NotreDameDeParisV1, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 000612

Religion in a dechristianized world: French Catholic responses to war and occupation

Identifieur interne : 000612 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000611; suivant : 000613

Religion in a dechristianized world: French Catholic responses to war and occupation

Auteurs : Vesna Drapac

Source :

Journal of European Studies [ 0047-2441 ] ; 1996-12.

RBID : ISTEX:A419A1FD74BC4F2F460A4336CFE01A170043BE30

English descriptors

Teeft :
- Agrave, Cambridge university press, Cardinal suhard, Catholic assistance, Catholic notables, Catholic resistance, Catholic resisters, Catholic works, Catholic world, Catholic youth works, Catholique, Catholique sous vichy, Chardonnet, Christian principles, Collaborator, Communal worship, Conseil curial, Conservative revolution, Conventional wisdom, Core values, Daily basis, December, First steps, French catholicism, French prisoners, Functional sense, Genevieve, German occupation, Guerre mondiale, High numbers, Holy cards, Hugh mcleod, Human person, Immaculate heart, Interesting question, January, Jean baptiste, Ligue catholique, Liturgical calendar, Lowest level, Male elites, Marina warner, Mass announcements, National revolution, National socialism, National solidarity, Nazi germany, Nazi occupation, November, October, Ordeal, Other catholics, Other hand, Oxford university press, Parish, Parish bulletins, Parish church, Parish life, Parishioner, Parisian catholics, Parochial groups, Parochial level, Paul society, Pieux paroissiens, Plain language, Presses universitaires, Religieuse, Religious calendar, Religious culture, Religious duties, Religious history, Religious life, Religious motivation, Religious practice, Religious structures, Religious values, Resister, Second world, Semaine, Semaine religieuse, Sou, Sous vichy, Special significance, Spiritual life, Standard argument, Standard surveys, Strict demarcation, Such occasions, Suhard, Summi pontificatus, Third reich, Timothy garton, Unions paroissiales, University press, Vichy, Vichy france, Vichy regime, Wider community.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-8XP7PBZJ-6/fulltext.pdf

DOI: 10.1177/004724419602600402

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:A419A1FD74BC4F2F460A4336CFE01A170043BE30

Le document en format XML

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<meta-value>389 Religion in a dechristianized world: French Catholic responses to war and occupation SAGE Publications, Inc.1996DOI: 10.1177/004724419602600402 Vesna Drapac University of Adelaide J European Studies, xxm (1996), 389~16 Printed m England In December 1940, some six months after German troops entered Paris, the Cardinal, Emmanuel Suhard, along with other dignitaries including Admiral Darlan and the German Ambassador, Otto Abetz, was present at a ceremony of considerable pomp in which the ashes of L'Aiglon (Napoleon II) were transported from Vienna to Les Invalides. One hundred years previously Napoleon I's remains had been placed there.' Official ecclesiastical presence at events like this is the kind of evidence used in standard arguments presenting the Church as compliant, accommodating and opportunistic in the face of the Vichy regime and German occupation. What the Church's 'politics of presence' really meant during the Occupation was that members of the hierarchy and, alongside them, key Catholic notables, were drawn to the reactionary rhetoric of Vichy which openly courted Catholics. They sensed that religion could at last regain its rightful place in French society and thereby take revenge on the nefarious revolution of '89. This blind drive for greater influence and prestige in matters temporal, we are told, set the ruinous example of uncritical acceptance of authority and acquiescence in the Catholic population at large. In contrast to this we have the bold and far-sighted stand taken by a handful of Catholic resisters who saved the reputation of religion and the Church and in whose reflected glory less robust Catholics hoped to bask in the post-war era.' But let us return to Paris on that Sunday in December 1940 and consider further a day in the life of a cardinal in a city occupied by the Nazis. Suhard had many responsibilities and commitments. After the ceremony at Les Invalides he visited the parish of St Nicolas du Chardonnet in the fifth arrondissement. The pastoral visit had been * I would like to thank Professor John Sweets for his valuable comments on an earlier draft of this article. Address for correspondence: Department of History, The University of Adelaide, Adelaide, South Australia, 5005. 0047-2441/96/2604-0389 $5.00 @ 1996 Richard Sadler Ltd 20390 planned for some time but was then postponed because Suhard was invited to the state function. At the last minute, however, the cure was informed that the cardinal would be able to come after all. The parish stalwarts rallied round for the preparations and the visit proceeded smoothly.' The cardinal spoke to the congregation crowded in the parish church. (Parochial events such as this always drew large numbers but this was especially the case during occupation.) He responded to the cure's report in which tradition, continuity of religion and religious structures and the fullness of parish life were all emphasized. The cure presented his parish as a spiritual and social community whose religious and material concerns developed in accordance with the needs of the petite Cit6, the quartier, first, and then those of the nation. He gave a short account of the parish's history and said that though the days when there were eight or nine priests at St Nicolas were long gone, the parish had devoted clergy and nuns and a rich liturgical tradition with several different services and devotions throughout the week. The charitable associations, as they had done previously, were responding to the 'needs of the people' which were 'always the same'. However, to have confined themselves in such traumatic times to these alone, said the cure, would have meant risking 'immobilism and inertia'. Everything had to be adapted to the circumstances: before defeat parochial organizations had sent parcels to mobilized priests and soldiers and now two parcels were sent each week to the diocesan centre in the Rue du Bac for aid to French prisoners of war. At home, too, all around them people suffered and were in pain, their 'miseries arising from the current situation'. This, he said, was truly a time when sorrows had 'multiplied, deepened and become more acute'. In his reply the cardinal noted the parish's sentiment commun - 'proof of religious devotion' - and praised its spiritual life. The adaptation of charitable work to answer the needs of those whose sufferings were occasioned or exacerbated by war was also praised, parishioners being told not to relax but to intensify such efforts. He asked this so that they might help relieve the widespread suffering ('the scars, at times scarcely visible, are nonetheless there') and rise above the ordeal (jpreuve) in order not to be dominated by it. In doing this they would contribute to the 'recovery of men' and 'national recovery'. He did not talk of the sins of the Third Republic but spoke of recovery in the context of religious duties under occupation. What was most important, he said, was that people be 'strengthened', that 'honest enlightened consciences' be well directed toward 'knowing the difference between good and bad' and toward acting on that knowledge. By making the distinction between them 21391 absolutely clear and 'avoiding all confusion', they were to give 'good the place it merits and bad the place that is its due'. Along with Christian obligations, parishioners had patriotic obligations as citizens of France. They were to pledge themselves to the social and national renewal of their country. This was a basic duty of Christians. Theirs was not an easy task and they 'might only learn of the good effects of their spiritual and material sacrifices at the last judgement'. Above all, it was in their immediate circle that they were to take the first steps towards recovery. Ultimately they would be judged in so far as they had been 'good to others'. Significantly the cardinal did not allude to the ceremony at Les Invalides. We may identify echoes of Vichy rhetoric on social and spiritual recovery, but there are no references to P6tain. Catholics would be judged by their actions, he said. Their Christian patriotism would be measured by their commitment to religious values and their capacity to endure and overcome the suffering related directly to the preservation of those values. Suffering always existed but misery resulting from war and occupation magnified that suffering.4 The disparity between the image of Suhard as silent lackey of Vichy and Nazi officialdom and Suhard as pastor directing parishioners in plain language on duties and obligations under occupation is striking. One of the truisms about episcopal pronouncements from this time (whether they emanated from Rome or elsewhere) is that they were ambiguous and anodyne, that they did not give clear enough moral guidance to Catholics in the turmoil. However, this experience of the parishioners at St Nicolas du Chardonnet early in the Occupation suggests that the story of Catholic France during the war was more complex than standard surveys would have us believe. The cardinal's address in particular indicates what the terms of reference for religious utterances were and invites reflection on the ways in which parishioners might have interpreted them. The people, gathered in their spiritual home in their quartier, were united. That unity did not signify uniformity of religious motivation, much less political homogeneity. Nor could it have. Rather, it signified a general attachment to a discernible (and familiar) national religious tradition which defined Catholics and which was under threat. Their collective identity was expressed on occasions of communal worship and this could not be lost on observers or participants. On such occasions their responsibilities were outlined. People were expected to remain active, doing what it was in their power to do to alleviate the sufferings of neighbours and compatriots further afield. They had choices and if they chose to do wrong they would be judged accordingly. Finally, we have the link between patriotic and religious duties which could prove a potent 22392 combination in an occupied city where the enemy seemed all powerful. The Church in general, the parish in particular, were consciously projected as the repositories of French values and traditions which were in danger. The parish church, whose physical and spiritual presence dominated the local landscape, was not a direct target of the Germans and collaborators in the first instance, but does it follow that because of this it had succumbed easily, or at all? A study of the way in which religious life, its structures and devotions, functioned at the lowest level in the presence of the Germans reveals a Catholic world which extended beyond parochialism, beyond what is disparagingly referred to as 1'esprit du clocher.5 It provides a unique perspective which calls into question much of the conventional wisdom about the Church in the Second World War. That Catholic world is now less familiar, but as it comes into focus a number of themes stand out: the continuity of religion and religious structures; the overlap between spiritual and temporal duties; and the responsibility assumed by individuals for the well-being of neighbour and nation. The continuity of parochial structures exposed Catholics to a morality and values which ran counter to collaborationist or German propaganda. This central aspect of religious history has been glossed over for the modern period and, as a result, we have been presented with one-dimensional images of the pieux paroissiens du Maréchal.6 There are many reasons for this. The primacy of political questions like the extent of support for P6tain and the impact it may have had on collaboration; the predominance of the resistance-collaboration dichotomy in which the parameters of the former are tightly drawn and those of the latter much more loosely applied; and strictly linear frameworks which fail to accommodate behaviour whose endpoint is neither resistance (traditionally defined) nor collaboration: all these factors mitigate against studies that seek to account for more general or representative histories of religious and cultural trends or experiences in wartime. We have either religious history with the religion left out, or descriptive surveys of devotions, 'renewal' and piety whose role in the war was, at best, to soothe souls or, at worst, to divert pratiquants from the battle against Nazism. The parish, apparently, was merely the location wherein predetermined (and inadequate) responses to the enemy presence took place; that the parish or religion may have shaped responses in a strategic action which extended the line of battle on to a different plane is never considered. Recent work on the persecution and deportation of Jews in France has led to a reassessment of pre-war Catholic anti-semitism and Catholic assistance to the Jews during occupation. Catholics are now credited with having helped Jews considerably more than 23393 previous studies allowed for.' Interestingly, these revelations have not had the effect of modifying the standard argument on the Church. On the contrary, it could be said that there has been a reversion to the strident tone of recrimination which has surfaced periodically over the decades.' It was in the 1970s that the American historian, Robert Paxton, overturned the so-called myth of France as a nation of resisters. Instead he presented the nation of collaborators, the nation of self- interested, amoral people willing to take up with whatever regime offered the greatest material advantages and the least disruption. Paxton's work set new parameters for discussing French collaboration and these remained intact for some time.9 Significant challenges to this position, however, emerged from detailed local studies such as John Sweets's Choices in Vichy France.10 Subsequently Sweets presented evidence to suggest that the number of resisters and supporters (without whom resistance would not have been possible) was actually much higher than the number of collaborators. He also asked whether, in the light of this, it would not be appropriate to reconsider the accepted definitions of resistance.'1 Pierre Laborie took the Paxton paradigm to task directly in his study of French opinion under Vichy. He found that there was generally less attachment to Vichy and its National Revolution from early occupation (1940) and that dissatisfaction and, then, a deep hostility towards Vichy and collaboration was evident much sooner than even 'pre-Paxton' historians had suggested. Laborie is critical of Paxton's idea of 'collaboration in a functional sense' (which posits that simply by existing and surviving one effectively collaborated) and shows Paxton's chronology of disaffection (widespread only from late 1943) to be flawed." Perhaps one of the reasons for the great disparity between the conclusions of these historians is that Paxton tends to focus on official sources and generalize from the particular example of predominantly male elites, while Laborie's generalizations are drawn from a study of a smaller geographical region but a wider cross-section of the population. Hardline critiques of the Church also tend to focus on male elites generally and, more selectively, on the hierarchy. 13 Significantly, while Laborie, like Sweets, shows that collaboration was much less widespread and that the Vichy option deemed appropriate or acceptable for a much shorter period than the Paxton-paradigm allowed for, he does not call for a reassessment of resistance. In a more subtle way, perhaps, but no less emphatically, Laborie presents us with the classic line on resistance: while resistance and collaboration were not simple opposites, hostility to Vichy in itself did not necessarily lead to resistance, much less constitute it. Others also have impressed on us that while resistance 24394 could take many forms and attracted different people over time for ,different reasons, its nature was clearly defined. It constituted un bloc and one was in it or one was not." Like the history of resistance in general, the history of Catholic resistance has rested on a set of assumptions as well as a number of 'truths' about twentieth-century French Catholicism. Several of them stand out. First, that conflicts and competition between left and right tendencies within the Church, predating Vichy, perhaps even stretching back to the Revolution of 1789, remained, were divisive in the interwar period and pitted traditionalists or crypto-fascists (future collaborators) against infinitely more palatable progressives (future resisters).15 Second, that with defeat and the armistice came wide acceptance by Catholics (following the lead of the hierarchy) that the war was definitively over, that republican France was dead and buried and a brave new era for religion had begun under the auspices of the National Revolution. Third, that support for Vichy was virtually unconditional and critical to the success of its policies." Fourth, that Catholics, on the whole, were immobile and ineffectual in the struggle to liberate France and neglected higher moral duties as they busied themselves with protecting Catholic works and associations in an effort to extend their 'interests'. And fifth, that there was strict demarcation between individual Catholic resisters and the institutional Church (regardless of whether or not the resisters were priests, nuns, brothers or lay people, it seems), between Catholic resisters and lay Catholics who did not resist (the pieux paroissiens) and then between Catholics in Christian resistance movements and Catholics in networks or movements that were not inspired primarily (or at all) by Christian values. Those engaged in 'the Catholic resistance', we are told, believed their actions were necessitated by Christian principles. They were motivated by their religion first. Other Catholics active in the resistance did not act en tant que chr6tiens (probably not even en chrétien) but for patriotic or political reasons. 17 This understanding of Catholic or spiritual resistance is wanting in many respects. It views inter-war Catholicism through the prism of the war and, largely, the experiences of Catholic resisters, thus distorting many aspects of religious life. It fails to take into account (or dismisses) the multiple ways in which faith was translated into action through the structures of the parish and as such ignores the wider social, civic and cultural consequences of that action. It conveniently dispenses with the need to account for the many instances of resistance activity among conservative or traditional Catholics and integrate them into a more general history of religious practice and motivation at this time. Its methodology rests on the 25395 necessity of isolating nationalistic or patriotic motivation from ideological or religious motivation in a highly contrived fashion. Catholic patriotism is treated as a palliative which made people think that they were patriotic when apparently they were not. The prevailing argument relating to religion and resistance is based on outdated chronologies of disaffection from Vichy and outdated models and definitions of resistance. (The debate in German historiography on non-conformity, Resistenz (immunity) dissent and Widerstand (resistance) are instructive but have had curiously little impact on French historians.'8) Finally, this view focuses disproportionately (and selectively) on the role of the Catholic hierarchy and elites : the faceless pieux paroissiens are portrayed rather as if they spent the period treading water (or sinking) in a tridentine pool of obscurantist devotional practices and prejudices. It is beyond the scope of this article to discuss all of the points outlined above. Instead I propose to use the framework provided by the example of the 'contradictory' image of Suhard to address three issues that inform the standard argument on religion during the Occupation. I shall consider whether religious life did indeed enable Catholics to retreat from matters temporal and the pressing moral concerns of the period; whether Catholics were more interested in effecting a conservative revolution than in liberating their country; and whether we can discount Catholics who did not resist as ineffectual, irrelevant or 'collaborators in a functional sense'. Finally, the extent to which this case study can serve as a model for the study of religion in different parts of France and in other countries under authoritarian, occupation or totalitarian regimes will be discussed. While the separation of Church and state (1905) had been fraught with difficulties for Catholicism the subsequent decades witnessed great expansion and integration, especially after World War One during which, it was commonly held, Catholics had proven their loyalty to the nation and the republic. The papal condemnation of the Action Franqaise (1926) had presented many Catholics with the challenge of directing their energies away from polemical politics of the traditional right. However, pioneering religious sociologists in the 1930s could be said to have been almost obsessed by the view of France as a dechristianized nation and the apparent alienation of the working classes (allegedly the result of the embourgeoisement of the Church). Their findings culminated in the publication in 1943 of Henri Godin and Yvan Daniel's La France, pays de mission?. Many historians have subsequently questioned the methods and conclusions of this research, in particular the idea that religious practice (as defined by numbers of communicants, for example) alone determined the extent and quality of religiosity of a quartier, city or 26396 region. The parish was not the centre of life for a substantial proportion of the inhabitants of each quartier, but for those who practised their religion and those sympathisants or saisonniers who were still open to its influence, the parish offered a variety of activities, spiritual, social and charitable. In fact, the inter-war period was one of many important initiatives, renewal and rising prestige for the Church, as evidenced by the quality and reception of the work of public Catholic intellectuals and writers." In ordinary times, traditions of a Catholic life - the sacraments, the liturgical calendar, local feast days and customs - were important to fidèles and to the wider community of sympathisants from cradle to the grave. In this time of crisis when people feared for both French identity and personal integrity Catholic beliefs, values, traditions and symbols assumed a new and special significance.2° Popular caricatures of the bon cure in the tradition of the saintly but unlettered Cure d'Ars, the diffident and anachronistic hommes d' œuvres and their prim and prudish wives, utterly distort the reality of parish life. It was not uncommon for parishes in the capital to have between ten and fifteen different active works." Catholics, along with their compatriots, were shocked and humiliated by the defeat. P6tainism, and the associated sense of relief was widespread.22 But the Vichy regime did have something special to offer Catholics and appealed to them in its propaganda. The excesses of certain Catholics towards P6tain have been documented, but what that attachment (shared by all kinds of people including non-Catholics and resisters) meant on a daily basis in the teaching and practice of the faith and in the preservation of core values is never seriously considered. For the vast majority of Catholics the defeat was not, as Charles Maurras described it, a 'divine surprise', but gave way to the épreuve. There was not jubilation at the fall of the republic. At parochial level talk was of the great sadnesses, the great suffering, the dislocation, the disarray and the turmoil. The tone of mass announcements, minutes of meetings of parochial groups from the Ligue Feminine d'Action Catholique (LFAC) to the conferences of the St Vincent de Paul Society (and indeed the official organ of the archdiocese, La Semaine religieuse de Paris) is sober, solemn, reflective and moderate. The defeat and early days of occupation were recalled in the 1942 entry of the minutes of the Conseil Curial of a parish in the eighteenth arrondissement. Those who had remained in the capital anxiously wondered whether the fate of Warsaw and Rotterdam would be visited upon them: 'An understandable sense of relief mixed with shame, pain and anger overwhelmed everyone. All hope was now lost and a great silence took hold. It was the silence of those who no longer expect anything and whose misfortune is complete.'23 27397 In one of his first addresses to Parisian Catholics after the armistice Cardinal Suhard spoke of the need for reflection and for calm: 'la France reste sous 1'etreinte', he said.24 Grieved by a defeat that they had neither precipitated nor foreseen, Catholics did not wallow in that grief, indeed they were directed not to. Vichy social policy chimed with much Catholic teaching but the Catholic idea of recovery was bound to deliverance from the ordeal. People were free to choose how they might best work towards that goal. But they were not to expect that the outcome of the ipreuve was beyond their control. Catholics were repeatedly reminded that they had free will. They could not remain passive or wait for a miracle. They could not shrug off the ordeal with the excuse that they were helpless. This constituted a sin, the sin of despair and a neglect of duties. The briefest perusal of parochial archives presents us with an understanding of the way in which issues like the overlap between the spiritual and temporal worlds were addressed by practising Catholics. Generally, the teaching on the 'two realms' is described as the means by which Catholics could disregard the wrongful acts of governments by retreating untainted into a kind of ascetic, spiritually pure world or embarking on a quixotic quest for spiritual regeneration as witnessed in the widespread currency and application of Jacques Maritain's phrase 'primacy of the spiritual'." Thus 'that mass that thought itself Catholic'26 would easily turn its back on the difficult moral choices confronting them during the dark years of occupation." In fact, neo- Thomists of the inter-war period, particularly in France, emphasized the duty of civil governments to come into line with Church law much less than the need for individuals to obey higher principles at all costs. Catholic teaching on this was made clear both in the pre-war period and during occupation in Catholic Action rhetoric and parochial discussion groups. In order to make the world more Catholic, individuals had to be prepared to embark on the path towards spiritual renewal. This in turn would inform them in the choices they made daily in the secular world. Hence another catchphrase of the period: 'Social parce que catholique'. Parishes, with their multiple structures in which the lines between pious, social, civic and cultural concerns were often blurred, provided the opportunity to translate faith into action in many different ways. Catholic Action imparted a conquering, missionary spirit, a kind of zeal. Catholics were on the march. But in spite of the lofty goals and the dynamic rhetoric, the aspirations of parochial groups remained limited and local. Such groups tried, often unsuccessfully, to reinforce (or introduce) Christian principles in their secularized 28398 and dechristianized communities. This is the essential background to understanding religious life under occupation and to understanding the way in which Catholics were taught to assume their role in the cité. Not all battles in the temporal world were of equal magnitude. What was universally applicable was that in the choices they made in the temporal world Catholics could not compromise Christian teaching or their Christian conscience. Leo XIII's encyclical Immortale Dei (1885), among other things, outlined the Church's position on the overlap between spiritual and secular duties of Catholics in the modern world. It was elaborated upon by his successors, culminating in Pius XII's Summi Pontificatus (1939) 'the printing and distribution of which' the Germans banned and 88,000 copies of which were dropped into Germany by the French Air Force.28 Significantly, during the Occupation Immortale Dei was one of the chief readings ascribed to study circles.29 It was a key source for some of Suhard's pastoral letters.3° However, reference in the circles was also made to Summi Pontificatus in spite of the German attitude towards it. In June 1939 unions paroissiales in the archdiocese had discussed in some detail Catholic teaching regarding tyrannical governments and unjust laws. In plain language the subtle theology was laid out: an unjust law did not require obedience but the legitimate regime which produced it did. Discussion tackled the thorny issue of insurrection and when recourse to violent overthrow of a regime was justifiable. 31 After defeat Catholic Action militants, among others, were advised from the outset that while they might receive guidance from the state regarding the work of recovery, 'they were to keep to their apostolic objectives and remained answerable only to the Church'. 31 Catholics were told to obey. Not to obey uncritically, but in just matters ('les choses justes').33 Further, the dignity of the human person was paramount and never could be a casualty of loyalty to the legitimate government. 34 People were aware of and referred to the fact that men like Suhard, representing the public face of the Church, were in a 'delicate' position .3' How Catholics might best proceed in les circonstances was a question that vexed clergy and lay men and women alike. As the cure and cardinal had explained to the congregation at St Nicolas du Chardonnet in December 1940, by being present, bearing witness, continuing and then intensifying their religious and social work and, wherever possible, mitigating the effects of the prevailing anti- Christian and anti-French propaganda, Catholics could be effective Christians and do considerable good. They still had social and civic duties alongside their Christian duties all of which were more pressing than ever in the changed circumstances. This was what was meant practically and at the lowest level by the 'politics of presence'. 29399 At the time the position was expounded and linked to national solidarity: France would continue because religion continued.36 Another key concept was holding on. Catholics were told to stand firm, to hold on (tenir) and not to give in to amoral or immoral influences. Ligueuses in the LFAC section of the tenth arrondissement parish of St Vincent de Paul were advised to watch over their homes 'representing corners of the patrie', to preserve and nurture the 'ardent and proud soul of France' residing therein." It was implied that the cumulative benefits of this action in all spheres (but especially the private which was not secondary but fundamental), would be felt all over the country. We are told that during the Occupation the Church claimed its hands were tied but 'knew how to act' when its 'interests', like the independence of its youth structures, were under threat.38 But the well-rehearsed argument about protection of interests ends where it should begin. Everything was done at parochial level to promote and expand Catholic youth works with a view to protecting children and young people from the influence of collaborationist and Nazi propaganda. Catholics had read of the effects of regimentation on German youth and under Vichy the Church fought vigorously against the attempt of the state to monopolize all youth organizations. 31 Imprudent acts and indiscretions could jeopardize the well-being of children who were among the most vulnerable inhabitants of the occupied city. That three priests in Paris had been arrested in 1941 for simply accompanying children to a sports field put many on guard.4o In such an atmosphere might the implications of protecting youth 'interests' extend beyond the quest for more communicants? Scouting was technically banned in the occupied zone but tolerated by the Germans. This often meant that scout troops met under different names. Boys adapted to this and to the fact that they were not allowed to wear their uniforms apart from on rare occasions of some significance for them when uniforms were brought along to meetings. Badges, too, were to be kept out of sight and when they received circulars, boys in the parish of St Nicolas du Chardonnet (where the troop was actually formed after the defeat and called the 'Chevaliers du Chardonnet') were told to be careful with them and not to let them go astray on footpaths for all to see en raison des circonstances.41 Scouts here were also told that their chef was not of this world, 'that Christ was their Chef, the leader of all men'. The only authority outside the home they were to submit to completely was the Church and, through it, Christ. These illustrations are from December 1940 and August 1941 and there is no mention of P6tain as chef. Children themselves were not oblivious to the changes about them. In their own bulletin Coilte que Cotite, the scouts, when calling 30400 on members to embark on a recruiting drive, said: 'Of course you must be prudent: we have the honour of being in the occupied zone'." Armistice Day was the occasion for serious reflection in this troop. It provided the cure with an opportunity to speak in unambiguously patriotic terms of the victory of 1918 and its relationship to the contemporary ordeal. In 1941 he told the boys that 11 November was 'one of the great dates in French history'. But now it was as if the defeat and its consequences, the resultant suffering, had 'abolished the memory of the victory of 11 November 1918'. He said: 'I repeat: God, the Church, your country. Your glorious country. Your wounded country. France occupied. France liberated. Serve God and the Church by serving the country. Serve my country by serving God and the Church.'43 Looking back on the life of their troop after liberation these boys remarked that they, too, had been clandestins. Surely, they concluded, the fact that, in spite of the bans, they had gone on with their activities, taken the first steps 'secretly' and grown 'under cover', theirs had been a form of resistance 'with or without [a capital] "R"'.44 We know that successful resistance traditionally defined was possible only because the actions of resisters were sustained and nurtured by non-resisters. Resistance could not have existed and then thrived if the population had been fragmented and then atomized or if Catholics were more interested in effecting a conservative revolution than the liberation of their country 45 Historians attempting to explain resistance speak of chains of silent solidarity.46 They speak of the complicity of the wider population.4' Resisters themselves readily acknowledge the faceless braves gens who took them in, fed them, hid them, guided them and, quite simply, ensured they survived. We know that in Germany, on the other hand, apart from the terror and the power exerted by the instruments of control, the key problem for resisters was social fragmentation and the ideological and physical attack on any pre-existing 'chains of solidarity' like unions or religious organizations.48 Resisters or would- be resisters in Nazi Germany were working against a system that had as primary goals severing the ties that bound worker to worker, neighbour to neighbour, and dismantling systems and structures that were inspired by competing ideologies and alternative moral and cultural frameworks. It was certainly different for occupied nations. The example of Poland stands out. Here there were not many occasions to collaborate with an enemy that sought to destroy the very essence of what it meant to be Polish. That France's experience was not so extreme nor so desperate as that of Poland should not blind us either to the barriers Catholic structures posed to the penetration of Nazi ideology or the role they had in strengthening 31401 those chains of solidarity crucial to the existence and success of resistance. Important recent work on the spiritual dimensions of the war effort in 1914-1918 can have some bearing on our understanding of the spiritual mobilization and recourse to spiritual forces in the Second World War.49 Catholic interpretations of other conflagrations like the Spanish Civil War are also instructive. Parish bulletins, on the few occasions on which they referred to Spain, almost without exception regarded the victory of Franco with relief. Put simply, he had saved the Church in Spain. Vivid descriptions of the persecution of Catholics, the killing of priests and nuns and the wanton desecration of churches were truly shocking to Parisian Catholics. Still, the struggle was not described in terms of the differences between the political right and left but between life and death, existence and extinction. Franco's victory was not applauded because it was equated with the victory of fascism. It was not a question of naivety or wilful ignorance. Rather, parish bulletins were concerned with what it was that had enabled religion to survive the ordeal: faith and the practice of the faith. Priests went underground. They wandered from village to village carrying the eucharist for masses celebrated clandestinely. People who sheltered priests and religious incurred grave risks but opened their doors nevertheless. The flame had not been extinguished and faith had carried them 'through the torment'." Maintaining the practice of the faith was regarded as essential in a battle between Manichaean forces. This was a basic concept and central to Catholic rhetoric during war and occupation. National pilgrimages or processions during the Occupation were drawn to the attention of Catholics everywhere and were seen as occasions that brought the nation together in spirit. They provided the opportunity to articulate private and personal prayers along with those of one's brothers and sisters and to project them on to the national altar. It has been shown that, like All Saints' Day and Palm Sunday, these processions attracted the very high numbers and the saisonniers in ways that some of the newer devotions could not." Perhaps it is because of their mass appeal that the larger religious manifestations in the period 1940-1944 have been described as occasions on which the Vichy regime manipulated and controlled Catholic devotions and practices. The government reined in and neutralized the religious fervour of large sections of the population, thus rendering it ineffectual. This is commonly the way in which the Marian youth pilgrimage to Puy-en-Velay on the Feast of the Assumption in August 1942 is described. 12 Christian Faure talks of the pilgrimage's 'theatrical' and 'quasi-military aspect"." The fervour, real but 'manipulated', was 'channelled', orientated in such a way as 32402 to affirm the moral and social politics of Church and state. Faure speaks of the process by which the pilgrimage 'legitimized' the Vichy regime and of prayers and chants in terms of the 'grammar of persuasion', the device by which those present underwent a process of moral and political socialization in the service of the state. Individual will and belief are subjugated as pilgrims, in a hypnotic state, create the illusion of a general mandate for the Marshal and the ideology of the National Revolution.54 Similarly, the Consecration of the World to the Immaculate Heart of Mary later in the year (October 1942) is dismissed by Marina Warner who says at best it was 'pusillanimous and at worst criminal'." Religious life and devotions are, in such analyses, divested of meaning. They either become empty gestures, or an opportunity for exercising social control. What is also missing from such accounts is the Catholics themselves. A dynamic existed between parishioners, the hierarchy, the Pope and visible 'exterior' manifestations of Catholic unity. It was not the mass-orchestrated events that provided the model for parochial life and worship but the local and personal, the private and intimate intentions of Catholics that governed the larger ceremonies. Missing also from reductivist accounts of spiritual life is the wider context of the liturgical calendar, its rhythms and its constant (at times pervasive) presence in the cultural life of the nation. While this religious calendar and the values and culture it encompassed may be difficult to comprehend today, it is incumbent upon us to consider its significance for Catholics in this period. We know that at one level continuity of religious life had the consequence of drawing a number of people to resistance. This was the case for a young member of the Jeunesse Etudiante Chretienne, Jean Gay, who was a member of the Jeunes Chr6tiens Combattants whom he had joined in 1943. He was captured and killed by the Germans in August 1944. The previous February, at the youth pilgrimage to St Denis, he decided that he was prepared to die for what he believed and 'offered to God the sacrifice of [his] life'.56 His is an edifying and moving example of Catholic idealism, but perhaps we should concern ourselves less with what religious practice led to and more with what it constituted in itself. Catholic responses should not be seen as random and arbitrary but, rather, connected through common culture, values and attachments. There were many ways in which moral duties could be brought to the attention of Catholics in the presence of the Germans. Timeless Christian symbols and parables assumed new and special significance in the circumstances.5' The Christian images of birth, death and resurrection, the reassuring cycle of the religious calendar reminded Catholics that all through history chaos had reigned only temporarily. Christmas signified the arrival of the missie libérateur 33403 and with it came the 'joy and hope of salvation', the hope that peace would bring 'the liberation of [their] soil and the return of [their] prisoners'.58 Similarly Easter, the fete des fetes, was an obvious time for this optimistic view of suffering and deliverance to be developed. Catholics, Suhard said in Lent 1941, were not to lose sight of the value of the human person, the foundation on which 'invincible hopes' rested: 'From this certainty let us bind ourselves to God who . .. wishes to save our country and save the world.,59 Again in Lent, this time in 1942, readers of La Semaine religieuse de Paris were reminded that in the 'struggle between Good and Evil, epitomized in the struggle between God and Satan', there might be 'temporary setbacks like physical, intellectual or moral torpor', all of which had the capacity to 'break the spirit'. But the fact remained, Evil could only prevail for a time regardless of how complete or definitive its success might seem.6o On Easter Day 1943 Suhard spoke of the triumphant resurrection as a victory over suffering and death. Hated and persecuted, Christ 'defended the weak and the oppressed' and lived and died for 'justice and Right'.61 These were not mere platitudes or gnomic utterances; the words have not been taken out of context. There was more of the same on other feast days and during the daily or weekly devotions of parishes and their associations. What was said reflected the framework - moral and religious - in which solutions to the dilemmas of the day might be addressed and which gave clear indications of what could be expected when faith was translated into action. In their parishes Catholics came together to pray for many things, but to pray above all for the end of suffering and injustice. That certain religious services were well attended did not in itself indicate a religious revival, though in some instances there were 'returns' and conversions. What Catholics recognized at the time and commented upon was the fact that the churches now provided for a variety of needs, not all of them strictly religious. The diocesan bulletin of the unions paroissiales noted that well-attended services 'extended the spiritual circle of the faithful'. They showed that the Church (seemingly) 'alone' was capable of bringing together 'diverse people of goodwill'. Further, they brought home to people the fact that 'the spirit of the patrie could take refuge in the churches and there recover its vitality and its strength of hope.,62 There was nothing arbitrary, accidental or incidental about this. Huge crowds; high numbers of communicants; aesthetically pleasing or emotionally rousing services during which tearful people stretched out their hands to touch the relics or statues of national saints as they were processed through packed churches: these were reported on favourably, widely and self-consciously.63 While it was recognized 34404 that the beauty of services and offices might enable some Catholics momentarily to transcend the daily drudgery of life during the ordeal, there was always the expectation that the spiritual lessons would remain with those who had been present and then filter out into the wider community. What was significant was the very public affirmation of absolute moral and religious values in the presence of an enemy whose ideology enshrined their opposites. At services on and around Armistice Day ('so near', people were always reminded, to All Saints' Day) and at services throughout the year for bereaved families or prisoners of war and requisitioned French workers, the fervour was palpable. For the pieux paroissiens the absents were a constant reminder of the fact that war was far from over. Catholics gave practical aid through virtually all works in every parish for prisoners and their families even once the men had returned because the question of morale was vital too. Public prayers for France, for peace and for justice continued from defeat to the liberation. There were parochial, diocesan and national days of prayer for prisoners and workers. On the national Journees des Absents and Journees Nationales de Prieres pour les Victimes Militaires et Civiles de la Guerre (often planned to take place close to Armistice Day) parishes had their own special services in the mornings. Parishioners were then encouraged to attend afternoon services at Notre Dame or Montmartre. Every year there were literally hundreds of services in the capital dedicated to the intentions of prisoners and the requisitioned workers. These attracted large crowds and mass announcements, and articles in La Semaine religieuse de Paris attest to the anticipation felt as they were planned and to the generosity of Catholic works for prisoners. Such occasions of communal worship were considered an expression of union with compatriots further afield enduring special suffering. Sympathisants, who swelled the ranks, used these and other similar opportunities to attach themselves to the national spiritual network. Always, the fact that such services were taking place simultaneously all over France was emphasized. Always, cures urged people to come in great numbers in a show of strength and solidarity. Returned prisoners were invited to address parochial groups about their experiences in camps or, if they were priests, to celebrate special masses and deliver sermons in their parishes. Often actual prayers of prisoners still in camps were incorporated into the services.64 At St Jean Baptiste de la Salle (XV) the cure asked families of prisoners and requisitioned workers to attend a special mass in October 1943 on the national day of prayers and devotions for absents and, if possible, to give him photographs of the men who were still away. The pictures would be placed on the altar to symbolize 'the collective prayer which would 35405 unite prisoners in their camps, workers in their barracks and their families in parishes across France ,.65 Girls in Catholic youth works including the (by then) quite unfashionable Enfants de Marie (EDM), shared this real concern for the absents. As they observed the feast of the Assumption in 1943, described as the 'fourth year of sadness', members of one parish's EDM said they exhibited 'great fervour' and prayed for the 'entire country'.66 And at Christmas their thoughts turned to those 'behind barbed wire or at the machines [in Germany] ... who were awaiting blessed liberation'. But as the year came to an end, the war with its 'bloody devastation and ravages' continued Still.6' They prayed that God 'would look compassionately on his children who were dying in inhuman battles'. They thought about the 'immense prison camps in Germany' of the 'long-suffering and their continuous privations'. The girls recognized that they had not been able to do very much for the prisoners but throughout the ordeal they had joined their sacrifices and prayers to those of the internees. There were lessons of 'charity and humility' in the épreuve and they could not possibly live as 'individualists and egoists', they said, when others 'stretched out their arms towards them'. In January 1944 they hoped that this would be 'the year of peace, the decisive year which would be inscribed in gold letters in their history'. They had to prepare for this and prove themselves worthy of la patrie meurtrie. 61 There could not be one single legitimate Catholic response (active resistance) to the crisis. The war was not an unvariegated experience in which all moral dilemmas were faced (or ignored) simultaneously by all Catholics regardless of distinctions of age, gender, class and place. Before dismissing the efforts of the Enfants de Marie and those of other Catholics like them as 'ineffectual' we would do well to consider the appropriateness of their actions and intentions in the circumstances, the possible alternatives and the potential consequences. By its nature the Church embraced diversity and could not call upon Catholics to act as one. As there was not one path towards sanctity, it followed that there were many models for exemplary behaviour in times of hardship. Thus the French were to emulate saints whose contributions to the spiritual life of the nation and its well-being were diverse. Ste Genevieve, patroness of Paris, offered one model .69There were regular pilgrimages to her tomb in the parish of St Etienne du Mont (V). The conferences of the St Vincent de Paul Society (incorporating 5,000 active adult confrères in the capital) were in constant communion with Ste Genevieve. Cardinal Suhard visited the parish of Ste Genevieve des Grandes Carrieres on 24 November 1940, the day proclaimed by the Pope as one of universal prayers for peace. The intentions of the triduum'° 36406 preparatory to his visit were 'grave and urgent': 'peace, the patrie, our dear absents, the suffering'. Crowds spilled out of the church and on to the surrounding streets which 'rang with songs to Ste Genevieve'. This was interpreted as a sign of the 'invincible faith in divine help through [her] intercession' .7' During the novena preceding her feast day in January 1941 priests at St Etienne du Mont recalled how Ste Genevieve had saved Paris from the 'invasion of the Huns,72 and later in the year Parisians were reminded that when they gathered at the tomb of Ste Genevieve they would be praying 'as their ancestors had done so many times in hours of great national anxiety'. 73 This fusion of Christian symbolism and national history is noteworthy. Joan of Arc provided an altogether different model of female sanctity and it was perhaps because of this that she could be evoked in anti-allied propaganda and resistance rhetoric simultaneously. Still, it has been argued that regardless of efforts by collaborators to manipulate her story, Joan of Arc remained 'la Sainte de la Defense Nationale'. The Vichy campaign to appropriate her was a 'failure'. 74 Children at the parish of St Vincent de Paul (X) left sprays of flowers at the nearby statue of Joan of Arc, 'the libiratrice of France', on her feast day and other occasions during the Occupation. 71 In various ways Marian piety encapsulated many of these things, including the attempt to forge spiritual and temporal concerns in a symbolic union of French men and women across the lines of demarcation and beyond the borders.'6 All the renowned Marian pilgrimages were followed in the Catholic press and supported assiduously. Prayers and local services and processions took place in parishes all over the country concurrently in a show of national solidarity. The consecration of the world to the Immaculate Heart of Mary was commemorated through holy cards and brochures and was to inspire consecrations of parishes, Catholic works and families throughout the following year (1943). The consecration came at what was, indeed, a 'tragic hour', one in which the 'entire world, torn by discord ... was burning with the flames of so much hatred'. Would that the Virgin might intercede on their behalf and 'obtain peace and complete liberty for God's Holy Church' and stop the 'neo-pagan materialist deluge that threatened to overrun [the world]". 77 While Warner regards the Pope's initiative primarily as a gesture motivated by intense anti-communism (as it commemorated the apparitions in Fatima in 1917 and the subsequent call for the conversion of Russia) this point was peripheral in French mementos of the consecration which focused on the outcome of World War One in relation to the Virgin's 'promise of justice' in return for more fervent prayers and penance. It is true that communism was regarded as an enemy of religion and would be regarded as such by most Catholics 37407 indefinitely, but religion had other ideological enemies and, for the majority, there were more pressing concerns nearer home. Neither the Legion des Volontaires Franqais contre le Bolchevisme (LVF) nor the Milice were mass movements, and while there was a Catholic presence in both it was not representative. 78 Even the most hostile critics of the Church during occupation note Catholic collabo- rationism and support for a German victory as marginal and tend to focus not on collaboration but attentisme. The fact that for some bishops communism remained the primary evil and that this made them support P6tain to the end is well known .7' However, in the absence of a more systematic study of the hierarchy alongside their flocks it seems we would do better to err on the side of caution before opting for strict demarcation and the notion of two churches or a 'duality' in French Catholicism, one encapsulating the politically ambitious, morally bankrupt upper clergy and notables, and the other, the morally upright champions of justice. If we turn to other examples of popular manifestations of Marian piety we can observe how they distilled many of the preoccupations of the wider French population, not just the pieux paroissiens. Marian holy cards eschewed the triumphalism with which standard surveys of religion at this time associate the devotional practices of Catholics. The faithful called on the Virgin for courage, hope, consolation, tenderness and compassion. They prayed for salvation in this world and the next. The card produced for the 'Great Novena of the Immaculate Conception' in December 1942 ('for the salvation of France and world peace') shows the Virgin standing above ruins - houses without roofs in devastated villages - while a serpent breathes fire on to the flames enveloping the scene. The prayer begins with a supplication that the Immaculate Virgin, whom God has given the task of 'easing all our distresses and remedying all our sorrows' might cast her eye over the 'desolate earth'. It continues thus: 'Look at all these ruins, all these broken hearts, the immense suffering of the entire universe; take pity on us! Come to the help of France, the country that loves you so much! Restore her courage, give her back her Christian faith, her honour and her liberty! Hasten the return of her prisoners! Gather up into heaven ... those whom death has taken from us! Bring an end to the great ordeal which weighs [heavily] on the world and enable us all soon to regain peace, happiness and security!'SO These were highly charged words. Such holy cards encapsulated the aspirations and beliefs of many people and had the potential to touch many more as they filtered into the homes, missals, purses, wallets and pockets of French men, women and children in all walks of life. Carried and contemplated by the faithful these private aids to spirituality contained a message that could have been 38408 interpreted on a number of levels. But the evidence we have of the early disaffection from Vichy of the majority of French men and women, of the thousands of instances of Catholics resisting and, finally, the extent and variety of Catholic assistance to persecuted Jews and others who suffered, would, at the very least, preclude certain possible interpretations of these prayers, sermons and images. For some people, the prayer on this holy card may have related to France becoming 'free' of sin. However, is it not more likely to have been the case that the millions who uttered such words privately and publicly had their sights on a liberty of another sort and which could not be attained without the expulsion of an obvious enemy? It is clear that a revision of the stereotypical view of religion at this time of crisis is overdue. Barriers have existed to discussions of the wider social and cultural role of the Church and the pieux paroissiens under occupation. Some of them, as I have already indicated, relate to methodology, others to assumptions about religion upon which those methodologies are based.81 The tendency to chart all behaviour at this time according to its proximity to resistance or collaboration is simplistic and superficial. Yet the framework persists. This is largely because historians, by their own admission, are concerned not to trivialize heroic acts of resistance.82 Hence the reliance on hierarchical models of behaviour. I would argue that there is no such danger of trivialization and that acts of resistance, great and small, will not lose their special significance or integrity. If we start from this assumption we can approach the period in a more balanced fashion. That said, it would seem that some modification to the definition of resistance is necessary. Narrow definitions of resistance fail to take account of diversity and then commit non-resisters to a kind of moral limbo. They set up a false dichotomy between public and private acts in which the latter are excluded from the political and social domain and thus from the front line in the battle against Nazism. It is inadequate to label instances of allegedly uncharacteristic behaviour (like the P6tainist bishop speaking out against the deportation of Jews) as exceptional or contradictory. The motive behind such an act was not political but its implications were. Furthermore, there are simply too many 'exceptions' at all levels in the Church to prove the rule on which the conventional wisdom on this subject is founded. In reality we are faced with Catholics bearing witness in accordance with the teaching of the gospel in numerous ways. This wider understanding of religious culture and religious practice can only enhance our understanding of resistance. The extent to which the kind of experiences I have drawn out here can be generalized is an interesting question. In the capital, where the German presence was oppressive and ubiquitous from 1940 and 39409 where the collaborationists mocked and attacked religion and the Church, the religious, cultural and social function of the parish may have been greater than it was in the south or in more remote areas (at least until the end of 1942 when the whole country was occupied). But, on the other hand, the experiences were also rooted in traditions that transcended many boundaries (geographical as well as intellectual) and which had marked developments in European Catholicism from the late nineteenth century as Rome called for increasing 'standardization' and centralization. Perhaps, then, we should also look outside France and across a broader time frame to speculate (briefly) on general ways in which this detailed study of Paris may contribute to the debate about the place of the Church in European society in the second half of the twentieth century. There has been significant work by historians of the Third Reich on the ways in which religious practice in itself posed a barrier to the penetration of Nazi ideology.83 The French historian, Jean-Dominique Durand, in a lengthy study of the Church in Italy in the crucial years of transition (1943-1948), has shown that through its structures and its very presence, the Church provided stability and continuity as the country struggled towards democracy.' His work presents a powerful alternative view of 'hibernators' 85 and a sense of the potential long-term significance of preserving core values. Finally, the Church in Poland in the period 1945-1989 offers many parallels and an example that can make our perspective more truly European. There are of course important distinctions to be made. France was occupied; Europe was engulfed in a war of terrible proportions; in Poland the intermingling of national and religious culture was (and is) much more pronounced than in France in spite of the reintegration there after World War One; and, finally, the current Pope is a Pole who has followed with great interest the developments in his homeland. However, it is instructive to take note of the parallels and the context. The work of Timothy Garton Ash on the revolution in Poland and the European revolutions of 1989 provides us with many examples that transfer what I have described on to a much wider canvas.86 We have the visit to Poland of the Pope in 1983 who, before a vast crowd of enthusiastic pilgrims in Czestochowa, spoke of the need to 'call good and evil by name', of the danger of demoralization, of the 'fundamental solidarity between human beings', of the need to 'persevere in hope', and of the prospect of a moral and spiritual victory. The Pope, says Ash, 'spoke to the Poles through a tapestry of symbols and allusions - historical, literary, philosophical [and] Mariological'. Elsewhere he sang stirring hymns with them, in particular 'God who protects Poland' which concludes with the words: 'Restore to us, 0 Lord, a free fatherland' .87 This was rousing 40410 stuff and no-one who was there left dissatisfied. And, yet, while the Church recognized its potentially powerful hold over Poles it recognized, too, that in some senses the power was more imagined than real: it could create an atmosphere in which the Party might reform but it could not effect that reform.88 After the imposition of martial law in 1981 the Church had lost a degree of credibility. There were compromises at the crucial moment. There were demands for the dismantling of 'solidarity altars' in some parish churches.89 Before that, during the revolution in 1980, there were calls from the Pope and the local hierarchy to hold back when the risk of bloodshed was too great.9° There were agreements with the government in which the Church made clear its sphere of influence and protected its 'interests'. There were Catholic 'collaborators'. All of this is familiar and can be related to our example of Paris. Hugh McLeod, writing in 1981 about the importance of religion in wartime and the revival of practice in France (and elsewhere) during the German occupation, argues that this was not simply a product of fear for personal safety, but 'also of a process seen in a number of totalitarian countries in recent years by which the Church takes on a new importance as the only sphere in which some degree of independence from an oppressive environment can be expressed' .91 Also, what we are told about the perceptions outside Poland of Solidarity, the revolutionary workers' movement, is pertinent. Poles asked why the European left was not particularly interested in their struggle. Why did it not mobilize as it had done for the struggle in Spain in 1936? Clearly the perception of the movement was affected by its nationalism and its association with religion. Luis Bunuel spoke for many when he said he was 'disturbed' by the image of Lech Walesa with a rosary. This attitude, says Ash, was based on an outdated view of the Church, a 'cardboard stereotype' that may have resembled the Church as it was in Poland fifty years previously but not as it had developed over thirty-five years under communism.92 Similarly, the cardboard cut-out of the Church in France evokes stereotypes that might be more fittingly applied to the period of the Dreyfus Affair rather than 1940. Spontaneously, Catholics of all ages took an active role in the liberation of Paris. Girls' groups ensured that people (especially the elderly) were not left without vital supplies and nursed the wounded. Men and boys fought against the Germans. When it was evident that the enemy would be driven out, there was unambivalent joy. Church bells rang (their 'joyous peal of deliverance soared upwards from every bell tower'93) and God and his mother were thanked for sparing Paris from the worst (though people still prayed for peace). At Ste Jeanne de Chantal (a parish in the sixteenth 41411 arrondissement which was relatively new and which had been badly damaged by Allied bombs), the liberation was commemorated through the purchase of a wooden sculptured panel for the chapel of Ste Genevieve. It depicted the saint protecting Parish Some would regard such responses of Catholics as opportunistic, even cynical: yet again they accommodated a change in regime much as they might accommodate a change in the weather. As this article has shown, that conclusion would not simply be churlish, it would be misleading. REFERENCES 1. Gilles Perrault, Pans under the Occupation (London: Andr6 Deutsch,1989), 91. 2. See W. D. Halls, Politics, Society and Christianity in Vichy France (Oxford: Berg, 1995) for the most recent exposition of this argument in English. Renée Bédarida is perhaps the leading authority on Catholic resistance and has also written more generally on religion during the war from the perspective of a former resister. See her Les Armes de l'Esprit: Témoignage Chrétien 1941-1944 (Paris: Les Editions ouvrières, 1977); 'La Hiérarchie catholique' in Le Régime de Vichy et les Français, edited by Jean-Pierre Azéma and François Bédarida (Paris: Fayard, 1992), 444-62; 'Eglises et chrétiens' in La France des années noires, vol. xi, edited by Jean-Pierre Azéma and François Bédarida (Paris: Seuil, 1993), 105-28; and, with François Bédarida, 'L'Église catholique sous Vichy. Une mémoire trouble', Esprit, clxxxi, 181 (1992), 52-66. 3. Archives de l'archevêché de Paris (AAP), St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 1A. 4. Ibid. 5. F. and R. Bédarida, 'L'Église catholique sous Vichy', 58. 6. These were Bernanos's words. See Renée Bédarida, 'La Voix du Vatican (1940-1942): Bataille des ondes et Résistance spirituelle', Revue d'histoire de l'Église de France, lxiv (1978), 215-43 (243). 7. See Asher Cohen, Persécutions et sauvetages: Juifs et Français sous l'Occupation et sous Vichy (Paris: Cerf, 1993); Renée Poznanski, 'Vichy et les Juifs. Des marges de l'histoire au cœur de son écriture' in Le Régime de Vichy et les Français, 57-67 and Être juif en France pendant la seconde guerre mondiale (Paris: Hachette, 1994). 8. The 1963 publication of Rolf Hochhuth's play about Pius XII (Der Stellvertreter, translated both as The Deputy and The Representative) and, more recently, the Touvier affair, prompted critical observations of the Church's response to Nazism. Characteristic examples of the current critiques of French Catholicism in World War Two include: Philippe Burrin, La France à l'heure allemande 1940-1944 (Paris: Seuil, 1995); Halls, Politics, Society and Christianity, John Hellman, The Knight-Monks of Vichy France: Uriage, 1940-1945 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), and his 'Wounding Memories: Mitterand, Moulin, Touvier, and the Divine Half-Lie of Resistance', French Historical Studies, xix (1995), 461-86. It could be said that, historiographically, the debate has changed very little over several decades. 9 Robert O. Paxton, Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order (New York: Knopf, 1972). Roger Austin has argued that public receptivity to Vichy propaganda directly related to people's material well-being and their instinct for their own survival in 'Propaganda and public opinion in Vichy France: the department of the Hérault 1940-1944', European Studies Review, xiii (1983), 455-82. 10. John F. Sweets, Choices in Vichy France: The French under Nazi Occupation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986). As a result of further local studies many of Sweets's conclusions for Clermont-Ferrand and the Auvergne have been found to have a more general application. See 'Études départementales et régionales', and François Marcot, 'Étude régionale: la Franche-Comté' in Le Régime de Vichy et les Français, 523-60, 640-8; and Robert Zaretsky, Nimes at War: Religion, Politics and Public Opinion in the Gard 1938-1944 (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995) 42412 11. John Sweets, 'Hold that Pendulum! Redefining Fascism, Collaborationism, and Resistance in France', French Historical Studies, xv (1988), 731-58. Those studying the lives of women who resisted have also considered the need for 'redefining' resistance. See, for example, Paula Schwartz, 'Redefining resistance: women's activism in wartime France', in Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Wars, edited by Margaret Randolph Higonnet et al. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 141-53; Margaret Collins Weitz, Sisters in the Resistance : How Women fought to Free France 1940-1945 (New York: John Wiley & Sons,1995). 12. Pierre Laborie, L'Opinton franqaise sous Vichy (Paris: Seuil, 1990), 16. See also Sweets, Choices in Vichy France, 147, 224-5. 13. For example, Hellman, The Knight-Monks. 14. Jean-Pierre Azéma, 'Résister', L'Histoire, lxxx (1985), 8-24 (10). 15. Paxton warns that distinctions between left and right in French Catholicism are not straightforward but this does not seem to modify the argument on the Church and the war other than to show that 'left' Catholics like the philosopher Emmanuel Mounier were also 'tempted' by Vichy. ('France: the Church, the Republic and the Fascist Temptation', Catholics, the State and the European Radical Right 1919-1945 edited by R. J. Wolff and J. K. Hoensch (Boulder and New York: Atlantic Research and Publications, 1987), 64-91 (70-71). Historians often reflect on the ways in which inter-war Catholic activism may have 'precipitated' Vichy and whether the origins of collaboration and resistance may be traced back to the 1920s and 1930s. For a classic Whig interpretation of the inter-war years see the work of Oscar Arnal whose conclusions are based largely on analyses of the polemical press and male élites. For example, 'Catholic roots of collaboration and resistance in France in the 1930s', Canadian Journal of History, xvii (1982), 87-110; and Ambivalent Alliance: the Catholic Church and the Action Française 1899-1939 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985). See also Hellman, Knight- Monks, Introduction, 3-14. 16. F. and R. Bédarida speak of 'une soumission quasi inconditionnelle au pouvoir et à son chef' in 'L'Église sous Vichy', 57. 17. See for example, Etienne Fouilloux, 'Les Chrétiens, la résistance et la collaboration', L'Histoire, lxxx (1985), 101-5; and works by Renée Bédarida on Christian resistance including Les Armes de l'Esprit. 18. For a good summary of the German debate see Ian Kershaw, The Nazi Dictatorship. Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, Third Edition (London: Edward Arnold, 1993), Chapter 8. French historians of women in the resistance, for example, have also been rather coy on this question. While they have brought to our attention activities of women whose contribution to the resistance has been overlooked or undervalued, they have not broached the kinds of debates that have emerged among German historians on spheres of influence and the overlap between the private and public domains in determining the extent of support for or opposition to the regime or the extent of Resistenz. See, for example, Detlev Peukert, Inside Nazi Germany: Conformity, Opposition and Racism in Everyday Life (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1989); and Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics (New York: St Martin's Press, 1987). 19. See, for example, Gerard Cholvy, La Religion en France de la fin du XVIIIe à nos jours (Paris: Hachette, 1991), 105-59. Regardless of the apparently rapid secularization in the 1960s and 1970s, in 1986 81 % of French people still declared themselves Catholic even though only 16% of those surveyed attended mass once or twice a month. This total (81 %) was about the same in 1952 though by 1994 it had dropped to 67%. Christian Makarian, 'Les Catholiques ne vont plus à la messe', L'Histoire, cxcix (1996), 24-7 (24). 20. In 1940 there were ninety parishes in Paris with an average of 31,441 souls per parish. The number of people per priest was 4,527 as opposed to 5,010 in 1931 although the number of priests per parish (6.4) remained the same. Yvan Daniel, L'Équipement paroissial d'un diocèse urbain. Paris 1802-1956 (Paris: les Editions ouvrières 1957), 74, 104. Overall between 10 to 14% of the capital was deemed pratiquant though that figure might be much lower in some parishes and much 43413higher in others. Tables of religious observance, though important, can be misleading if due account is not taken of the saisonniers and potential sympathisants who were drawn to the Church at this time of national and international crisis. Along with the parishes there were other places of worship including local chapels and Sacré Cœur. 21. Apart from the parochial schools, catechism classes and patronages these might include: a union paroissiale, a section of the Ligue Féminine d'Action Catholique and other Catholic Action groups, a St Vincent de Paul Society conference, the Dames du Charité, the Enfants de Marie, various study circles, a parish library, and a range of youth works. 22. In The Knight-Monks Hellman discusses the influence of Catholic notables involved with the Uriage school on certain aspects of National Revolution ideology and Catholic attachment to Vichy which, he argues, was founded upon inter-war Catholic 'enthusiasms' and culminated in the emergence of what he calls 'Catholic fascism'. His is a controversial position. 23. AAP, St Bernard de la Chapelle (XVIII), 1ER, 'Procès verbaux des réunions du conseil curial', September 1942. 24. Address 27 June 1940, La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 31 August 1940, 523-4 (523). 25. For the Belgian experience and an interesting parallel, see Martin Conway, 'Building the Christian city: Catholics and politics in inter-war francophone Belgium', Past and Present, cxxviii (1990), 117-51. 26. Comments by Emile Poulat in Églises et chrétiens dans la deuxième guerre mondiale. Actes du colloque de Lyon 1978 (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1982), 456-7. 27. Paxton says: 'Inspired by the Thomist doctrine of the two realms, Pius XI declared that transitory governmental forms in the temporal realm were a matter of indifference to the eternal church as long as the church remained free to pursue its mission in the spiritual realm (a requirement which excluded communist regimes).' 'France: the Church, the Republic', 73. 28. See Owen Chadwick, Britain and the Vatican during the Second World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 84-5. In November 1939 the mass announcements of the parish of St Jean Baptiste de la Salle (XV) advised members of the congregation to purchase and read Summi Pontificatus (AAP, St Jean Baptiste de la Salle (XV),1C,12 November 1939). The same advice was given in the parish bulletin of St Sulpice (VI), December 1939 - January 1940, 34. 29. See, for example, AAP, 'Programme des unions paroissiales, diocèse de Paris (1942-1943)'. The encyclical was an essential item on the list of readings for that year and especially referred to in discussions on Church and State. See also La Semaine religieuse de Pans, 17 October 1942, 469-70. 30. For example, 'Lettre pastorale de Son Eminence le Cardinal Suhard .... sur l'Action bienfaisante de l'Église', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 13 March 1943, 129-36. 31. 'Le Courrier des Oeuvres diocésaines', June 1939. 32. 'Réunion d'Action Catholique', La Semaine religieuse de Pans, 14 September 1940, 569-71 (570). 33. 'Les Directives de Son Eminence à la retraite pastorale', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 27 September 1941,195-200 (199). 34. 'Directives de Son Eminence aux réunions du clergé', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 28 December 1940, 902-3 (903). 35. 'Les Voeux du clergé à Son Eminence. Discours de M. le Chanoine Chevré', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 11 January 1941, 28-35 (31). 36. 'La France continue', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 23 January 1943, 34-5. 37. AAP, St Vincent de Paul (X), D5, minutes of the meetings of the Ligue Féminine d'Action Catholique, 14 January 1941. 38. Burrin, La France à l'heure allemande, 230-2. 39. The extent of Catholic understanding of national socialism in the late 1930s is an interesting question. It is generally argued that there was much more concern among Catholics about the dangers of communism and that the information on Nazi Germany which was discussed in intellectual circles or in journals (like 44414 Études) did not reach a wide audience. My research shows that on the eve of war and up to defeat there was some discussion both in parish bulletins and in parochial groups based on the understanding that national socialism was anti- christian and racialist in essence. 40. Archives Nationales, AG II 492. Suhard complained about such matters in a letter to Pétain dated 26 June 1941. See also W. D. Halls, The Youth of Vichy France (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981). 41. AAP, letter to parents dated 20 October 1940, St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C. 42. AAP, Coûte que Coûte, n.d. [early 1943] in ibid., St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C. 43. AAP, Curé's notes for the veillée, 11 November 1941, in ibid. 44. AAP, Coûte que Coûte, October 1944 in ibid., St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C. 45. In The Knight Monks, Hellman argues that, during the war, Catholics who had been critical of liberal values and individualism in the inter-war period were more concerned with 'renewing' France along extremely reactionary and then fascist lines than with liberating it. 46. Renée Bédarida uses the expression 'la chaine des solidarités silencieuses', 'La Persécution des Juifs' in La France des années noires, Vol. II (129-58), 158; Laborie, L'Opinion française, 307. 47. Dominique Veillon, 'Les Réseaux de résistance' in La France des années noires, Vol.I, 385-412 (387). 48. David Clay Large (ed.), Contending with Hitler: Varieties of German Resistance in the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), Preface, 4. 49. Annette Becker, La Guerre et la foi: De la mort à la mémoire 1914-1930 (Paris: Armand-Colin, 1994). 50. See for example Le Vieux Batignolle, bulletin of the parish of Ste Marie des Batignolles (XVII), July-August-September 1939, 8-11. 51. Cholvy, La Religion en France, 107. See also Y. Tranvouez 'Entre Rome et le peuple (1920-1960)' in Histoire des catholiques en France du XVe siècle à nos jours, edited by François Lebrun (Toulouse: Privat, 1980), 413-80 (457-9). 52. According to R. Bédarida, it 'represented, above all, the understanding between the Church and the Vichy regime', though, perhaps, it was the Church's 'last public contribution' to the moral recovery (redressement) promised by Vichy, 'Eglises et chrétiens', 126-7. 53. Christian Faure, 'Pélerinage ou mise en représentation de la ferveur populaire. Le pèlerinage de la jeunesse du 15 août 1942 au Puy-en-Velay', Cahiers d'histoire, xxxi (1986), 23-39, (31, 32) and Le Projet culturel de Vichy (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1989),187-196. 54. Faure, 'Le pèlerinage', 23, 33. 55. Marina Warner, Alone of all her Sex: the Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (London: Picador, 1985), 313. 56. Jacques Steltzlen, Jean Gay 1924-1944 (Paris: Spes, 1948). 57. According to Lucy Dawidowicz, in the 1930s persecuted Jews in Nazi Germany revived an old means of discourse called (by Ernst Simon) 'New Midrash'. Dawidowicz says: 'Haggidic Midrash - imaginative exegesis of the Bible with a moral or devotional purpose - had been at least in part, a response to oppression, the exercise by a persecuted minority of an internal esoteric language that was not understood by the persecuting enemy'. She adds that after 1933 the New Midrash 'mostly ... drew on the old sources, infusing them with contemporary meaning and topical allusion' and the Psalms 'especially proved immediately relevant in their timelessness'. The War against the Jews 1933-1945 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), 225. 58. 'Le Mot du Cardinal en préparation à la fête de Noël', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 19 December 1942, 587. 59. La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 12 April 1941, 323-4 (324). 60. La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 4 April 1942, 215. 61. 'Allocution de Son Eminence le Cardinal à Notre-Dame de Paris à la grand'messe de pâques', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 1 May 1943, 227-8. 62. AAP, Unions paroissiales, 'Questionnaire', 1 December 1943, St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C. 45415 63. When Suhard was visiting the parish of St Louis-en-l'Île he told parishioners that their patron, the saint who had endured captivity and risked his life for his faith would be a source of inspiration to them and to French prisoners. During the service, the procession of the saint's relic 'seemed to stir each person to a more fervent prayer for France'. La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 5 September 1942, 391. 64. 'Le Chemin de croix pour les prisonniers et leurs familles', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 15 May 1943, 261-2. 65. AAP, St Jean Baptiste de la Salle (XV),1C,10 October 1943. 66. AAP, 'Cercle de Chardonnettes', August-September 1943, St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C. 67. Ibid., December 1943 and January 1944. 68. Ibid., July 1943, January 1944 and July 1944. 69. Born in the fifth century, Ste Geneviève preserved Paris on at least two occasions during her lifetime, notably against Attila and his Huns. Catholics also held that subsequently the capital was saved on a number of occasions through her intercession: 'over and over again Parisians have invoked her in times of national crisis' and her cult has 'flourished on civic and national pride'. David Hugh Farmer, The Oxford Dictionary of Saints (Oxford: Clarendon,1978),164-5. 70. Three days of prayers or services preparatory to a special feast or devotion. 71. 'La fête de Ste Geneviève des Ardents à Ste Geneviève des Grandes Carrières', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 7 December 1940, 847. 72. 'La neuvaine de Ste Geneviève à St Etienne du Mont', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 18 January 1941, 54. 73. 'Le tombeau de Ste Geneviève', La Semaine religieuse de Paris, 10 May 1941, 416. 74. Gerd Krumeich, 'The cult of Joan of Arc under the Vichy regime', in Collaboration in France: Politics and Culture during the Nazi Occupation 1940-1944, edited by Gerhard Hirschfeld and Patrick Marsh (Oxford: Berg, 1989), 92-102 (102). 75. AAP, St Vincent de Paul (X), 1C, 10 May 1942 and 14 May 1944, for example. 76. See Serge Laury, 'Le Culte marial dans le Pas-de-Calais (1938-1948)', Revue d'histoire de la deuxième guerre mondiale, cxxviii (1982), 23-47. 77. The text of the consecration was reproduced in different formats in France including leaflets and holy cards authorized by the Confraternity of the Rosary. See AAP, St Vincent de Paul (X), C2 and M3. See also the collection of holy cards at the Bibliothèque du Saulchoir. 78. Halls, Politics, Society and Christianity, 346-56. 79. This is the case for Mgr Piguet, Bishop of Clermont-Ferrand, for example. See Sweets, Choices in Vichy France, 57. 80. Produced by the Chapelet des Enfants, Paris and Lyons, May 1942. 81. Jean-Pierre Rioux's observations on more general aspects of cultural and social history are relevant here. He questions the idea that because people's concerns to get by on a daily basis weighed heavily they were somehow 'floating through' the Occupation untroubled. He also says that aspects of popular culture that enabled people to maintain a sense of their collective identity merit greater attention and had a bearing on the success of resistance. See 'Survivre', L'Histoire , lxxx (1985), 84-100; and 'Le Clair-obscur du quotidien' in Le Règime de Vichy et les Français, 621-8. 82. For example Detlev Peukert wanted to ensure that 'the concept of resistance proper [did] not become diluted or flabby'. Quoted by Ian Kershaw in History Today, xliii (November 1993), 55. 83. See, for example, Donald J. Dietrich, 'Catholic resistance in the Third Reich', Holocaust and Genocide Studies, iii (1988), 171-86; and Ian Kershaw, Popular Opinion and Political Dissent in the Third Reich: Bavaria 1933-1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983). 84. Jean-Dominique Durand, L'Église catholique dans la crise de l'Italie 1943-1948 (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1991) 85. Michael Balfour talks of hibernation as a 'dormouse-like existence' which is low on his scale of 'modes of Widerstand'. See Withstanding Hitler in Germany 1933-1945 (London: Routledge, 1988), 62-3. 46416 86. Timothy Garton Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity (London: Granta, 1991); and 'The Pope in Poland' in The Uses of Adversity: Essays on the Fate of Central Europe (London: Granta,1991), 42-54. 87. Ash, 'The Pope in Poland', 43-6. 88. Ash, The Polish Revolution, 177. 89. Ash, 'The Pope in Poland', 48. 90. Ash, The Polish Revolution, 172. 91. Hugh McLeod, Religion and the People of Western Europe 1789-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 96-7. 92. Ash, The Polish Revolution, 321-2. 93. AAP, St Bernard de la Chapelle (XVIII), 1ER, 'Procès verbaux des réunions du conseil curial. Note pour l'histoire', September or October 1944. 94. AAP, Ste Jeanne de Chantal (XVI), 'Histoire au jour le jour de la paroisse Ste Jeanne de Chantal', 23 December 1944.</meta-value>
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<back><notes> 
         <p>1. Gilles Perrault, <italic> Pans under the Occupation</italic>
 (London: Andr6 Deutsch,1989), 91.</p>  
         <p>2. See W. D. Halls, <italic> Politics, Society and Christianity in Vichy France</italic>
 (Oxford: Berg, 1995) for the most recent exposition of this argument in English. Renée Bédarida is perhaps the leading authority on Catholic resistance and has also written more generally on religion during the war from the perspective of a former resister. See her Les <italic>Armes</italic>
 de <italic>l'Esprit: Témoignage Chrétien</italic>
 1941-1944 (Paris: Les Editions ouvrières, 1977); 'La Hiérarchie catholique' in <italic>Le Régime de Vichy et les Français,</italic>
 edited by Jean-Pierre Azéma and François Bédarida (Paris: Fayard, 1992), 444-62; 'Eglises et chrétiens' in <italic>La France des années noires,</italic>
 vol. xi, edited by Jean-Pierre Azéma and François Bédarida (Paris: Seuil, 1993), 105-28; and, with François Bédarida, 'L'Église catholique sous Vichy. Une mémoire trouble', <italic>Esprit,</italic>
 clxxxi, 181 (1992), 52-66.</p>  
         <p>3. Archives de l'archevêché de Paris (AAP), St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 1A.</p>  
         <p>4. <italic>Ibid.</italic>
</p>  
         <p>5. F. and R. Bédarida, 'L'Église catholique sous Vichy', 58.</p>  
         <p>6. These were Bernanos's words. See Renée Bédarida, <italic>'La Voix du Vatican</italic>
 (1940-1942): Bataille des ondes et Résistance spirituelle', <italic>Revue d'histoire de l'Église de France,</italic>
 lxiv (1978), 215-43 (243).</p>  
         <p>7. See Asher Cohen, Persécutions <italic> et sauvetages: Juifs et Français sous l'Occupation et sous Vichy</italic>
 (Paris: Cerf, 1993); Renée Poznanski, 'Vichy et les Juifs. Des marges de l'histoire au cœur de son écriture' in <italic>Le Régime de Vichy et les Français,</italic>
 57-67 and <italic>Être juif en France pendant la seconde guerre mondiale</italic>
 (Paris: Hachette, 1994).</p>  
         <p>8. The 1963 publication of Rolf Hochhuth's play about Pius XII <italic>(Der Stellvertreter,</italic>
 translated both as <italic>The Deputy and The Representative</italic>
) and, more recently, the Touvier affair, prompted critical observations of the Church's response to Nazism. Characteristic examples of the current critiques of French Catholicism in World War Two include: Philippe Burrin, <italic>La France à l'heure allemande 1940-1944</italic>
 (Paris: Seuil, 1995); Halls, <italic>Politics, Society and Christianity,</italic>
 John Hellman, <italic>The Knight-Monks of Vichy France: Uriage, 1940-1945</italic>
 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), and his 'Wounding Memories: Mitterand, Moulin, Touvier, and the Divine Half-Lie of Resistance', <italic>French Historical Studies,</italic>
 xix (1995), 461-86. It could be said that, historiographically, the debate has changed very little over several decades.</p>  
         <p>9 Robert O. Paxton, <italic> Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order</italic>
 (New York: Knopf, 1972). Roger Austin has argued that public receptivity to Vichy propaganda directly related to people's material well-being and their instinct for their own survival in 'Propaganda and public opinion in Vichy France: the department of the Hérault 1940-1944', <italic>European Studies Review,</italic>
 xiii (1983), 455-82.</p>  
         <p>10. John F. Sweets, <italic> Choices in Vichy France: The French under Nazi Occupation</italic>
 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986). As a result of further local studies many of Sweets's conclusions for Clermont-Ferrand and the Auvergne have been found to have a more general application. See 'Études départementales et régionales', and François Marcot, 'Étude régionale: la Franche-Comté' in <italic>Le</italic>
 Régime <italic> de Vichy et les Français,</italic>
 523-60, 640-8; and Robert Zaretsky, <italic> Nimes at War: Religion, Politics and Public Opinion in the Gard</italic>
 1938-1944 (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995)</p>  
         <p>11. John Sweets, 'Hold that Pendulum! Redefining Fascism, Collaborationism, and Resistance in France', <italic> French Historical Studies,</italic>
 xv (1988), 731-58. Those studying the lives of women who resisted have also considered the need for 'redefining' resistance. See, for example, Paula Schwartz, 'Redefining resistance: women's activism in wartime France', in <italic>Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Wars,</italic>
 edited by Margaret Randolph Higonnet et al. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 141-53; Margaret Collins Weitz, <italic>Sisters in the</italic>
 Resistance : <italic>How Women fought to Free France 1940-1945</italic>
 (New York: John Wiley & Sons,1995).</p>  
         <p>12. Pierre Laborie, <italic>L'Opinton franqaise sous Vichy</italic>
 (Paris: Seuil, 1990), 16. See also Sweets, <italic>Choices in Vichy France,</italic>
 147, 224-5.</p>  
         <p>13. For example, Hellman, <italic> The Knight-Monks.</italic>
</p>  
         <p>14. Jean-Pierre Azéma, 'Résister', <italic> L'Histoire, lxxx</italic>
 (1985), 8-24 (10).</p>  
         <p>15. Paxton warns that distinctions between left and right in French Catholicism are not straightforward but this does not seem to modify the argument on the Church and the war other than to show that 'left' Catholics like the philosopher Emmanuel Mounier were also 'tempted' by Vichy. ('France: the Church, the Republic and the Fascist Temptation', <italic>Catholics, the State and the European Radical Right 1919-1945</italic>
 edited by R. J. Wolff and J. K. Hoensch (Boulder and New York: Atlantic Research and Publications, 1987), 64-91 (70-71). Historians often reflect on the ways in which inter-war Catholic activism may have 'precipitated' Vichy and whether the origins of collaboration and resistance may be traced back to the 1920s and 1930s. For a classic Whig interpretation of the inter-war years see the work of Oscar Arnal whose conclusions are based largely on analyses of the polemical press and male élites. For example, 'Catholic roots of collaboration and resistance in France in the 1930s', <italic>Canadian Journal of History,</italic>
 xvii (1982), 87-110; and <italic>Ambivalent Alliance: the Catholic Church and the Action Française 1899-1939</italic>
 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985). See also Hellman, <italic>Knight-</italic>
 Monks, Introduction, 3-14.</p>  
         <p>16. F. and R. Bédarida speak of 'une soumission quasi inconditionnelle au pouvoir et à son chef' in 'L'Église sous Vichy', 57.</p>  
         <p>17. See for example, Etienne Fouilloux, 'Les Chrétiens, la résistance et la collaboration', <italic>L'Histoire,</italic>
 lxxx (1985), 101-5; and works by Renée Bédarida on Christian resistance including <italic>Les Armes de l'Esprit.</italic>
</p>  
         <p>18. For a good summary of the German debate see Ian Kershaw, <italic>The Nazi Dictatorship. Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation,</italic>
 Third Edition (London: Edward Arnold, 1993), Chapter 8. French historians of women in the resistance, for example, have also been rather coy on this question. While they have brought to our attention activities of women whose contribution to the resistance has been overlooked or undervalued, they have not broached the kinds of debates that have emerged among German historians on spheres of influence and the overlap between the private and public domains in determining the extent of support for or opposition to the regime or the extent of <italic>Resistenz.</italic>
 See, for example, Detlev Peukert, <italic>Inside Nazi Germany: Conformity, Opposition and Racism in Everyday Life</italic>
 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1989); and Claudia Koonz, <italic>Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics</italic>
 (New York: St Martin's Press, 1987).</p>  
         <p>19. See, for example, Gerard Cholvy, <italic>La Religion en France de la fin du XVIIIe à nos jours</italic>
 (Paris: Hachette, 1991), 105-59. Regardless of the apparently rapid secularization in the 1960s and 1970s, in 1986 81 % of French people still declared themselves Catholic even though only 16% of those surveyed attended mass once or twice a month. This total (81 %) was about the same in 1952 though by 1994 it had dropped to 67%. Christian Makarian, 'Les Catholiques ne vont plus à la messe', <italic>L'Histoire,</italic>
 cxcix (1996), 24-7 (24).</p>  
         <p>20. In 1940 there were ninety parishes in Paris with an average of 31,441 souls per parish. The number of people per priest was 4,527 as opposed to 5,010 in 1931 although the number of priests per parish (6.4) remained the same. Yvan Daniel, <italic> L'Équipement paroissial d'un diocèse urbain. Paris</italic>
 1802-1956 (Paris: les Editions ouvrières 1957), 74, 104. Overall between 10 to 14% of the capital was deemed <italic>pratiquant</italic>
 though that figure might be much lower in some parishes and much higher in others. Tables of religious observance, though important, can be misleading if due account is not taken of the <bold>saisonniers</bold>
 and potential <italic>sympathisants</italic>
 who were drawn to the Church at this time of national and international crisis. Along with the parishes there were other places of worship including local chapels and Sacré Cœur.</p>  
         <p>21. Apart from the parochial schools, catechism classes and <italic>patronages</italic>
 these might include: a <italic> union paroissiale,</italic>
 a section of the Ligue Féminine d'Action Catholique and other Catholic Action groups, a St Vincent de Paul Society conference, the Dames du Charité, the Enfants de Marie, various study circles, a parish library, and a range of youth works.</p>  
         <p>22. In <italic>The Knight-Monks</italic>
 Hellman discusses the influence of Catholic notables involved with the Uriage school on certain aspects of National Revolution ideology and Catholic attachment to Vichy which, he argues, was founded upon inter-war Catholic 'enthusiasms' and culminated in the emergence of what he calls 'Catholic fascism'. His is a controversial position.</p>  
         <p>23. AAP, St Bernard de la Chapelle (XVIII), 1ER, 'Procès verbaux des réunions du conseil curial', September 1942.</p>  
         <p>24. Address 27 June 1940, <italic> La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 31 August 1940, 523-4 (523).</p>  
         <p>25. For the Belgian experience and an interesting parallel, see Martin Conway, 'Building the Christian city: Catholics and politics in inter-war francophone Belgium', <italic>Past and Present,</italic>
 cxxviii (1990), 117-51.</p>  
         <p>26. Comments by Emile Poulat in <italic>Églises et chrétiens dans la deuxième guerre mondiale. Actes du colloque de Lyon 1978</italic>
 (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1982), 456-7.</p>  
         <p>27. Paxton says: 'Inspired by the Thomist doctrine of the two realms, Pius XI declared that transitory governmental forms in the temporal realm were a matter of indifference to the eternal church as long as the church remained free to pursue its mission in the spiritual realm (a requirement which excluded communist regimes).' 'France: the Church, the Republic', 73.</p>  
         <p>28. See Owen Chadwick, <italic> Britain and the Vatican during the Second World War</italic>
 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 84-5. In November 1939 the mass announcements of the parish of St Jean Baptiste de la Salle (XV) advised members of the congregation to purchase and read <italic>Summi Pontificatus</italic>
 (AAP, St Jean Baptiste de la Salle (XV),1C,12 November 1939). The same advice was given in the parish bulletin of St Sulpice (VI), December 1939 - January 1940, 34.</p>  
         <p>29. See, for example, AAP, 'Programme des unions paroissiales, diocèse de Paris (1942-1943)'. The encyclical was an essential item on the list of readings for that year and especially referred to in discussions on Church and State. See also La <italic>Semaine religieuse de Pans,</italic>
 17 October 1942, 469-70.</p>  
         <p>30. For example, 'Lettre pastorale de Son Eminence le Cardinal Suhard .... sur l'Action bienfaisante de l'Église', <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 13 March 1943, 129-36.</p>  
         <p>31. 'Le Courrier des Oeuvres diocésaines', June 1939.</p>  
         <p>32. 'Réunion d'Action Catholique', La <italic>Semaine religieuse</italic>
 de Pans, 14 September 1940, 569-71 (570).</p>  
         <p>33. 'Les Directives de Son Eminence à la retraite pastorale', La <italic>Semaine</italic>
 religieuse de Paris, 27 September 1941,195-200 (199).</p>  
         <p>34. 'Directives de Son Eminence aux réunions du clergé', La <italic>Semaine religieuse</italic>
 de Paris, 28 December 1940, 902-3 (903).</p>  
         <p>35. 'Les Voeux du clergé à Son Eminence. Discours de M. le Chanoine Chevré', <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 11 January 1941, 28-35 (31).</p>  
         <p>36. 'La France continue', <italic> La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 23 January 1943, 34-5.</p>  
         <p>37. AAP, St Vincent de Paul (X), D5, minutes of the meetings of the Ligue Féminine d'Action Catholique, 14 January 1941.</p>  
         <p>38. Burrin, <italic>La France à l'heure allemande,</italic>
 230-2.</p>  
         <p>39. The extent of Catholic understanding of national socialism in the late 1930s is an interesting question. It is generally argued that there was much more concern among Catholics about the dangers of communism and that the information on Nazi Germany which was discussed in intellectual circles or in journals (like <italic>Études</italic>
) did not reach a wide audience. My research shows that on the eve of war and up to defeat there was some discussion both in parish bulletins and in parochial groups based on the understanding that national socialism was anti- christian and racialist in essence.</p>  
         <p>40. Archives Nationales, AG II 492. Suhard complained about such matters in a letter to Pétain dated 26 June 1941. See also W. D. Halls, <italic>The Youth of Vichy France</italic>
 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981).</p>  
         <p>41. AAP, letter to parents dated 20 October 1940, St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C.</p>  
         <p>42. AAP, <italic>Coûte que Coûte,</italic>
 n.d. [early 1943] in <italic>ibid</italic>
., St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C.</p>  
         <p>43. AAP, Curé's notes for the <italic>veillée,</italic>
 11 November 1941, in <italic>ibid.</italic>
</p>  
         <p>44. AAP, <italic>Coûte que Coûte,</italic>
 October 1944 in <italic>ibid.,</italic>
 St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C.</p>  
         <p>45. In <italic>The Knight Monks,</italic>
 Hellman argues that, during the war, Catholics who had been critical of liberal values and individualism in the inter-war period were more concerned with 'renewing' France along extremely reactionary and then fascist lines than with liberating it.</p>  
         <p>46. Renée Bédarida uses the expression 'la chaine des solidarités silencieuses', 'La Persécution des Juifs' in <italic>La France des années noires,</italic>
 Vol. II (129-58), 158; Laborie, <italic>L'Opinion française,</italic>
 307.</p>  
         <p>47. Dominique Veillon, 'Les Réseaux de résistance' in <italic>La France des années noires,</italic>
 Vol.I, 385-412 (387).</p>  
         <p>48. David Clay Large (ed.), <italic> Contending with Hitler: Varieties of German Resistance in the Third Reich</italic>
 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), Preface, 4.</p>  
         <p>49. Annette Becker, <italic> La Guerre et la foi: De la mort à la mémoire</italic>
 1914-1930 (Paris: Armand-Colin, 1994).</p>  
         <p>50. See for example <italic> Le Vieux Batignolle,</italic>
 bulletin of the parish of Ste Marie des Batignolles (XVII), July-August-September 1939, 8-11.</p>  
         <p>51. Cholvy, <italic>La Religion en France,</italic>
 107. See also Y. Tranvouez 'Entre Rome et le peuple (1920-1960)' in <italic>Histoire des catholiques en France du XVe siècle à nos jours,</italic>
 edited by François Lebrun (Toulouse: Privat, 1980), 413-80 (457-9).</p>  
         <p>52. According to R. Bédarida, it 'represented, above all, the understanding between the Church and the Vichy regime', though, perhaps, it was the Church's 'last public contribution' to the moral recovery <italic>(redressement)</italic>
 promised by Vichy, 'Eglises et chrétiens', 126-7.</p>  
         <p>53. Christian Faure, 'Pélerinage ou mise en représentation de la ferveur populaire. Le pèlerinage de la jeunesse du 15 août 1942 au Puy-en-Velay', <italic>Cahiers d'histoire,</italic>
 xxxi (1986), 23-39, (31, 32) and <italic>Le Projet culturel de Vichy</italic>
 (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1989),187-196.</p>  
         <p>54. Faure, 'Le pèlerinage', 23, 33.</p>  
         <p>55. Marina Warner, <italic> Alone of all her Sex: the Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary</italic>
 (London: Picador, 1985), 313.</p>  
         <p>56. Jacques Steltzlen, Jean Gay 1924-1944 (Paris: Spes, 1948).</p>  
         <p>57. According to Lucy Dawidowicz, in the 1930s persecuted Jews in Nazi Germany revived an old means of discourse called (by Ernst Simon) 'New Midrash'. Dawidowicz says: 'Haggidic Midrash - imaginative exegesis of the Bible with a moral or devotional purpose - had been at least in part, a response to oppression, the exercise by a persecuted minority of an internal esoteric language that was not understood by the persecuting enemy'. She adds that after 1933 the New Midrash 'mostly ... drew on the old sources, infusing them with contemporary meaning and topical allusion' and the Psalms 'especially proved immediately relevant in their timelessness'. The War against the Jews 1933-1945 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), 225.</p>  
         <p>58. 'Le Mot du Cardinal en préparation à la fête de Noël', <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 19 December 1942, 587.</p>  
         <p>59. <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 12 April 1941, 323-4 (324).</p>  
         <p>60. <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 4 April 1942, 215.</p>  
         <p>61. 'Allocution de Son Eminence le Cardinal à Notre-Dame de Paris à la grand'messe de pâques', <italic> La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 1 May 1943, 227-8.</p>  
         <p>62. AAP, <italic>Unions paroissiales,</italic>
 'Questionnaire', 1 December 1943, St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C.</p>  
         <p>63. When Suhard was visiting the parish of St Louis-en-l'Île he told parishioners that their patron, the saint who had endured captivity and risked his life for his faith would be a source of inspiration to them and to French prisoners. During the service, the procession of the saint's relic 'seemed to stir each person to a more fervent prayer for France'. <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 5 September 1942, 391.</p>  
         <p>64. 'Le Chemin de croix pour les prisonniers et leurs familles', <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 15 May 1943, 261-2.</p>  
         <p>65. AAP, St Jean Baptiste de la Salle (XV),1C,10 October 1943.</p>  
         <p>66. AAP, 'Cercle de Chardonnettes', August-September 1943, St Nicolas du Chardonnet (V), 6C.</p>  
         <p>67. Ibid., December 1943 and January 1944.</p>  
         <p>68. Ibid., July 1943, January 1944 and July 1944.</p>  
         <p>69. Born in the fifth century, Ste Geneviève preserved Paris on at least two occasions during her lifetime, notably against Attila and his Huns. Catholics also held that subsequently the capital was saved on a number of occasions through her intercession: 'over and over again Parisians have invoked her in times of national crisis' and her cult has 'flourished on civic and national pride'. David Hugh Farmer, <italic> The Oxford Dictionary of Saints</italic>
 (Oxford: Clarendon,1978),164-5.</p>  
         <p>70. Three days of prayers or services preparatory to a special feast or devotion.</p>  
         <p>71. 'La fête de Ste Geneviève des Ardents à Ste Geneviève des Grandes Carrières', <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 7 December 1940, 847.</p>  
         <p>72. 'La neuvaine de Ste Geneviève à St Etienne du Mont', <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 18 January 1941, 54.</p>  
         <p>73. 'Le tombeau de Ste Geneviève', <italic>La Semaine religieuse de Paris,</italic>
 10 May 1941, 416.</p>  
         <p>74. Gerd Krumeich, 'The cult of Joan of Arc under the Vichy regime', in <italic>Collaboration in France: Politics and Culture during the Nazi Occupation 1940-1944,</italic>
 edited by Gerhard Hirschfeld and Patrick Marsh (Oxford: Berg, 1989), 92-102 (102).</p>  
         <p>75. AAP, St Vincent de Paul (X), 1C, 10 May 1942 and 14 May 1944, for example.</p>  
         <p>76. See Serge Laury, 'Le Culte marial dans le Pas-de-Calais (1938-1948)', <italic>Revue d'histoire de la deuxième guerre mondiale,</italic>
 cxxviii (1982), 23-47.</p>  
         <p>77. The text of the consecration was reproduced in different formats in France including leaflets and holy cards authorized by the Confraternity of the Rosary. See AAP, St Vincent de Paul (X), C2 and M3. See also the collection of holy cards at the Bibliothèque du Saulchoir.</p>  
         <p>78. Halls, <italic>Politics, Society and Christianity,</italic>
 346-56.</p>  
         <p>79. This is the case for Mgr Piguet, Bishop of Clermont-Ferrand, for example. See Sweets, <italic>Choices in Vichy France,</italic>
 57.</p>  
         <p>80. Produced by the Chapelet des Enfants, Paris and Lyons, May 1942.</p>  
         <p>81. Jean-Pierre Rioux's observations on more general aspects of cultural and social history are relevant here. He questions the idea that because people's concerns to get by on a daily basis weighed heavily they were somehow 'floating through' the Occupation untroubled. He also says that aspects of popular culture that enabled people to maintain a sense of their collective identity merit greater attention and had a bearing on the success of resistance. See 'Survivre', <italic>L'Histoire</italic>
 , lxxx (1985), 84-100; and 'Le Clair-obscur du quotidien' in <italic>Le Règime</italic>
 de Vichy et les <italic>Français,</italic>
 621-8.</p>  
         <p>82. For example Detlev Peukert wanted to ensure that 'the concept of resistance proper [did] not become diluted or flabby'. Quoted by Ian Kershaw in History Today, xliii (November 1993), 55.</p>  
         <p>83. See, for example, Donald J. Dietrich, 'Catholic resistance in the Third Reich', Holocaust and Genocide Studies, iii (1988), 171-86; and Ian Kershaw, <italic>Popular Opinion and Political Dissent in the Third Reich: Bavaria</italic>
 1933-1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983).</p>  
         <p>84. Jean-Dominique Durand, <italic> L'Église catholique dans la crise de l'Italie</italic>
 1943-1948 (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1991)</p>  
         <p>85. Michael Balfour talks of hibernation as a 'dormouse-like existence' which is low on his scale of 'modes of <italic>Widerstand'.</italic>
 See <italic>Withstanding Hitler in Germany 1933-1945</italic>
 (London: Routledge, 1988), 62-3.</p>  
         <p>86. Timothy Garton Ash, <italic> The Polish Revolution: Solidarity</italic>
 (London: Granta, 1991); and 'The Pope in Poland' in <italic>The Uses of Adversity: Essays on the Fate of Central Europe</italic>
 (London: Granta,1991), 42-54.</p>  
         <p>87. Ash, 'The Pope in Poland', 43-6.</p>  
         <p>88. Ash, <italic>The Polish Revolution,</italic>
 177.</p>  
         <p>89. Ash, 'The Pope in Poland', 48.</p>  
         <p>90. Ash, <italic>The Polish Revolution,</italic>
 172.</p>  
         <p>91. Hugh McLeod, <italic>Religion and the People of Western Europe 1789-1970</italic>
 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 96-7.</p>  
         <p>92. Ash, <italic>The Polish Revolution,</italic>
 321-2.</p>  
         <p>93. AAP, St Bernard de la Chapelle (XVIII), 1ER, 'Procès verbaux des réunions du conseil curial. Note pour l'histoire', September or October 1944.</p>  
         <p>94. AAP, Ste Jeanne de Chantal (XVI), 'Histoire au jour le jour de la paroisse Ste Jeanne de Chantal', 23 December 1944.</p> 
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