ChansonRolandV7, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 001610

The evolution of negation in French and Italian: Similarities and differences

Identifieur interne : 001610 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001609; suivant : 001611

The evolution of negation in French and Italian: Similarities and differences

Auteurs : Maj-Britt Mosegaard Hansen ; Jacqueline Visconti

Source :

Folia Linguistica [ 0165-4004 ] ; 2012.

RBID : ISTEX:0AAE06BB7FC3737F9AECB48B432624C128A1F487

English descriptors

Entity :
- org : University of Genoa This.
- pers : A. Chi, Anne Carlier, B. Non, Britt Mosegaard, Béatrice Lamiroy, Jacqueline Visconti, Lio Mazor, Ma Gianni, Meillet, Pietro da Bescapè, Walter de Mulder, While.
- place : France, Italy, Modena, Ste Eulalie.
Teeft :
- Anonymous referee, Armstrong smith, Basic form, Berkeley linguistics society, Bernini ramat, Bipartite, Bipartite negation, Brazilian portuguese, Catalan, Classical period, Clause, Clause negation, Clause such, Colloquial, Colloquial register, Declarative main clause, Default interpretation, Detges waltereit, Detto niente, Differential pace, Emanuele banfi, Etymological difference, Etymologically, Finite verb, Former type, Fourth century, French language study, Functional factor, Future french, Future stage, Gianni, Giuliano paolo ramat, Grammaticalization, Grammaticalized, Hansen, Hansen malderez, Hansen visconti, Inferable proposition, Italian mica, Jacqueline, Jespersen, John benjamin, Kiparsky condoravdi, Laka muzarga, Language change, Language contact, Langues romanes, Late latin, Linguistic theory, Lombard, Marker, Martineau, Martineau mougeon, Meaning change, Medieval french, Medieval italian, Medieval period, Mica, Middle french, Modern french, Mosegaard, Mosegaard hansen jacqueline visconti, Much lesser extent, Negation, Negative concord, Negative content, Negative cycle, Negative etymology, Negative marker, Negative particle, Negative polarity item, Negative reinforcer, Negative strategy, Negator, Nessuno, Niente, Nineteenth century, Nominal origin, Normatively demand, Optional element, Original preverbal negator, Other hand, Oxford university press, Personne, Positive item, Positive reading, Postverbal, Postverbal element, Postverbal marker, Postverbal negator, Preverbal, Preverbal marker, Preverbal negation, Preverbal negative, Preverbal negator, Preverbal position, Primary stress, Principal negator, Quantifier cycle, Questa decisione, Ramat, Referee, Rien, Romance language, Salient difference, Same time, Sankoff vincent, Second preverbal negative marker, Second type, Seventeenth century, Simple preverbal negation, Single cause, Sixteenth century, Sociolinguistic study, Standard clause negation, Standard italian, Standard negation, Subject clitics, Syntactic, Syntactic status, Visconti, Zanuttini.

Abstract

This article examines similarities and differences in the evolution of both standard clause negation and n-word negation in French and Italian. The two languages differ saliently in the extent to which standard negation features postverbal markers. We suggest that a convergence of phonetic, prosodic, morphosyntactic, and pragmatic changes in the evolution of French may explain why the grammaticalization of the postverbal marker is significantly more advanced in that language. Two types of n-word negation must be considered: (i) those where the n-word occurs postverbally, and (ii) those where an n-word is positioned preverbally. In the former type, French allows deletion of the preverbal marker, whereas Italian does so to a much lesser extent. In the second type, French allows (indeed, normatively demands) insertion of a second preverbal negative marker, whereas Italian does not. We suggest that this is attributable to the respective positive vs negative etymologies of the n-words. In type (i) constructions, this etymological difference appears to make Italian a negative-concord language from the outset. In contrast, negative concord in Modern French has, to a large extent, developed gradually out of what was originally a reinforcement of standard negation by positive items with scalar properties. Our analysis suggests that the pace and form of grammaticalization cannot be attributed to any single cause, but is rather the result of a confluence of formal and functional factors.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/QT4-CW4PGL1K-7/fulltext.pdf

DOI: 10.1515/flin.2012.016

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:0AAE06BB7FC3737F9AECB48B432624C128A1F487

Le document en format XML

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<abstract>This article examines similarities and differences in the evolution of both standard clause negation and n-word negation in French and Italian. The two languages differ saliently in the extent to which standard negation features postverbal markers. We suggest that a convergence of phonetic, prosodic, morphosyntactic, and pragmatic changes in the evolution of French may explain why the grammaticalization of the postverbal marker is significantly more advanced in that language. Two types of n-word negation must be considered: (i) those where the n-word occurs postverbally, and (ii) those where an n-word is positioned preverbally. In the former type, French allows deletion of the preverbal marker, whereas Italian does so to a much lesser extent. In the second type, French allows (indeed, normatively demands) insertion of a second preverbal negative marker, whereas Italian does not. We suggest that this is attributable to the respective positive vs negative etymologies of the n-words. In type (i) constructions, this etymological difference appears to make Italian a negative-concord language from the outset. In contrast, negative concord in Modern French has, to a large extent, developed gradually out of what was originally a reinforcement of standard negation by positive items with scalar properties. Our analysis suggests that the pace and form of grammaticalization cannot be attributed to any single cause, but is rather the result of a confluence of formal and functional factors.</abstract>
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<profileDesc><abstract><p>This article examines similarities and differences in the evolution of both standard clause negation and n-word negation in French and Italian. The two languages differ saliently in the extent to which standard negation features postverbal markers. We suggest that a convergence of phonetic, prosodic, morphosyntactic, and pragmatic changes in the evolution of French may explain why the grammaticalization of the postverbal marker is significantly more advanced in that language. Two types of n-word negation must be considered: (i) those where the n-word occurs postverbally, and (ii) those where an n-word is positioned preverbally. In the former type, French allows deletion of the preverbal marker, whereas Italian does so to a much lesser extent. In the second type, French allows (indeed, normatively demands) insertion of a second preverbal negative marker, whereas Italian does not. We suggest that this is attributable to the respective positive vs negative etymologies of the n-words. In type (i) constructions, this etymological difference appears to make Italian a negative-concord language from the outset. In contrast, negative concord in Modern French has, to a large extent, developed gradually out of what was originally a reinforcement of standard negation by positive items with scalar properties. Our analysis suggests that the pace and form of grammaticalization cannot be attributed to any single cause, but is rather the result of a confluence of formal and functional factors.</p>
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				<article-title>The evolution of negation in French and Italian: Similarities and differences</article-title>

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				<aff id="aff1"><sup>1</sup>
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University of Genoa</aff>

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				<p>This article examines similarities and differences in the evolution of both standard clause negation and n-word negation in French and Italian. The two languages differ saliently in the extent to which standard negation features postverbal markers. We suggest that a convergence of phonetic, prosodic, morphosyntactic, and pragmatic changes in the evolution of French may explain why the grammaticalization of the postverbal marker is significantly more advanced in that language. Two types of n-word negation must be considered: (i) those where the n-word occurs postverbally, and (ii) those where an n-word is positioned preverbally. In the former type, French allows deletion of the preverbal marker, whereas Italian does so to a much lesser extent. In the second type, French allows (indeed, normatively demands) insertion of a second preverbal negative marker, whereas Italian does not. We suggest that this is attributable to the respective positive vs negative etymologies of the n-words. In type (i) constructions, this etymological difference appears to make Italian a negative-concord language from the outset. In contrast, negative concord in Modern French has, to a large extent, developed gradually out of what was originally a reinforcement of standard negation by positive items with scalar properties. Our analysis suggests that the pace and form of grammaticalization cannot be attributed to any single cause, but is rather the result of a confluence of formal and functional factors.</p>

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<abstract lang="en">This article examines similarities and differences in the evolution of both standard clause negation and n-word negation in French and Italian. The two languages differ saliently in the extent to which standard negation features postverbal markers. We suggest that a convergence of phonetic, prosodic, morphosyntactic, and pragmatic changes in the evolution of French may explain why the grammaticalization of the postverbal marker is significantly more advanced in that language. Two types of n-word negation must be considered: (i) those where the n-word occurs postverbally, and (ii) those where an n-word is positioned preverbally. In the former type, French allows deletion of the preverbal marker, whereas Italian does so to a much lesser extent. In the second type, French allows (indeed, normatively demands) insertion of a second preverbal negative marker, whereas Italian does not. We suggest that this is attributable to the respective positive vs negative etymologies of the n-words. In type (i) constructions, this etymological difference appears to make Italian a negative-concord language from the outset. In contrast, negative concord in Modern French has, to a large extent, developed gradually out of what was originally a reinforcement of standard negation by positive items with scalar properties. Our analysis suggests that the pace and form of grammaticalization cannot be attributed to any single cause, but is rather the result of a confluence of formal and functional factors.</abstract>
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The evolution of negation in French and Italian: Similarities and differences

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