Predicate negation and word-order change: A problem of multiple causation
Identifieur interne : 001498 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001497; suivant : 001499Predicate negation and word-order change: A problem of multiple causation
Auteurs : Armin SchweglerSource :
- Lingua [ 0024-3841 ] ; 1983.
English descriptors
- Entity :
- org : Bolivia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Colombia, and Santo Domingo, Northern Italy and Graubtinden, Northern Italy, Graubtinden, and Northeastern, Southern Switzerland and Northern Italy.
- pers : A. Schwegler, C. Rom, E. Rom, France, French, Haase, Harris, Jerry Craddock, Jespersen, Martin Harris, N. Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, Suzanne Fleischman, To, Val Mtistair, Vennemann, W. Rom, W. Roman, W. Romantsch.
- place : American, BUK, CA, France, Italy, Mexico, Roman, Saint Thomas, Switzerland, USA.
- Teeft :
- Adstratum, Adstratum influence, Adverb, Afrikaans, American spanish, Basic change, Basic shift, Brazilian portuguese, Bucca, Central romantsch, Characteristic feature, Classical latin, Colloquial french, Compelling evidence, Consistent realization, Datum, Deutschen sprache, Diachronic, Diachronic view, Dicziunari rumanrsch grischun, Dicziunari rumantsch grischun, Eastern romantsch, Emph, Emph neg2, Emphasizer, Emphasizers, Emphatic, Emphatic device, Emphatic particle, Emphatic value, Eventual shift, Finite verb, First negative, Francais, Francais contemporain, French language, French postverbal negation, French syntax, Functional load, Geneva droz, Germanic adstratum influence, Germanic contact, Germanic influence, Germanic language, High german, Historische grammatik, Implausible assumption, Jespersen, Langue francaise, Latin pattern, Lehmann, Lockwood, Main clause, Modern french, Modern romantsch, Neg2, Neg3, Negation, Negation cycle, Negation pattern, Negation strategy, Negative adverb, Negative cycle, Negative exponent, Negative marker, Negative morpheme, Negative particle, Negative proper, Negator, Negl, Negl neg2 neg3, Nominal emph, Nominal emph neg2, Nominal emphasizers, Northern italian dialect, Northern italy, Obligatory subject pronoun, Occitan, Oenum, Other constituent, Other emph, Other language, Other romance language, Other word, Parisian french, Passage avec, Phonetic, Phonetic attrition, Phonetic reduction, Portuguese, Portuguese present, Postverbal, Postverbal negation, Postverbal particle, Postverbal pattern, Postverbal position, Predicate, Predicate negation, Predicate negative particle, Predicate negators, Prefixal person marker, Preverbal, Preverbal negation, Preverbal negative particle, Preverbal particle, Preverbal position, Preverbal predicate negation, Provencal, Qualifier, Recent study, Romance, Romance language, Romance philology, Romanica helvetica, Romantsch, Romantsch dialect, Saint thomas becker, Schwegler, Schwegler predicare negation, Schwegler predicate negalion, Schwegler predicate negarion, Schwegler predicate negation, Sentence qualifier, Sole marker, Subject clitics, Subordinate clause, Subordinate environment, Surface structure, Sursilvan, Syntactic, Syntactic conservatism, Syntax, Translation mine, Typological, Typological approach, Typological framework, Typological pressure, Typologically consistent, Typology, Universal term, Vennemann, Verb, Verb position, Verb shift, Verbinitial syntax, Wartburg, Western romance language, Western romantsch, Word order, Word order change.
Abstract
Abstract: It will be shown in this paper first, that various claims (e.g. Vennemann 1974; Harris 1976, 1978) to the effect that the positioning of the predicate negative particle in Proto-Indo-European, Latin, Germanic, and Romance (particularly French) is the result of the general syntactic typology of these languages cannot be supported. Where predicate negation appears to be typologically consistent, such consistency must be considered as purely accidental. Second, after demonstrating the weaknesses of both the ‘typological’ and other, earlier approaches to this problem, I propose a new hypothesis to account for word-order change in respect to predicate negation in Indo-European languages.
Url:
DOI: 10.1016/0024-3841(83)90001-3
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:3D994EB44D1D3BC3565B8A12378700A5BAF2DAFBLe document en format XML
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grammatik</json:string><json:string>romance</json:string></teeft></keywords><author><json:item><name>Armin Schwegler</name><affiliations><json:string>University of California, Group of Romance Philology, Berkeley, CA, USA</json:string></affiliations></json:item></author><arkIstex>ark:/67375/6H6-640MJFG9-K</arkIstex><language><json:string>eng</json:string></language><originalGenre><json:string>Full-length article</json:string></originalGenre><abstract>Abstract: It will be shown in this paper first, that various claims (e.g. Vennemann 1974; Harris 1976, 1978) to the effect that the positioning of the predicate negative particle in Proto-Indo-European, Latin, Germanic, and Romance (particularly French) is the result of the general syntactic typology of these languages cannot be supported. Where predicate negation appears to be typologically consistent, such consistency must be considered as purely accidental. Second, after demonstrating the weaknesses of both the ‘typological’ and other, earlier approaches to this problem, I propose a new hypothesis to account for word-order change in respect to predicate negation in Indo-European languages.</abstract><qualityIndicators><refBibsNative>true</refBibsNative><abstractWordCount>101</abstractWordCount><abstractCharCount>701</abstractCharCount><keywordCount>0</keywordCount><score>8.212</score><pdfWordCount>12196</pdfWordCount><pdfCharCount>76428</pdfCharCount><pdfVersion>1.2</pdfVersion><pdfPageCount>38</pdfPageCount><pdfPageSize>468 x 684 pts</pdfPageSize></qualityIndicators><title>Predicate negation and word-order change: A problem of multiple causation</title><pii><json:string>0024-3841(83)90001-3</json:string></pii><genre><json:string>research-article</json:string></genre><serie><title>Wortstellung, Periodenbau</title><language><json:string>unknown</json:string></language><volume>4</volume></serie><host><title>Lingua</title><language><json:string>unknown</json:string></language><publicationDate>1983</publicationDate><issn><json:string>0024-3841</json:string></issn><pii><json:string>S0024-3841(00)X0074-5</json:string></pii><volume>61</volume><issue>4</issue><pages><first>297</first><last>334</last></pages><genre><json:string>journal</json:string></genre></host><namedEntities><unitex><date><json:string>the 8th century</json:string><json:string>1924</json:string><json:string>12th centuries</json:string><json:string>in the 17th century</json:string><json:string>from the 16th century</json:string><json:string>the 9th century</json:string><json:string>1983</json:string><json:string>towards the 15th century</json:string><json:string>the 13th century</json:string><json:string>15th century</json:string><json:string>the 17th century</json:string><json:string>in the 12th century</json:string><json:string>In the 12th century</json:string><json:string>the 19th century</json:string><json:string>in the 6th century</json:string><json:string>In the 16th century</json:string></date><geogName></geogName><orgName><json:string>Northern Italy and Graubtinden</json:string><json:string>Southern Switzerland and Northern Italy</json:string><json:string>Northern Italy, Graubtinden, and Northeastern</json:string><json:string>Bolivia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Colombia, and Santo Domingo</json:string></orgName><orgName_funder></orgName_funder><orgName_provider></orgName_provider><persName><json:string>Harris</json:string><json:string>Spanish</json:string><json:string>W. 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I would like to thank in particular Suzanne Fleischman, who not only helped me clarify many of the ideas expressed here but who made innumerable stylistic improvements on the manuscript. - For text of footnotes see p. 324ff.</note><affiliation>I am grateful to Suzanne Fleischman, Martin Harris, Glanville Price, and Jerry Craddock for their suggestions on an earlier draft. I would like to thank in particular Suzanne Fleischman, who not only helped me clarify many of the ideas expressed here but who made innumerable stylistic improvements on the manuscript. - For text of footnotes see p. 324ff.</affiliation><affiliation>University of California, Group of Romance Philology, Berkeley, CA, USA</affiliation></author><idno type="istex">3D994EB44D1D3BC3565B8A12378700A5BAF2DAFB</idno><idno type="ark">ark:/67375/6H6-640MJFG9-K</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1016/0024-3841(83)90001-3</idno><idno type="PII">0024-3841(83)90001-3</idno></analytic><monogr><title level="j">Lingua</title><title level="j" type="abbrev">LINGUA</title><idno type="pISSN">0024-3841</idno><idno type="PII">S0024-3841(00)X0074-5</idno><imprint><publisher>ELSEVIER</publisher><date type="published" when="1983"></date><biblScope unit="volume">61</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">4</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="297">297</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="334">334</biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>1983</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage><abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Abstract: It will be shown in this paper first, that various claims (e.g. Vennemann 1974; Harris 1976, 1978) to the effect that the positioning of the predicate negative particle in Proto-Indo-European, Latin, Germanic, and Romance (particularly French) is the result of the general syntactic typology of these languages cannot be supported. Where predicate negation appears to be typologically consistent, such consistency must be considered as purely accidental. Second, after demonstrating the weaknesses of both the ‘typological’ and other, earlier approaches to this problem, I propose a new hypothesis to account for word-order change in respect to predicate negation in Indo-European languages.</p></abstract></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="1983">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/6H6-640MJFG9-K/fulltext.txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="Elsevier, elements deleted: tail"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//ES//DTD journal article DTD version 4.5.2//EN//XML" URI="art452.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><converted-article version="4.5.2" docsubtype="fla"><item-info><jid>LINGUA</jid><aid>83900013</aid><ce:pii>0024-3841(83)90001-3</ce:pii><ce:doi>10.1016/0024-3841(83)90001-3</ce:doi><ce:copyright type="unknown" year="1983"></ce:copyright></item-info><head><ce:title>Predicate negation and word-order change: A problem of multiple causation</ce:title><ce:author-group><ce:author><ce:given-name>Armin</ce:given-name><ce:surname>Schwegler</ce:surname><ce:cross-ref refid="FN1"><ce:sup>∗</ce:sup></ce:cross-ref></ce:author><ce:affiliation><ce:textfn>University of California, Group of Romance Philology, Berkeley, CA, USA</ce:textfn></ce:affiliation><ce:footnote id="FN1"><ce:label>∗</ce:label><ce:note-para>I am grateful to Suzanne Fleischman, Martin Harris, Glanville Price, and Jerry Craddock for their suggestions on an earlier draft. I would like to thank in particular Suzanne Fleischman, who not only helped me clarify many of the ideas expressed here but who made innumerable stylistic improvements on the manuscript. - For text of footnotes see p. 324ff.</ce:note-para></ce:footnote></ce:author-group><ce:abstract><ce:section-title>Abstract</ce:section-title><ce:abstract-sec><ce:simple-para>It will be shown in this paper first, that various claims (e.g. Vennemann 1974; Harris 1976, 1978) to the effect that the positioning of the predicate negative particle in Proto-Indo-European, Latin, Germanic, and Romance (particularly French) is the result of the general syntactic typology of these languages cannot be supported. Where predicate negation appears to be typologically consistent, such consistency must be considered as purely accidental. Second, after demonstrating the weaknesses of both the ‘typological’ and other, earlier approaches to this problem, I propose a new hypothesis to account for word-order change in respect to predicate negation in Indo-European languages.</ce:simple-para></ce:abstract-sec></ce:abstract></head></converted-article></istex:document></istex:metadataXml><mods version="3.6"><titleInfo><title>Predicate negation and word-order change: A problem of multiple causation</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" contentType="CDATA"><title>Predicate negation and word-order change: A problem of multiple causation</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Armin</namePart><namePart type="family">Schwegler</namePart><affiliation>University of California, Group of Romance Philology, Berkeley, CA, USA</affiliation><description>I am grateful to Suzanne Fleischman, Martin Harris, Glanville Price, and Jerry Craddock for their suggestions on an earlier draft. I would like to thank in particular Suzanne Fleischman, who not only helped me clarify many of the ideas expressed here but who made innumerable stylistic improvements on the manuscript. - For text of footnotes see p. 324ff.</description><role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm></role></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="Full-length article" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</genre><originInfo><publisher>ELSEVIER</publisher><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1983</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">1983</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><abstract lang="en">Abstract: It will be shown in this paper first, that various claims (e.g. Vennemann 1974; Harris 1976, 1978) to the effect that the positioning of the predicate negative particle in Proto-Indo-European, Latin, Germanic, and Romance (particularly French) is the result of the general syntactic typology of these languages cannot be supported. Where predicate negation appears to be typologically consistent, such consistency must be considered as purely accidental. Second, after demonstrating the weaknesses of both the ‘typological’ and other, earlier approaches to this problem, I propose a new hypothesis to account for word-order change in respect to predicate negation in Indo-European languages.</abstract><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Lingua</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="abbreviated"><title>LINGUA</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal" authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</genre><originInfo><publisher>ELSEVIER</publisher><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">1983</dateIssued></originInfo><identifier type="ISSN">0024-3841</identifier><identifier type="PII">S0024-3841(00)X0074-5</identifier><part><date>1983</date><detail type="volume"><number>61</number><caption>vol.</caption></detail><detail type="issue"><number>4</number><caption>no.</caption></detail><extent unit="issue-pages"><start>297</start><end>400</end></extent><extent unit="pages"><start>297</start><end>334</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">3D994EB44D1D3BC3565B8A12378700A5BAF2DAFB</identifier><identifier type="ark">ark:/67375/6H6-640MJFG9-K</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1016/0024-3841(83)90001-3</identifier><identifier type="PII">0024-3841(83)90001-3</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource authority="ISTEX" authorityURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr" valueURI="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-HKKZVM7B-M">elsevier</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods><json:item><extension>json</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/json</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/6H6-640MJFG9-K/record.json</uri></json:item></metadata></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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