in specific issue areas', usually in specific and delimited time periods (Risse-Kappen,
1995a: 5).13 In contrast, parapublic actors rarely seek to directly influence
state policy or endeavor to bring about immediate, specific policy outcomes.
Constructing international purpose in various ways, parapublic underpinnings
affect international dealings more indirectly and in a more elongated fashion.
Their effects connote the slow permeation of international affairs with a
certain meaning, and the diffu- sion and institutionalization of international
social purpose, rather than the mechanical production of specific decisions
or outcomes. They are part of a systemic social structural context that helps
to frame issues, that more gener- ally and indirectly affects states' external
relations, and that helps to define spe- cific inter-state relationships.
Parapublic underpinnings are social processes that expand and operate on a
more extended temporal plane.14
392
Agents
and Structures: Motives, Processes, Formations A proper conceptualization
of parapublic practices allows us to comprehend how a multitude of diverse
interactions and processes relate to one another and to grasp how they, in
their entirety, constitute a particular type of inter- national institutional
structure. Properly capturing international relations' parapublic underpinnings
also allows us to comprehend how such structures come about and how actors
reproduce them over time.15 `Actors create structures which take on a life
of their own and in turn shape subsequent action', insists political scientist
Martha Finnemore (1996: 30).16 Individuals, groups, or governmental entities
have differed from one another in their specific reasons for instituting Franco-German
parapublic entities. But they shared at least one of two motives: to contribute
to the reconciliation between French and Germans, and France and Germany; or, later, to secure Franco-German connectedness and friendship. Until the
early 1960s, the idea of reconciliation, the Versöhnungsgedanke, lay at the
heart of initiating and developing parapublic Franco-German inter- action.
After `centuries of rivalry' between French and German political en- tities,
and after some 80 years of `hereditary enmity' between France and Germany
between 1871 and 1945, the various components of parapublic institutionalization
aimed at bringing French and Germans closer together, outside of purely public
administrative and political work. The Elysée Treaty of January 1963 concluded
and, according to Treaty co-signatory French Foreign Minister de Murville
(1988: 174), `crowned' this reconciliation phase.17 At the same time, the
treaty opened and decisively shaped a historical con- juncture in which observers
from within and outside the two countries came to commonly consider France
and Germany `partners and friends' — as sug- gested by a multitude of
terms such as `couple', `tandem', and `pair'.18 In the course of the 1960s,
the two countries broadened and strengthened the net of their parapublic ties.
Publicly funded or organized youth, student, and other exchanges expanded
drastically. The number of town partnerships rose sharply. Other parapublic
elements were extended, and more added, in order to safeguard reconciliation
and to cement and further develop proximity. However, once in place, these
parapublic underpinnings developed lives of their own. Recurrent and evolving
processes of interaction, they were eman- cipated from the continued fostering
of their founders and from the driving motives behind them. Their continued
practice not only expresses, but also creates and reproduces meaning and institutionalizes
purpose. As these prac- tices evolve, the social meaning and purpose that
they embody becomes autonomous. These parapublic practices have become an
independent struc- tural element of the Franco-German relationship. As distinct
formations,
393
they
are part of a bilateral institutional order, and, as such, part of an evolv-
ing European polity. With reconciliation achieved, the heroic Versöhnungs-motive
that initially propelled the institution of many Franco-German parapublic
underpinnings has faded. And in spite of the ups and downs in Franco-German
relations fol- lowing the Elysée Treaty, many analysts and policy-makers have
considered France and Germany to be tightly linked with a supposedly `special'
or `sin- gular' relationship during the second half of the 20th century. Yet,
the appar- ent achievement of the objectives that propelled their initial
institution has not eliminated the various Franco-German parapublic elements — mission accomplished, they linger and evolve. The Franco-German parapublic
underpinnings perpetuate meaning struc- tures, which in turn reproduce the
several parapublic elements themselves. For example, they produce exactly
the legitimate purpose that keeps para- public funding in various federal
and other budgets out of political debates. They thereby render their own
continuation as a legitimate social purpose by sustaining a normality of which
they are part. These parapublic underpinnings have outlasted the original
motives for their establishment; they have taken on a life of their own; and,
in multiple ways, they continue to contribute resources, persons, and meaning
to Franco-German relations. They generate a particular kind of Europeanization
and construct a particular kind of international social purpose. Greatest
Mass Migration Ever: Youth and Educational Exchanges `To give viable content'
to the Franco-German friendship `shall particularly be the task of youth',
Charles de Gaulle (1970: 16) announced in his speech to German youth in Ludwigsburg
on 9 September 1962. From the early 1960s on, France and Germany have organized
youth exchanges on an unprecedented scale. The Franco-German Youth Office
(Office Franco-Allemand pour la Jeunesse/Deutsch-Französisches Jugendwerk; OFAJ/DFJW) occupies the central position within such parapublic exchanges
between France and Germany. Other organizations, programs and exchanges among
students, apprentices, and others complement it. `The Franco-German Youth
Office has developed the most intensive exchange among young people that has
ever existed between two countries' (Ecker-Ertle, 1998: 125). Between 1963
and 2003, some seven million young people participated in almost 250,000 programs19 — `the great- est mass migration of people of all time' (Editions Oberlin, 1988:
275). Massive exchanges of young people constitute the first pillar of the
parapublic under- pinnings of Franco-German relations. The Franco-German Youth
Office is the first of the numerous organiza- tions to grow out of the political
processes that the Elysée Treaty instituted
394
(Kaehlbrandt,
1993: 123).20 Following the Treaty's provisions, the two Foreign Ministers
de Murville and Schröder signed the OFAJ/DFJW's foun- dational act during
the first Franco-German summit consultations in Bonn in July 1963 (Ecker-Ertle,
1998: 123). With a focus on youth exchanges, con- ferences, and reciprocal
language training, the OFAJ/DFJW began its work from offices in Bonn and Paris
that same year, with a yearly grant of 40 million deutsche marks (Ecker-Ertle,
1998: 123–4).21 In the first years after its founding, up to 300,000
young French and German people participated each year in activities sponsored
by the OFAJ/DFJW (Friend, 1991: 42). The history and achievements of the Franco-German
Youth Office have generally been described as an unqualified success. Francis
Bellanger, president of the OFAJ/DFJW, stresses the Youth Office's emphasis
on high quality lin- guistic and pedagogic programs (Bellanger, 1996: 47).
For four decades, it has organized and sponsored exchanges among schools and
universities as well as among athletes, artisans, and unemployed young French
and Germans (Leblond, 1997: 245). They have included cultural events such
as joint choral and theater groups and artists' workshops. `This is not bus
tourism' — `The only programs pushed are those that can be undertaken
with a partner insti- tution. … Most of these get-togethers last two
weeks' (Friend, 1991: 41). The OFAJ/DFJW is based upon de Gaulle and Adenauer's
conviction that young people could contribute to generating lasting relations
between the two coun- tries (Morizet, 1993: 119). Much Franco-German educational
interchange beyond the Youth Office involves universities and other institutions
of learning in the two countries. Exchange programs between French and German
universities have steadily grown since the 1960s. By 1988, there were 150
study-exchange programs between France and Germany and 124 partnerships between
French and German universities (Morizet, 1988: 199).22 During the 48th Franco-German
summit consultations in Frankfurt on 27–28 October 1986, France and
Germany decided upon the foundation of a Deutsch-Französisches Hochschulkolleg/College
Franco-Allemand pour l'Enseignement Supérieur (DFHK/CFAES).23 The Kolleg's
foundation was formalized with an exchange of notes between the French and
German for- eign ministers on 12 November 1987.24 It began its work at the
end of January 1988 (Deutsch-Französisches Institut and Deutsche Frankreich-
Bibliothek, 1995 (and after): 97). The DFHK/CFAS is designed to increase mobility
among university students and professors between France and Germany, and to
deepen the relations between French and German univer- sities through the
coordination of already existing programs and exchanges (Deutsch-Französisches
Hochschulkolleg/Collège Franco-Allemand pour l'Enseignement Supérieur, 1992:
5–7). Already by 1992, the Kolleg had helped to organize 40 integrated
study programs between French and German
395
universities,
offering slots for more than 600 students across all discip- lines and subjects
(Deutsch-Französisches Hochschulkolleg/Collège Franco- Allemand pour l'Enseignement
Supérieur, 1992: 5).25 The Franco-German University (Deutsch-Französische
Hochschule/Université Franco-Allemande; DFH/UFA), established by an intergovernmental
agree- ment on 19 September 1997 (`Weimar Agreement') and commencing its activities
in September 1999, succeeded the DFHK/CFAES and extended its work.26 Equally
financed by France and Germany, the DFH/UFA func- tions as the institutional
roof for, as of 2005, 139 French and German uni- versities that are members
of the Franco-German University. In particular, the DFH/UFA fostered the creation
and expansion of integrated Franco- German courses of study. Such bi-national
study programs enable and require students to spend significant portions of
their studies at a French or German university, which jointly design and offer
the specific study course as partner institutions. Thus, French and German
students pursue their studies in both languages and go through their university
years together in both countries. Upon program completion, they acquire two
degrees, one from each university, thereby possessing two regular and fully
recognized univer- sity degrees — one French and one German. By 2005,
more than 100 such fully integrated study programs existed, covering all disciplines
in the sci- ences, humanities, and social sciences. They enrolled some 4500
French and German students. Town, City, Regional Couplings: Jumelages, Partnerschaften
`Twinships' or `partnerships' between French and German towns, cities, and
regional entities are the second pillar of Franco-German parapublic under-
pinnings. Initially instituted only between French and German municipalities,
these partnerships were later extended to include links between départements
and Landkreise as well as between régions or départements and Länder. By the
1990s, the total number of such jumelages or Partnerschaften had grown to
more than 2000.27 The idea of advancing Franco-German reconciliation with
such twinships stems from the late 1940s (Azam, 1998: 109). The first Franco-German
Städtepartnerschaft was formed in September 1950, when the mayors of Montbéliard
and Ludwigsburg agreed upon `exchanges' between their towns. The municipalities
formalized their association 12 years later, with the expressed goal that
`this friendship between a French and a German city may contribute to deepening
the good relations between France and Germany' (quoted in Azam, 1998). Celle–Meudon
and Karlsruhe–Nancy immediately fol- lowed the two pioneers. At the
time of the signing of the Elysée Treaty, there were already some 120 twinships
between French and German towns
396
(Santini,
1993: 334); after its conclusion, the number of new town partner- ships rose
to between 30 and 80 new connections per year (Engelhardt, 1978: 105). By
the Treaty's tenth anniversary there were already 600. The year 1981 saw the
celebration of the 1000th Franco-German town twinship (Engelhardt, 1978).
By the second half of the 1990s, the number had risen to some 2000, now supplemented
by associations between French and German regional entities (Azam, 1998: 109–10).
Typically, associated French and German twin-towns are of approximately the
same size. Usually there are additional reference points, such as similar
social or economic backgrounds, historical parallels or historical links.
Often twin-towns experience similar challenges, such as comparable economic
and socioeconomic difficulties — for example, suffering from decaying
indus- tries, as is the case in several partnerships between towns in the
German Ruhr and Saar areas and French Lorraine. Sometimes shared memories
have sparked a partnership. The twinship between the coal mining towns Herne
and Henin-Liétard was instigated by the joint memory of a catastrophe in 1906,
when in the French industrial town some 1000 miners were buried. In spite
of the tense relations between France and Germany at the time, the city of
Herne did not hesitate to send rescuers and specialists, equipped with technical
machinery that was not available in France at the time. The common memory
ushered in a Städtepartnerschaft between the two industrial towns 50 years
later (Azam, 1998: 110). Heidelberg and Montpellier is another example. Of
about the same size, both are old attractive university towns. Academia and
tourism shape the atmospheres of daily life in both municipalities. After
a February 1957 meet- ing between medical students and professors of both
cities, with the mayors of both towns receiving the groups, the municipalities
of Heidelberg and Montpellier followed their universities and instituted a
city twinship in 1961 that would yield particularly rich exchanges (Azam,
1998). Heidelberg's municipal administration estimates that about half of
all 10- to 20-year-old Heidelbergers have participated at least once in an
exchange activity with Montpellier (de l'Ain et al., 1996: 123). The activities
and activity levels among partnerships range widely. Typically such exchanges
include high school students, sports clubs, and a broad variety of cultural
associations. During the 1960s, exchanges between twin towns began to incorporate
programs involving war veterans and for- mer prisoners of war — `from
enemies to friends', `prisoners into guests', as some slogans had it. A report
on the `daily life of the partnership' between Aachen and Reims provides an
example of the content of a twinship: After all — the enumeration is
impressive: twelve high schools meet; singing choirs and ballet schools connect; catholic women compete with members of the Protestant minority [in making
contacts with their religious counterparts
397
on
the other side]. Reserve officers fraternize, as do short-hand radio oper-
ators, scouts, lawyers, hiking clubs, commerce associations, police officers,
ath- letes, firemen, and stamp collectors. Former German and French prisoners
of war have come together as well as cadets from both navies, even though
the ports are far. The unions — DGB and Force Ouvrière — do not
want to lag behind. The flying clubs of Aachen and Reims impress with show
flights. Even the nudists jointly celebrate their nature cult. (Scholl-Latour,
1988: 124–5) Perhaps some of this appears trivial. But the point here
is that such publicly funded or organized international parapublic activity
embodies social mean- ing and serves an end: to anchor social purpose so that
it may reflect upon and lend continuity to the relations between the states.
It means something to the French and Germans, and that is all that matters.
Franco-German twinships comprise affiliations between the biggest French and
German cities, such as the jumelages Berlin–Paris, Hamburg–Marseille,
and Cologne–Lille, as much as between a wide range of mid-sized towns
with populations of some ten or hundred thousand. And there are many twinships
between very small townships of a few thousand inhabitants. Typically, when
entering one of these twinned towns, one finds a sign with a heading such
as `municipality of Europe'. Below is the name and emblem of the respective
town's partner in the other country. Frequently streets or squares bear the
twin-town's name, such as the Boulevard de Constance in Fontainebleau or the
Montpellierbrücke and Montpellierplatz in Heidelberg. Driving through a small
or very small French or German town, one often discovers in its center a street
sign in the style of the respective other country pointing in the twin- town's
geographic direction, presenting the twin's name and indicating the numerical
distance of a few hundred or a thousand kilometers. Committed to an End: Institutes
and Associations A wide range of research and academic institutes, documentation
centers, and associations, `actors and mediators between France and Germany',
in one way or another concerned with Franco-German matters, constitutes the
third pillar of the Franco-German relationship's parapublic underpinnings
(compare Ménudier, 1993a: 299–336).28 Following the guiding idea that
with- out a new intellectual base and new forms of dialogue political cooperation
would be impossible, in 1948, the founders of the Franco-German Institute
(Deutsch-Französisches Institut; DFI) in Ludwigsburg aimed at promoting bilateral
activity `in the area between society and politics' (Bock, 1998a: 193). In
order to build `human infrastructure' for Franco-German affairs (Kiersch,
1993: 320, 321), they wanted the DFI to function as `the quietly-working power
behind political endeavors'.29 Encompassing all domains of intellec- tual
and public life in the two countries, the institute developed exchange
398
programs
for university students and young professionals, especially those training
to serve in public offices. In its now more than 50 years of existence, the
DFI's focus has remained on academic exchange, research, and Franco- German
interaction in public affairs (Kiersch, 1993: 320, 322–3; Bock, 1998b; Picht and Uterwedde, 1998).30 The Bureau International de Liaison et de Documentation
(BILD), founded by the Jesuit Priest Jean du Rivau in the summer of 1945,
and its German twin, the Gesellschaft für übernationale Zusammenarbeit (GüZ),
were among the first to work toward Franco-German reconciliation after World
War II (Groβe, 1996: 368; Jansen, 1988). In light of the catastrophe that
he had experienced, du Rivau wanted to contribute to mutual understanding
and a more peaceful future, modestly formulating the goal of `informing' French
and Germans about each other (Guervel, 1993: 300–3). Very shortly after
the War, he founded the publications Documents and Dokumente that became last-
ing forums for Franco-German intellectual exchange. Du Rivau was among the
first to bring German children to France so that they could learn about the
lives of their neighbors. At his initiative in 1951, 450 German children spent
a month's vacation with French families. In 1952 there were 900 who stayed
for two months; in 1953, 1400. By 1964, BILD had arranged more than 10,000
family exchanges, 170 meetings among youth groups, 59 among polit- ical and
union organizations, and many others (Guervel, 1993: 302–5). In the
21st century, BILD and GüZ, in du Rivau's spirit, continue to focus on youth
exchanges, organizing meetings among French and German youth groups and organizing
conferences and colloquia on Franco-German themes. Documents and Dokumente
are in their sixth decade of publication.31 The Federations of Franco-German
Associations in France and Germany (FAFA/VDFG) are umbrella institutions for
a wide collection of Franco- German associations, clubs, and unions in both
France and Germany.32 Devel- oping out of various sets of Franco-German connections
and contacts after World War II, the FAFA/VDFG took on a formal structure
in 1984 in order to increase Franco-German exchanges and to improve Franco-German
relations (van Deenen and Koch, 1993: 314–15). In the early 1990s,
about 200 associations from both countries participated in the FAFA/VDFG (van
Deenen and Koch, 1993: 316). The double organization advises about the creation
of new city partnerships between the two countries, supports regional cooperation
between France and Germany, promotes the teaching of the other language in
each country, organizes seminars and colloquia as well as a yearly congress
on issues concerning Franco-German matters, and publishes a magazine, actuel,
committed to Franco-German issues (van Deenen and Koch, 1993: 316–18).
The FAFA is designed to `support the development of existing associations
and the creation of new ones', as Article II of its statutes clarifies, and
aims at `deep- ening Franco-German cooperation' (van Deenen and Koch, 1993:
319).
399
Complementing
these institutes with their special focus on Franco-German matters, the German
Goethe Institute and the French Instituts Français, among the two countries'
key instruments of foreign cultural policy, repre- sent their respective cultures
in the other country. In 1996, France spon- sored 19 French cultural institutes
and cultural centers in Germany; and Germany seven Goethe institutes in France
(Roche, 1996: 222).33 In add- ition, many cultural institutes represent the
corresponding town or region in many Franco-German twinships, such as the
Maison de Rhénanie-Palatinat in Dijon (Hanimann, 1999; Leblond, 1997: 252).
A different kind of Franco-German parapublic connection is the Franco- German
Research Institute in the upper Alsacian town of Saint-Louis (ISL) (Krauth,
1995).34 The ISL's work focuses on basic defense technological research in
the areas of ballistics, aerodynamics, electromagnetics, explosives, and laser
technology.35 The bi-national institute's work, financed equally by the two
states, is based upon a 1959 treaty between France and Germany. With its roughly
500 French and German employees, about half of whom are scientists and engineers,
it is the backbone of Franco-German scientific interaction in this area (Krauth,
1995: 76) — `a singular example of lasting cooperation in defense research',
a `pacemaker' of Franco-German cooper- ation (Süddeutsche Zeitung, 7 May 1984:
2; Puhl, 1989).36 Other Parapublic Elements: Media Institutions and Prizes
A variety of other threads complete the web of the Franco-German relation-
ship's parapublic underpinnings. They include publicly supported Franco- German
mass media institutions, a host of Franco-German prizes, and a wide range
of Franco-German conferences under the tutelage of the coordinators for Franco-German
cooperation (Kolboom, 1987). At the 52nd Franco-German summit in Bonn on 3–4
November 1988, the French and German governments decided to establish a jointly
funded Franco-German television channel, announcing after the 59th summit
of 21–22 May 1992 in La Rochelle that the culture-channel ARTE would
begin broadcasting on 30 May 1992 (Deutsch-Französisches Institut and Deutsche
Frankreich-Bibliothek, 1995 (and after): 98, 116). The event `opened a new
stage in Franco-German cultural relations' (Wenger, 1993: 257). The `culture-channel'
strives to show the artistic and intellectual possibilities that television
offers (Wenger, 1993: 258–61). Serving `the understanding and the rapprochement
among the peoples in Europe',37 it takes a distinctly Franco-German perspective
on the subjects that the station's programs cover.38 A remarkable feature
of the Franco-German parapublic fabric is a host of prizes awarded for contributions
or achievements serving Franco-German
400
cooperation,
understanding, and friendship. The De Gaulle–Adenauer Prize, for example,
jointly instituted by Foreign Ministers Genscher and Raimond at the Elysée
Treaty's 25th anniversary in January 1988, honors yearly a French or German
personality or institution for `special achievements' and `outstanding accomplishments'
regarding Franco-German cooperation (Ménudier, 1993b: 84; Presse- und Informationsamt
der Bundesregierung (Bulletin), 1988: 85).39 Several translation prizes, including
the Gérard de Nerval Prize for translations from German to French and the
Paul Celan Prize for translations from French to German, aim at supporting
the spread of the other's literature in one's own country (Presse- und Informationsamt
der Bundesregierung (Bulletin), 1988: 88). A Franco-German journalism prize,
awarded in the categories of television, radio, and printed press, supplements
them (Védrine, 1997). The Federation of Franco-German Associations awards
the Elsie-Kühn-Leitz-Preis for merits and achievements serving Franco-German
affairs. Its recipients have included Pierre Pflimlin and Jacques Delors (Nass,
1994: 443–75; van Deenen and Koch, 1993: 317–18). Effects and
Limitations Constitutive components of the European polity, the parapublic
underpin- nings of Franco-German relations exert at least three kinds of partially
over- lapping effects, all of which contribute to the establishment of international
social purpose: they provide resources for Franco-German matters most broadly
conceived; they socialize their participants; and they generate and perpetuate
meaning. However, exactly the social purpose that these para- public underpinnings
institutionalize makes their limits salient. First, in multiple ways, the
varied elements of parapublic underpinnings provide resources and constitute
forums for a diverse collection of activities concerning France and Germany
and their relations. They instigate effort and channel energy for a very diverse
set of Franco-German goals. They may, for example, provide their participants
with language or social skills, with recognition and status, as well as with
allocation of material resources. Second, the parapublic fabric of Franco-German
relations generates per- sonnel broadly committed to Franco-German ends. Through
numerous programs and exchanges, it socializes in particular young people
into a web of signification and social purpose. This effect is not a coincidental
by- product, but fully intentional.40 Going back to Adenauer and de Gaulle's
plans to give Franco-German friendship a `viable content', organizers of parapublic
interaction are usually aware of the values and goals they support. Many of
the activities sponsored or organized by Franco-German para- public institutions
are `multiplier programs', targeting young people likely to assume `multiplier
positions' in their future careers: developing political,
401
administrative,
and private leaders, journalists, book traders, publishers, young artists,
personnel of museums, and those likely to take positions in European and international
organizations (Office Franco-Allemand pour la Jeunesse/Deutsch-Französisches
Jugendwerk, 1996: 8).41 Relations among states have their staff. In manifold
ways, the Franco- German relationship's parapublic underpinnings have cultivated
cohorts of such staff. Beginning with educational or training programs, these
parapublic activities have immersed and socialized people in the framework
of values and social purpose that they support. For four decades, they have
thus helped to generate leadership personnel committed to Franco-German proximity.42
For one, the presence of such groups of people reduces the likelihood of misunderstandings
and information deficits. More importantly, however, such people are likely
to share the same frame of reference and assign simi- lar values to the relations
between the states for which they work. Finally, the cultivation of such personnel
reduces the potentially disruptive effects that single changes in office,
including the most elevated positions, can have on the inter-state relationship.43
The success or efficacy rate of this parapublic effect is difficult to measure.
Persons arriving in elevated positions on either side of the Rhine with para-
public activity as part of their biographies seems indicative of parapublic
effects and legitimate parapublic effort. However, while telling, evidence
regarding how parapublic underpinnings feed institutionalized relations among
states typically remains anecdotal: At a meeting between Federal Chancellor
Kohl with French Prime Minister Cresson in January 1992, the latter explicated
the reasons for her decision to move the ENA from Paris to Strasbourg, namely
her objective to decentralize the French administration and to transfer important
administrative units from Paris to the province, as well as her will to renew
the ENA in order to make a European educational institution out of it and
so to counteract the esprit de corps, the `enarchie' of the ENA graduates,
which she considered exaggerated. Chancellor Kohl reacted with humor. He understands
the motives of Ms Cresson very well. He too perceives the influence of the
ENA as too strong. He himself was `manipulated' in the Chancellor's Office
at present from no less than five former German ENA students, who are his
closest advisors. (Meyer-Kalkus, 1994: 146, footnote 54)44 The third effect
of the Franco-German parapublic web is the broadest and the most important
one: by generating, perpetuating, and diffusing social meaning parapublic
processes contribute to constructing international social purpose.45 Take
the numerous Franco-German prizes as a case in point. It is clear that aims
for which there are so many prizes must be `good'. Working toward Franco-German
objectives, most broadly, means achievement. This is the purpose of a prize:
the definition of a goal to be strived for. Accordingly,
402
conferring
a prize means public acknowledgement for those who have done well in their
efforts. Prizes define ends. Undermining or working against such good ends
is `bad'. Similarly, other parapublic elements, such as insti- tutes and media
with their value-charged agendas, function as watchdogs for this frame of
social purpose. They help to define what is success and what is failure, what
is achievement and what is deserving of criticism. Parapublic underpinnings
are geared to radiate into the public and inter- governmental sphere and to
affect relations among states. The rhythm of the twinships with their regular
exchanges across the Rhine, for example, seeks to `bring it about that the
heads of the state and the governments recognize the Franco-German friendship
and make it one of the fundamental elements of their policies' (Santini, 1993:
334). Parapublic underpinnings create and institutionalize signification and
social purpose in relations among states in a number of ways. For example,
they help shape baselines for normal expectations in inter-state affairs.
Such socially constructed baselines of expectations may engender political
pres- sures `to come up with something' or `with something new' in the public
relations between the governments. Further, they provide reasons to want and
to do some things, and not to want and not to do others. They legitimize and
make intuitive certain goals and actions; they delegitimize and make implausible
others. They help to define ends that perpetuate and strengthen legitimate
public goals. In the Franco-German case, they also contribute to reproducing
the Franco-German relationship as a legitimate goal and an end in itself.
Finally, the meaning that parapublic underpinnings institutionalize shapes
fragments of community at the international level. Parapublic activity delin-
eates who belongs to whom. It thus contributes to forming rudiments of international
collective identity, however tenuous. Via all of these pathways, parapublic
underpinnings help to stabilize order in international affairs — understood
not as the absence of conflict, but as regu- larization. They are social glue
that supplements and temporally extends insti- tutionalized meaning and purpose
in the affairs among states. With the international value that it generates
and reproduces, parapublic interaction con- tributes to the construction of
a world with legitimate ends and proper goals — as opposed to many other
possible worlds with other ends and other goals. At the same time, the Franco-German
parapublic underpinnings reveal severe limitations especially if judged against
the initial ambitions of many of their originators. To begin with, parapublic
impact is very indirect. Parapublic cultivation is gardening, not engineering.
The harvest is not assured and never fully predictable. Second, Franco-German
parapublic interaction has not brought about a true cross-border public sphere.
At best, it has done so in a rudimentary form.
403
Notwithstanding
a few pockets, usually involving various French and German elites, there is
little of a Carolingian public sphere in which joint problems and differences
in opinion would be commonly discussed. Just as there is no European society
interacting in a Europe-wide public sphere, there is no true Franco-German
one.46 Third, Franco-German parapublic underpinnings have done little to re-
move the profound domestic cultural and societal dissimilarities that have
endured in separating French and Germans in many ways, and which keep them
from `acting in concert' more fundamentally (Kiersch, 1993: 324).47 In spite
of some overall convergence, enduring Franco-German dissimilarities include
modes of societal organization and state–society relations; attitudes
toward one's history and national sentiments; intensity and orientations of
social movements; and family life and structure, to name but a few.48 And
while the parapublic underpinnings of the Franco-German relationship have
developed into a structural component of the European polity, French and Germans
have remained deeply split in the ways in which they think of them- selves
as collectivities and of their roles in the world. During the second half
of the 20th century, France viewed itself as an active-independent, globally
acting power, comprehensively armed, including a native nuclear striking force
and independent deterrence and deployment doctrine. Germany, during the same
time period, saw itself as a multilaterally deeply embedded promoter of regional
stability and international law. Its armed forces were fully NATO integrated
and little prepared to act other than as part of larger international coalitions.49
`Franco-German military cooperation in the postwar period', one senior observer
of European security affairs concludes, `seems to have taken place despite
important differences in perspective between the two countries, not because
of a fundamental rapprochement of views. … [A]t both public and elite
levels French and German attitudes toward security and defense were highly
divergent.'50 France and Germany often deviate in their international goals
and policies. Theirs is a close relationship between dissimilar collective
personalities. Paradoxically perhaps, the social purpose that they engender
makes the characteristic limitations of the Franco-German parapublic underpinnings
all the more salient. These parapublic underpinnings contribute to generating
socially constructed baselines of expectations that the French and German
states, both in their bilateral relations and in their policies in general,
often fail to meet. With the social meaning and purpose that they promote
and per- petuate, thus, they themselves also help to induce a frequent sense
of disap- pointment or failure.51 While these parapublic interaction patterns
continue to remain efficacious, difficulties, crises, and disappointments
in the relations between France and Germany continue to persist. The exact
impact of the Franco-German parapublic underpinnings is difficult to measure.
And yet, France and Germany attempt as much assessment as
404
possible.
A survey study prepared for the French general consulate, for example, estimates
that the multiple exchanges have improved mutual knowledge and understanding
as well as the image of one another's respective countries (Stimac, 1996:
6). Other surveys over a period of years suggest that the French and Germans
have a high opinion of and a high degree of confidence in each other, a strong
finding across age cohorts in both countries (Friend, 1991: 43).52 The Franco-German
parapublic fabric has presumably contributed to such effects. Simultaneously,
stereotypes and clichés continue to blossom within each of the two countries
(Stimac, 1996). Inconsistent with one another, both phenomena coexist in a
social world, the components of which are often fairly decoupled. History
and Change Instituting and grounding Franco-German parapublic underpinnings
after World War II was the work of two generations of French and Germans.
After the catastrophes of the first half of the 20th century, they believed
that the future must not be a repetition of social patterns that led to battlefields.
At the begin- ning of the 21st century, it appears preposterous and ludicrous
to many young French and Germans participating in Franco-German parapublic
activity that, little more than five decades ago, it was common in both countries
to refer to the relationship between France and Germany as `hereditary enmity' — enmitié héréditaire and Erbfeindschaft. With their participation in parapublic
inter- action, these people reproduce an institutional legacy from the past
century's second half, established as a reaction to yet other layers of European
history. None of the parapublic effects or limitations rule out change either
in Franco-German relations at large or in their parapublic underpinnings them-
selves. However, they make it less likely that there will be a dramatic change
in either one, and they reduce the likelihood of sudden ruptures in this area
of European politics.53 Parapublic underpinnings, as social relations in general,
change when the interaction patterns and the meaning that they incorporate
are reproduced differently over time. Perhaps especially because parapublic
processes are a semi-societal sub- strate of international relations, they
remind us how changeable is the mean- ing with which humans encounter each
other, and how dependent on institutional context. They also remind us of
the tenuousness of the institu- tional stage on which apparently mundane,
daily human experience takes place. A socially constructed institutional reality,
the parapublic underpin- nings of Franco-German relations are historically
contingent patterns of interaction and meaning. Like other social structures,
they are human-made. And they need to be re-made in order to endure. Unless
reproduced, the meaning and social purpose that Franco-German parapublic practices
insti- tutionalize is bound to dissipate.
405
Notes
For comments and suggestions
on earlier versions of this text I thank Rawi Abdelal, Andreas Daum, Andreas
Føllesdal, Peter Hall, Patrice Higonnet, Peter Katzenstein, Katherine Pence,
William Phelan, Jonas Pontusson, Uli Sedelmeier, Henry Shue, the EJIR editors,
and two anonymous reviewers. For valuable research assistance I thank Bérénice
Manac'h and Ursula Schröder. This article originally was drafted while I was
a James Bryant Conant Fellow at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European
Studies, Harvard University, and revised while a Marie Curie Fellow at the
Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.
I thank both institutions for their generous support and for providing wonderful
working environments. The work on this article has benefited from MEIF-CT-2003-501292.
A prior version of this article was presented as `Transnationalism, Europeanization,
Denationalization? The Parapublic Underpinnings of Franco-German Relations
as Construction of International Purpose' at the Conference of Europeanists
`Europe and the World: Integration, Interdependence, Exceptionalism?' in
Chicago, 11—13 March 2004. An early draft of this article appeared
under the title `Ties That Bind? The Parapublic Underpinnings of Franco-German
Relations as Construction of International Value' as Working Paper 02.4 at
the Center for European Studies, Harvard University.
1. Thus the article shows
how the constitutive analysis that comprises the bulk of its inquiries opens
doors for more systematic causal theorizing involving the impact of parapublic
processes on international affairs. On constitutive and causal theorizing,
see Tannenwald (2005); Wendt (1999: chs 2 and 4).
2. All translations from
French and German into English in this article are my own.
3. `… ein Unterfutter
gewebt …, das zunehmend reiβfest ist …'.
4. Aiming to capture content
and meaning of social affairs, this article's outlook is broadly in line
with the social constructivist-institutionalist tradition of political analysis.
Works outlining this general perspective on social phenomena include Jepperson
(1991); March and Olsen (1989); Ruggie (1998b); Wendt (1999). For this perspective's
theoretical roots and philosophical underpinnings, see Ruggie (1998a); Searle
(1995).
5. For a historically sophisticated
view of Franco-German relations from a realist perspective, see Loriaux (1993,
1999).
6. Works on `France and
Germany in Europe' include Brigouleix (1987); Calleo and Staal (1998); CIRAC
et al. (1995); Hendriks and Morgan (2001); Kolboom and Weisenfeld (1993); Lequesne (1990); Mazzucelli (1997); Ménudier (1993a); Picht and Wessels (1990); Webber (1999).
7. Comprehensive standard
works on post-War Franco-German affairs include Cole (2001); Friend (1991); Gordon (1995); Haglund (1991); Leimbacher (1992); Simonian (1985); Soutou
(1996); Ziebura (1997). For private Franco-German economic and societal interchange,
see Boche (1993); Froment-Maurice (1997); Lasserre (1988); Leblond (1997); Puchala (1970); Stabreit (1997: 5); Trouille (1999). Among the many writings
on the history of Franco-German affairs and common French and German history
are Binoche (1996); Grosser (1986); Jurt (1993); Poidevin and Bariéty (1977); Werner (1983).
406
8. For a concept capturing
a set of related domestic phenomena, (domestic) `parapublic institutions'
that `bridge the gap between the public and private' while operating `largely
outside of the limelight of public attention', see Katzenstein (1987: 58—80).
9. For overviews of some
of the elements that I subsume under `parapublic underpinnings', see Auswärtiges
Amt and Ministère des Affaires Etrangères (1996); Editions Oberlin (1988); Vaillant (1988). See further the reports of the coordinators of Franco-German
affairs at the two states' foreign ministries, Barzel (1988); Hamon and Ahlers
(1970); Lapie and Schmid (1973); Lenz and Wex (1983).
10. This finding resonates
with some quantitative findings on attitudes toward Europe, European identity,
and intensity of national sentiment among Europeans. Compare Duchesne and
Frognier (1995); Martinotti and Stefanizzi (1995).
11. Parapublic activity is
not a Franco-German particularism. The United States, for example, aiming
to institutionalize internationally particular social purpose, for some six
decades has funded or co-organized comparable international interchanges
to which both practitioners and scholars have referred as `citizen diplomacy'.
The European Union supports similar activities. Compare `What is Citizen
Diplomacy?' and `Coalition for Citizen Diplomacy: The Basics of Citizen Diplomacy'
accessible via http://www.citizen-diplomacy.org and other links from there.
For a US State Department statement on citizen diplomacy today, see Burns
(2006). For some early thinking trying to chart some conceptual ground relating
to the present article's conceptual argument, note Marshall (1949). On `sister
cities' between US- and municipalities from other countries, specifically
see http://www.sister-cities.org (mission statement, etc.). For EU-wide `town-twinning',
see http://ec.europa.eu/ towntwinning/index_en.html. The term `citizen diplomacy'
is suggestive that such activity somehow falls between state and society.
Yet, such activity also does not properly belong to either, and `diplomacy'
connotes public officials representing their states. Much `citizen diplomacy'
falls under `parapublic' in this article's conceptual terminology. The concept
of parapublic underpinnings, however, captures the characteristic features
that define such practices, relating them conceptually to general International
Relations and political science scholarship.
12. On INGO state-dependence,
however, see Risse (2002: 260); Krasner (1995).
13. On the conditions of
`policy impact', see Risse (2002); Risse-Kappen (1995a, 1995b).
14. On different time frames
and the social phenomena that they contain, see Braudel (1980); Koselleck
(2000); Pierson (2004); Ruggie (1998c).
15. For the case that social
constructivism should more carefully appreciate empirical micro-processes
and agency, see, for example, Checkel (1998, 2004).
16. On agent—structure
and structuration, see Dessler (1989); Giddens (1984); Wendt (1999: ch. 4).
17. The `Treaty between
the Federal Republic of Germany and the French Republic on Franco-German
Cooperation' is commonly referred to as the `Elysée Treaty' because it was
signed in the Elysée Palace, the seat of the French president in Paris. President
de Gaulle and Chancellor Adenauer honor the reconciliation motive in their
brief `Common Declaration', with which they introduce the Treaty. There they
stress their `conviction' that the reconciliation between the French and
German peoples that `ends a centuries-old rivalry constitutes a historic
event that fundamentally redefines the relationship between the two 407peoples
with one another' (Dokumente, Documents, and Deutsch-Französisches Institut
Ludwigsburg, 1993: 136—7).
18. The Elysée Treaty lubricated
the expansion of the Franco-German parapublic web, although only Treaty Section
II.C., defining Franco-German cooperation in education and youth affairs and
announcing the creation of a Franco-German youth organization in order to
`strengthen the existing ties between young French and Germans and to increase
their mutual understanding', directly refers to what I term parapublic underpinnings
(Dokumente, Documents, and Deutsch-Französisches Institut Ludwigsburg, 1993:
142—3).
19. Pressemappe `40 Jahre
DFJW'. Deutsch-Französiches Jugendwerk, Berlin: 1, 10. http://www.dfjw.org/de/ofaj/40ans/dossier_40.pdf
(2 June 2003).
20. See further Bremer (1988:
27); Vaillant (1988).
21. See further Heinemann
(1977: 311); Heyer (1969: 15).
22. There are additional
programs such as Erasmus and Socrates, which bring together French and German
students and professors as part of multilateral Europe-wide programs sponsored
by the European Union. As such, they do not belong to the specific Franco-German
parapublic web, nor do they specifically contribute to institutionalizing
the particular Franco-German social purpose and its implications that this
article documents.
23. Deutsch-Französisches
Institut and Deutsche Frankreich-Bibliothek (1995 (and after): 89).
24. For a reprint of the
note, see Deutsch-Französisches Hochschulkolleg/Collège Franco-Allemand pour
l'Enseignement Supérieur (1992: 7—9).
25. See the same publication
for a full list of all universities involved in programs and exchanges.
26. For the `Weimar Agreement',
officially `Abkommen zwischen der Regierung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
und der Regierung der Französischen Republik über die Gründung einer Deutsch-Französischen
Hochschule', see http://www. dfh-ufa.org/Weimarer_Abkommen.1651+M5ccfd797d15.0.html.
All other numbers in this paragraph stem from the Franco-German University's
web pages. See in particular http://www.dfh-ufa.org/English.805.0.html; and
http://www. dfh-ufa.org/UEbersicht.861+M5ccfd797d15.0.html (all accessed
on 19 October 2005). I thank Henrik Uterwedde for alerting me to recent developments
involving the Franco-German University.
27. For a list of Franco-German
municipal and regional twinships, see Auswärtiges Amt and Ministère des Affaires
Etrangères (1996: 129—210). For case studies, see de l'Ain et al. (1996:
123).
28. See also Leblond (1997:
252—4). For lists of such institutes and associations, see Auswärtiges
Amt and Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Paris (1996); Editions Oberlin
(1988).
29. As DFI co-founder and
first West German post-war president Theodor Heuss put it. Quoted in Bock
(1998a: 200).
30. The DFI's French counterpart,
founded in 1982 following the decisions of the 37th Franco-German summit
in Paris on 5—6 February 1981, is the Centre d'Information et de
Recherche sur l'Allemagne Contemporaine (CIRAC) (Lasserre, 1993; Deutsch-Französisches
Institut and Deutsche Frankreich-Bibliothek, 1995 (and after): 65).
408
31. After having learned
about du Rivau's death, in 1970 the director of the German Federal Press
Office exclaimed: `There are two things that we will never forget about this
man. The first is that at a time when everybody turned their backs and threw
stones at us, he was the first who came to us. The second is that it was he
who promoted for the first time in history a Mass for a German chancellor
in Notre-Dame-de-Paris.' See Guervel (1993: 304—5). The reference is
to the 1967 Mass in Konrad Adenauer's honor after the former chancellor had
died.
32. Fédération des Associations
Franco-Allemandes en France et en Allemagne, Vereinigung der Deutsch-Französischen
Gesellschaften in Deutschland und Frankreich (van Deenen and Koch, 1993:
315). Such `associations' cover all aspects of social life, both private
and public. For a list of many of them, see Auswärtiges Amt and Ministère
des Affaires Etrangères Paris (1996).
33. See also Farçat (1993).
For a history of the French and German cultural institutes in the respective
other country and many details on this kind of Franco-German parapublic ties,
see Znined-Brand (1999: 121—218).
34. See also Kocs (1995:
80—1).
35. See Heckmann (1993:
9), Wehrtechnik (1993: 13), Süddeutsche Zeitung, 7 May 1984: 2.
36. The institutes and
associations mentioned here far from exhaust the list of those committed
to or concerned with Franco-German affairs. Among many others are the
Deutsch-Französische Forschungzsentrum für Sozialwissenschaften (Centre
Marc Bloch) in Berlin, the Frankreich-Zentrum at the University
of Freiburg, and the German Historical Institute and the Heinrich Heine House
in Paris. See,for example, Jeismann (1994); Sinz (1994); Veser (1995); von
Weizsäcker (1994).
37. Preamble of ARTE's
founding treaty. See http://www.dfjw.org/netzwerk/grund/ arte90 (2 June 2003).
38. An estimated 10 million
French and 4 million Germans watch ARTE weekly. ARTE has remained a high-quality
minority program reaching a generally well-to-do, educated audience. ARTE
has not developed into a full-grown competitor of commercially driven mainstream
TV networks. Compare http://www. arte-tv.com/fr/services/tout-sur-ARTE/Actualit_C3_A9/38566,CmC=
1135042.html; http://www.mediametrie.fr/resultats.php?rubrique = tv&resultat_
id = 273; http://www.gwp.de/data/download/Preise2006/PL_ARTE_2006_ e.pdf.
On Franco-German media products other than ARTE see, for example, Leblond
(1997: 252—253); La Tribune d'Allemagne (1988).
39. During the 54th Franco-German
summit, France and Germany granted the accolade for the first time to the
Bureau International de Liaison de Documentation in Paris and the
Gesellschaft für übernationale Zusammenarbeit in Bonn, for their extraordinary
achievements in Franco-German reconciliation and friendship (Presse- und
Informationsamt der Bundesregierung (Bulletin), 1989: 1037).
40. See, for example, Bellanger
(1996); Meyer-Kalkus (1994).
41. See also Bellanger (1996:
48).
42. Certain kinds of regularized
working contacts among such persons, once they have arrived in administrative
or political offices, may build upon and develop the parapublic base. On
`regularized intergovernmentalism', see Krotz (2002a).
409
43. Thus `the Franco-German
dialogue transcends the succession of politicians that incarnate it' (Pirotte,
1997: 10).
44. I thank Peter Katzenstein
for bringing this anecdote to my attention.
45. Compare, for example,
March and Olsen (1989), especially chs 3 and 9; similarly Jepperson (1991); and with respect to Franco-German relations, Sverdrup (1994: 10). On parapublic
underpinnings' social purpose in a larger historical perspective, see Schmid
(1988 [1949]).
46. Compare Cederman (2001).
47. See further François-Poncet
(1997: 17).
48. See especially Kaelble
(1991); Picht et al. (1997).
49. Krotz (2002b); Sauder
(1995).
50. Gordon (1995: 11, 9),
emphasis added.
51. Compare Frisch (1993).
52. See also Engelhardt (1978:
109—10).
53. Compare Sverdrup (1994:
117—25).
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A prior version of this article was presented as `Transnationalism, Europeanization, Denationalization? The Parapublic Underpinnings of Franco-German Relations as Construction of International Purpose' at the Conference of Europeanists `Europe and the World: Integration, Interdependence, Exceptionalism?' in Chicago, 11—13 March 2004. An early draft of this article appeared under the title `Ties That Bind? The Parapublic Underpinnings of Franco-German Relations as Construction of International Value' as Working Paper 02.4 at the Center for European Studies, Harvard University.</p></list-item><list-item><p>1. Thus the article shows how the constitutive analysis that comprises the bulk of its inquiries opens doors for more systematic causal theorizing involving the impact of parapublic processes on international affairs. On constitutive and causal theorizing, see Tannenwald (2005); Wendt (1999: chs 2 and 4).</p></list-item><list-item><p>2. All translations from French and German into English in this article are my own.</p></list-item><list-item><p>3. `… ein Unterfutter gewebt …, das zunehmend reiβfest ist …'.</p></list-item><list-item><p>4. Aiming to capture content and meaning of social affairs, this article's outlook is broadly in line with the social constructivist-institutionalist tradition of political analysis. Works outlining this general perspective on social phenomena include Jepperson (1991); March and Olsen (1989); Ruggie (1998b); Wendt (1999). For this perspective's theoretical roots and philosophical underpinnings, see Ruggie (1998a); Searle (1995).</p></list-item><list-item><p>5. For a historically sophisticated view of Franco-German relations from a realist perspective, see Loriaux (1993, 1999).</p></list-item><list-item><p>6. Works on `France and Germany in Europe' include Brigouleix (1987); Calleo and Staal (1998); CIRAC et al. (1995); Hendriks and Morgan (2001); Kolboom and Weisenfeld (1993); Lequesne (1990); Mazzucelli (1997); Ménudier (1993a); Picht and Wessels (1990); Webber (1999).</p></list-item><list-item><p>7. Comprehensive standard works on post-War Franco-German affairs include Cole (2001); Friend (1991); Gordon (1995); Haglund (1991); Leimbacher (1992); Simonian (1985); Soutou (1996); Ziebura (1997). For private Franco-German economic and societal interchange, see Boche (1993); Froment-Maurice (1997); Lasserre (1988); Leblond (1997); Puchala (1970); Stabreit (1997: 5); Trouille (1999). Among the many writings on the history of Franco-German affairs and common French and German history are Binoche (1996); Grosser (1986); Jurt (1993); Poidevin and Bariéty (1977); Werner (1983).</p></list-item><list-item><p>8. For a concept capturing a set of related domestic phenomena, (domestic) `parapublic institutions' that `bridge the gap between the public and private' while operating `largely outside of the limelight of public attention', see Katzenstein (1987: 58—80).</p></list-item><list-item><p>9. For overviews of some of the elements that I subsume under `parapublic underpinnings', see Auswärtiges Amt and Ministère des Affaires Etrangères (1996); Editions Oberlin (1988); Vaillant (1988). See further the reports of the coordinators of Franco-German affairs at the two states' foreign ministries, Barzel (1988); Hamon and Ahlers (1970); Lapie and Schmid (1973); Lenz and Wex (1983).</p></list-item><list-item><p>10. This finding resonates with some quantitative findings on attitudes toward Europe, European identity, and intensity of national sentiment among Europeans. Compare Duchesne and Frognier (1995); Martinotti and Stefanizzi (1995).</p></list-item><list-item><p>11. Parapublic activity is not a Franco-German particularism. The United States, for example, aiming to institutionalize internationally particular social purpose, for some six decades has funded or co-organized comparable international interchanges to which both practitioners and scholars have referred as `citizen diplomacy'. The European Union supports similar activities. Compare `What is Citizen Diplomacy?' and `Coalition for Citizen Diplomacy: The Basics of Citizen Diplomacy' accessible via http://www.citizen-diplomacy.org and other links from there. For a US State Department statement on citizen diplomacy today, see Burns (2006). For some early thinking trying to chart some conceptual ground relating to the present article's conceptual argument, note Marshall (1949). On `sister cities' between US- and municipalities from other countries, specifically see http://www.sister-cities.org (mission statement, etc.). For EU-wide `town-twinning', see http://ec.europa.eu/ towntwinning/index_en.html. The term `citizen diplomacy' is suggestive that such activity somehow falls between state and society. Yet, such activity also does not properly belong to either, and `diplomacy' connotes public officials representing their states. Much `citizen diplomacy' falls under `parapublic' in this article's conceptual terminology. The concept of parapublic underpinnings, however, captures the characteristic features that define such practices, relating them conceptually to general International Relations and political science scholarship.</p></list-item><list-item><p>12. On INGO state-dependence, however, see Risse (2002: 260); Krasner (1995).</p></list-item><list-item><p>13. On the conditions of `policy impact', see Risse (2002); Risse-Kappen (1995a, 1995b).</p></list-item><list-item><p>14. On different time frames and the social phenomena that they contain, see Braudel (1980); Koselleck (2000); Pierson (2004); Ruggie (1998c).</p></list-item><list-item><p>15. For the case that social constructivism should more carefully appreciate empirical micro-processes and agency, see, for example, Checkel (1998, 2004).</p></list-item><list-item><p>16. On agent—structure and structuration, see Dessler (1989); Giddens (1984); Wendt (1999: ch. 4).</p></list-item><list-item><p>17. The `Treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and the French Republic on Franco-German Cooperation' is commonly referred to as the `Elysée Treaty' because it was signed in the Elysée Palace, the seat of the French president in Paris. President de Gaulle and Chancellor Adenauer honor the reconciliation motive in their brief `Common Declaration', with which they introduce the Treaty. There they stress their `conviction' that the reconciliation between the French and German peoples that `ends a centuries-old rivalry constitutes a historic event that fundamentally redefines the relationship between the two peoples with one another' (Dokumente, Documents, and Deutsch-Französisches Institut Ludwigsburg, 1993: 136—7).</p></list-item><list-item><p>18. The Elysée Treaty lubricated the expansion of the Franco-German parapublic web, although only Treaty Section II.C., defining Franco-German cooperation in education and youth affairs and announcing the creation of a Franco-German youth organization in order to `strengthen the existing ties between young French and Germans and to increase their mutual understanding', directly refers to what I term parapublic underpinnings (Dokumente, Documents, and Deutsch-Französisches Institut Ludwigsburg, 1993: 142—3).</p></list-item><list-item><p>19. Pressemappe `40 Jahre DFJW'. Deutsch-Französiches Jugendwerk, Berlin: 1, 10. http://www.dfjw.org/de/ofaj/40ans/dossier_40.pdf (2 June 2003).</p></list-item><list-item><p>20. See further Bremer (1988: 27); Vaillant (1988).</p></list-item><list-item><p>21. See further Heinemann (1977: 311); Heyer (1969: 15).</p></list-item><list-item><p>22. There are additional programs such as Erasmus and Socrates, which bring together French and German students and professors as part of multilateral Europe-wide programs sponsored by the European Union. As such, they do not belong to the specific Franco-German parapublic web, nor do they specifically contribute to institutionalizing the particular Franco-German social purpose and its implications that this article documents.</p></list-item><list-item><p>23. Deutsch-Französisches Institut and Deutsche Frankreich-Bibliothek (1995 (and after): 89).</p></list-item><list-item><p>24. For a reprint of the note, see Deutsch-Französisches Hochschulkolleg/Collège Franco-Allemand pour l'Enseignement Supérieur (1992: 7—9).</p></list-item><list-item><p>25. See the same publication for a full list of all universities involved in programs and exchanges.</p></list-item><list-item><p>26. For the `Weimar Agreement', officially `Abkommen zwischen der Regierung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Regierung der Französischen Republik über die Gründung einer Deutsch-Französischen Hochschule', see http://www. dfh-ufa.org/Weimarer_Abkommen.1651+M5ccfd797d15.0.html. All other numbers in this paragraph stem from the Franco-German University's web pages. See in particular http://www.dfh-ufa.org/English.805.0.html; and http://www. dfh-ufa.org/UEbersicht.861+M5ccfd797d15.0.html (all accessed on 19 October 2005). I thank Henrik Uterwedde for alerting me to recent developments involving the Franco-German University.</p></list-item><list-item><p>27. For a list of Franco-German municipal and regional twinships, see Auswärtiges Amt and Ministère des Affaires Etrangères (1996: 129—210). For case studies, see de l'Ain et al. (1996: 123).</p></list-item><list-item><p>28. See also Leblond (1997: 252—4). For lists of such institutes and associations, see Auswärtiges Amt and Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Paris (1996); Editions Oberlin (1988).</p></list-item><list-item><p>29. As DFI co-founder and first West German post-war president Theodor Heuss put it. Quoted in Bock (1998a: 200).</p></list-item><list-item><p>30. The DFI's French counterpart, founded in 1982 following the decisions of the 37th Franco-German summit in Paris on 5—6 February 1981, is the <italic>Centre d'Information et de Recherche sur l'Allemagne Contemporaine</italic> (CIRAC) (Lasserre, 1993; Deutsch-Französisches Institut and Deutsche Frankreich-Bibliothek, 1995 (and after): 65).</p></list-item><list-item><p>31. After having learned about du Rivau's death, in 1970 the director of the German Federal Press Office exclaimed: `There are two things that we will never forget about this man. The first is that at a time when everybody turned their backs and threw stones at us, he was the first who came to us. The second is that it was he who promoted for the first time in history a Mass for a German chancellor in Notre-Dame-de-Paris.' See Guervel (1993: 304—5). The reference is to the 1967 Mass in Konrad Adenauer's honor after the former chancellor had died.</p></list-item><list-item><p>32. <italic>Fédération des Associations Franco-Allemandes en France et en Allemagne</italic>, <italic>Vereinigung der Deutsch-Französischen Gesellschaften in Deutschland und Frankreich</italic> (van Deenen and Koch, 1993: 315). Such `associations' cover all aspects of social life, both private and public. For a list of many of them, see Auswärtiges Amt and Ministère des Affaires Etrangères Paris (1996).</p></list-item><list-item><p>33. See also Farçat (1993). For a history of the French and German cultural institutes in the respective other country and many details on this kind of Franco-German parapublic ties, see Znined-Brand (1999: 121—218).</p></list-item><list-item><p>34. See also Kocs (1995: 80—1).</p></list-item><list-item><p>35. See Heckmann (1993: 9), Wehrtechnik (1993: 13), <italic>Süddeutsche Zeitung</italic>, 7 May 1984: 2.</p></list-item><list-item><p>36. The institutes and associations mentioned here far from exhaust the list of those committed to or concerned with Franco-German affairs. Among many others are the <italic> Deutsch-Französische Forschungzsentrum für Sozialwissenschaften</italic> (<italic>Centre Marc Bloch</italic>) in Berlin, the <italic>Frankreich-Zentrum</italic> at the University of Freiburg, and the German Historical Institute and the Heinrich Heine House in Paris. See,for example, Jeismann (1994); Sinz (1994); Veser (1995); von Weizsäcker (1994).</p></list-item><list-item><p>37. Preamble of ARTE's founding treaty. See http://www.dfjw.org/netzwerk/grund/ arte90 (2 June 2003).</p></list-item><list-item><p>38. An estimated 10 million French and 4 million Germans watch ARTE weekly. ARTE has remained a high-quality minority program reaching a generally well-to-do, educated audience. ARTE has not developed into a full-grown competitor of commercially driven mainstream TV networks. Compare http://www. arte-tv.com/fr/services/tout-sur-ARTE/Actualit_C3_A9/38566,CmC= 1135042.html; http://www.mediametrie.fr/resultats.php?rubrique = tv&resultat_ id = 273; http://www.gwp.de/data/download/Preise2006/PL_ARTE_2006_ e.pdf. On Franco-German media products other than ARTE see, for example, Leblond (1997: 252—253); <italic>La Tribune d'Allemagne</italic> (1988).</p></list-item><list-item><p>39. During the 54th Franco-German summit, France and Germany granted the accolade for the first time to the <italic> Bureau International de Liaison de Documentation</italic> in Paris and the <italic> Gesellschaft für übernationale Zusammenarbeit</italic> in Bonn, for their extraordinary achievements in Franco-German reconciliation and friendship (Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung (Bulletin), 1989: 1037).</p></list-item><list-item><p>40. See, for example, Bellanger (1996); Meyer-Kalkus (1994).</p></list-item><list-item><p>41. See also Bellanger (1996: 48).</p></list-item><list-item><p>42. Certain kinds of regularized working contacts among such persons, once they have arrived in administrative or political offices, may build upon and develop the parapublic base. On `regularized intergovernmentalism', see Krotz (2002a).</p></list-item><list-item><p>43. Thus `the Franco-German dialogue transcends the succession of politicians that incarnate it' (Pirotte, 1997: 10).</p></list-item><list-item><p>44. I thank Peter Katzenstein for bringing this anecdote to my attention.</p></list-item><list-item><p>45. Compare, for example, March and Olsen (1989), especially chs 3 and 9; similarly Jepperson (1991); and with respect to Franco-German relations, Sverdrup (1994: 10). On parapublic underpinnings' social purpose in a larger historical perspective, see Schmid (1988 [1949]).</p></list-item><list-item><p>46. Compare Cederman (2001).</p></list-item><list-item><p>47. See further François-Poncet (1997: 17).</p></list-item><list-item><p>48. See especially Kaelble (1991); Picht et al. (1997).</p></list-item><list-item><p>49. Krotz (2002b); Sauder (1995).</p></list-item><list-item><p>50. Gordon (1995: 11, 9), emphasis added.</p></list-item><list-item><p>51. Compare Frisch (1993).</p></list-item><list-item><p>52. See also Engelhardt (1978: 109—10).</p></list-item><list-item><p>53. Compare Sverdrup (1994: 117—25).</p></list-item></list></p></notes><ref-list><ref><citation citation-type="journal" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Anderson, Jeffrey J.</surname></name> (<year>2002</year>) <article-title>`Europeanization and the Transformation of the Democratic Polity, 1945—2000'</article-title>, <source>Journal of Common Market Studies</source>
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They underpin relations among specific states and construct social purpose in the international realm. Focusing on Franco-German parapublic underpinnings reveals a particular and neglected kind of `Europeanization'. Such parapublic activity includes massive state-financed youth exchanges, some two thousand municipal partnerships, and a host of institutes and associations. In their entirety, these parapublic interactions have developed into structural components of the European polity. Rather than directly affecting domestic political affairs, this kind of Europeanization connects French and Germans in a certain way. It makes Europeans more European, but without making them less national. This article contributes a concept to properly capture a distinct and substantial type of international activity and to identify its characteristic effects and limitations.</abstract><subject><genre>keywords</genre><topic>agent—structure</topic><topic>bilateralism</topic><topic>constructivism</topic><topic>Europeanization</topic><topic>France</topic><topic>Franco-German relations</topic><topic>Germany</topic><topic>parapublic underpinnings</topic></subject><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>European Journal of International Relations</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">1354-0661</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1460-3713</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">EJT</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spejt</identifier><part><date>2007</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>13</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>3</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>385</start><end>417</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">5358D2800AF420FBA40557838DC2A45B6230CDAD</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-0KC1PRQ6-9</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1177/1354066107080129</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1177_1354066107080129</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B">sage</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-0KC1PRQ6-9/record.json</uri></json:item></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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