From Patriots to Pacifists: The French Primary School Teachers, 1880-1940
Identifieur interne : 001396 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001395; suivant : 001397From Patriots to Pacifists: The French Primary School Teachers, 1880-1940
Auteurs : Barnett SingerSource :
- Journal of Contemporary History [ 0022-0094 ] ; 1977-07.
English descriptors
- Entity :
- geog : Loire, Rhine.
- org : American Historical Review, American Schoolbooks, Carnegie Foundation for International Peace, China, Portugal, Commission on Moral Disarmament, Congress, Finland Station, Foundation of the French Historical Profession, France, Education, French-American Studies, Germany, France, Austria, and Switzerland, Italy and Germany, Syndicat, Syndicat de l’, Syndicat des.
- pers : A. Debidour, A.D. Speech, Abel Bonnard, Adrienne Foulke, Albert Sorel, Alfred A. Knopf, Alphonse Aulard, Anatole de Monzie, Andre Mougenot, Annette Vidal, Antoine Borrel, Antoine Prost, Antonin Lavergne, Belle Epoque, Bloch, C.J.H. Hayes, Callois, Carlton Hayes, Charles Bigot, Claude Duneton, D.W. Brogan, David E. Sumler, Delmas, Denis Forestier, Denux, Donald N. Baker, E. Glay, Emile Bocquillon, Emile Zola, Ernest Lavisse, Ernest Psichari, Eugen Weber, F. E. Farrington, F.W. Roman, Ferdinand Buisson, G. Bruno, G.R. Conrad, Gaston Bonheur, Georges Clemondot, Georges Duhamel, Georges Duveau, Georges Lapierre, Gustave Herve, H. Champeau, H. Reverdin, H.G. Wells, Henri Chatreix, I.L. Kandel, Ida Berger, In Jacques, J.L. Talmon, Jacques Al, Jacques Chastenet, Jacques Guirault, Jacques Ozouf, Jean Coste, Jean Hugonnet, Jean Ma, Jean Maxe, John C. Cairns, John Eros, Jules Clar, Jules Eychene, Jules Ferry, Jules Ferrys, Jules Romain, Julien Benda, L. Berthaut, L. Delachance, L.W. Tancock, La Croix, La Lutte, La Patrie, La Petite, La Revanche, La Rochelle, Lady, Laurence Wylie, Laval, Leon Blum, Leon Emery, Leonard Woolf, Louis Bouet, Louis Cap, Louis Legrand, Louis Lumet, Louis Pergaud, Lucien Leray, Lucien Psichari, M. Allain, M. Bouet, M. Paul, Margaret Stewart, Maurice Dommanget, Max Ferr, Maxime Weygand, Michael Marrus, Michael Roger, Mona Ozouf, N.B. Smith, O. Mortreux, Or Claude, P.H. Gay, Paul Bert, Paul Buissons, Paul Deroulede, Paul Painlev, Paul Val, Peter Treager, Peter V. Meyers, Pierre Bonnourre, Pierre Gamarra, Professor Jacques, Quentin Bell, R. Deldime, Raymond Poincare, Richard Aldington, Richard Rubold, Robert Graves, Roger Denux, Roger Guignard, Roger Martin, Roger Thabault, Romain Rolland, Ruth Miller, Sou de Soldat, Talbott, Thabault, Varois, W.W. Norton, William R. Keylor, Wright.
- place : America, Cambridge, Chambery, Europe, France, Germany, Mass., Metz, Munich, Nantes, Paris, Pierre, Quimper, Russia, Sarajevo, Saumur, Soissons, Strasbourg, Toulon, Verdun, Vichy, Weimar, York.
- Teeft :
- Adrienne foulke, American historical review, Anatole france, Andr6 delmas, Antoine prost, April, Army captain, Army officer, August, Bulletin mensuel, Carlton hayes, Dossier, Dossier instituteurs, Duveau, Ecole, Ernest lavisse, Ferdinand buisson, Former teacher, French historical study, French revolution, French teacher, George duveau, George lapierre, German schoolmaster, Histoire, Individual syndicats, Instituteur, Instituteurs, Jacques ozouf, Jules, Jules ferry, July, Laic school, Late thirty, Leonard woolf, Louis pergaud, Male teacher, Marc bloch, Mass diversion, Mona ozouf, Mutual distrust, Nantes, Nationalist revival, Native region, Ozouf, Peasant origin, Popular front, Primary inspector, Primary school, R6gis messac, Recent dissertation, Revanche, Revue, Roger thabault, Schoolmaster, Socialist party, Strange defeat, Syndicalist, Syndicat, Syndicat national, Syndicats, Third republic.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/002200947701200302
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:BF07D9DB8E2BF74292D7B9295BAAE63BAA6DEC4ELe document en format XML
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le 13 décembre, 1896</json:string><json:string>Autumn 1976</json:string></ref_bibl><bibl></bibl></unitex></namedEntities><ark><json:string>ark:/67375/M70-CM1XS54W-H</json:string></ark><categories><wos><json:string>1 - arts and humanities</json:string><json:string>2 - history</json:string></wos><scienceMetrix><json:string>1 - arts & humanities</json:string><json:string>2 - historical studies</json:string><json:string>3 - history</json:string></scienceMetrix><scopus><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - Sociology and Political Science</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Arts and Humanities</json:string><json:string>3 - History</json:string><json:string>1 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>2 - Social Sciences</json:string><json:string>3 - Cultural Studies</json:string></scopus></categories><publicationDate>1977</publicationDate><copyrightDate>1977</copyrightDate><doi><json:string>10.1177/002200947701200302</json:string></doi><id>BF07D9DB8E2BF74292D7B9295BAAE63BAA6DEC4E</id><score>1</score><fulltext><json:item><extension>pdf</extension><original>true</original><mimetype>application/pdf</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-CM1XS54W-H/fulltext.pdf</uri></json:item><json:item><extension>zip</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>application/zip</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-CM1XS54W-H/bundle.zip</uri></json:item><istex:fulltextTEI uri="https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-CM1XS54W-H/fulltext.tei"><teiHeader><fileDesc><titleStmt><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">From Patriots to Pacifists: The French Primary School Teachers, 1880-1940</title></titleStmt><publicationStmt><authority>ISTEX</authority><publisher scheme="https://scientific-publisher.data.istex.fr">Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</pubPlace><availability><licence><p>sage</p></licence></availability><p scheme="https://loaded-corpus.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XBH-0J1N7DQT-B"></p><date>1977</date></publicationStmt><notesStmt><note type="research-article" scheme="https://content-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/XTP-1JC4F85T-7">research-article</note><note type="journal" scheme="https://publication-type.data.istex.fr/ark:/67375/JMC-0GLKJH51-B">journal</note></notesStmt><sourceDesc><biblStruct type="inbook"><analytic><title level="a" type="main" xml:lang="en">From Patriots to Pacifists: The French Primary School Teachers, 1880-1940</title><author xml:id="author-0000"><persName><forename type="first">Barnett</forename><surname>Singer</surname></persName></author><idno type="istex">BF07D9DB8E2BF74292D7B9295BAAE63BAA6DEC4E</idno><idno type="ark">ark:/67375/M70-CM1XS54W-H</idno><idno type="DOI">10.1177/002200947701200302</idno><idno type="article-id">10.1177_002200947701200302</idno></analytic><monogr><title level="j">Journal of Contemporary History</title><idno type="pISSN">0022-0094</idno><idno type="eISSN">1461-7250</idno><idno type="publisher-id">JCH</idno><idno type="PublisherID-hwp">spjch</idno><imprint><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><pubPlace>Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA</pubPlace><date type="published" when="1977-07"></date><biblScope unit="volume">12</biblScope><biblScope unit="issue">3</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" from="413">413</biblScope><biblScope unit="page" to="434">434</biblScope></imprint></monogr></biblStruct></sourceDesc></fileDesc><profileDesc><creation><date>1977</date></creation><langUsage><language ident="en">en</language></langUsage></profileDesc><revisionDesc><change when="1977-07">Published</change></revisionDesc></teiHeader></istex:fulltextTEI><json:item><extension>txt</extension><original>false</original><mimetype>text/plain</mimetype><uri>https://api.istex.fr/ark:/67375/M70-CM1XS54W-H/fulltext.txt</uri></json:item></fulltext><metadata><istex:metadataXml wicri:clean="corpus sage not found" wicri:toSee="no header"><istex:xmlDeclaration>version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"</istex:xmlDeclaration><istex:docType PUBLIC="-//NLM//DTD Journal Publishing DTD v2.3 20070202//EN" URI="journalpublishing.dtd" name="istex:docType"></istex:docType><istex:document><article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="2.3" xml:lang="EN"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="hwp">spjch</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">JCH</journal-id><journal-title>Journal of Contemporary History</journal-title><issn pub-type="ppub">0022-0094</issn><publisher>
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<pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>7</month><year>1977</year></pub-date><volume>12</volume><issue>3</issue><fpage>413</fpage><lpage>434</lpage><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>413 From Patriots to Pacifists: The French Primary School Teachers, 1880-1940 SAGE Publications, Inc.1977DOI: 10.1177/002200947701200302 Barnett Singer Journal of Contemporary History, 12 (1977), 413-434 Many historians agree on the importance of the French laic schoolmasters - the instituteurs of the Third Republic.' We are quite sure of their crucial role before 1914 but unsure as to what they became in the inter-war years. Historians of education note a decline in teachers' status in rural areas2 and gains in their national syndicats, but have not yet adequately discussed their continuing influence on national opinion (and therefore) policy in the twentieth century. Did French teachers reflect or direct society in this period? Obviously, like everyone else, they were affected by great events like the first world war and by the more complex pressures of modernization. Moreover, French centralization made of the instituteurs a unique political rubber-stamp group very different from school-teachers in America. In the end one finds that teachers both reflected and directed, but in vastly different ways before and after the war. By focusing on their attitude towards la patrie, this wide-ranging ideological transformation may be traced and related to the history of ideas over that period. The generation based on certainties which created the French public school system and the modern political schoolmaster in the 1880s is now extinct.3 3 Roger Thabault, in his study of local education, Mon Village, discusses the republicans of 1880 in religious terms - as hierophants of progress and of republican democracy. Behind the plethora of words lay a coherent philosophy of positivism. 24414 Possessmg the certitude of Flaubert's Homais, the Jules Ferrys, Paul Berts, Ferdinand Buissons, F61ix P6cauts saw public education, in particular, as a thaumaturgic answer to France's political and social ills after Sedan 4 That education, made obligatory, free and secular, was thoroughly moral and patriotic. In fact, such institutional patriotism might be seen as a religious stop-gap after the decline of folklore, and before mass diversion became the new religion.5 If so, the village school-teachers, with their stirring curriculum as Bible, were the high priests of nation-worship before 1914.6 Consider the public school prize ceremony of August 1905, at the village of Nouvion-en-Thierache, where Ernest Lavisse, a giant both of Sorbonne and of primary school history, (a combination unheard of today), made the keynote speech to these little inhabitants 'of the green-carpeted and forested Thi6rache (his native region), you who have keen and practical minds, quarrelsome tempers, and who preserve in your speech words and phrases of the Picard tongue ...' Lavisse continues: 'My children, our fatherland is then not merely a territory; it is a human structure, begun centuries ago, which we are continuing, which you will continue.'7 There is a certain historical attitude here: that the Republic is the summit of a long struggle towards French democracy which, manfully defended, will endure and bring ever greater happiness 8 Further, the Republic coincides with a rise in material standards in France, and teachers must inform pupils of its beneficent gifts. A text like Vast and Jallifier's Histoire de France (written 1883, revised 1913) patriotically, though wrongly, emphasizes that the Eiffel Tower is twice as high as the highest monuments, and that the Republic spends over 100 million francs annually on its schools. Why, 'from now on it is easy to learn, it is even a pleasure. Thus you must love the Republic that has accomplished almost all these marvels.'9 Paul Bert's Instruction civique et morale a l'école (1881) links education to the coming of national solidarity. In addition to texts, contemporary examination questions now seem the height of patriotic naivete. For example, a composition subject for the cours élémentaire, 16 August 1884: 'At the hospital of Toulon, a young sergeant receives an amputation for a wound incurred in Indochina. The wounded man wakes up, looks at the wound. He says: "Better to have that than to be a Prussian." The sergeant was from Metz."o 0 It is difficult for us to recapture the feelings such a subject would inspire or to realize how repeatedly patriotic certitude was reinforced. Particularly important were the core texts like G. Bruno's famous bestseller, the Tour de France par deux enfants. Its greatest influence came between the years 1877 and 1910, but even 25415 after the war a revised edition was still being used in some schools. Between 1877 and 1947 the Belin publishers put out 7,223,000 copies of Tour de France. Another popular text was Lavisse's Histoire de France (or 'Petit Lavisse'), whose exploit-filled pages, according to Ferdinand Buisson, brought tears to the eyes.1 1 Patriotism was also reinforced by prize-day speeches, patriotic songs and artistic imagery, and by maps showing the perfect French hexagon and draped provinces; and of course by the teachers' own ardour in transmitting these elements - their 'feu sacre', as an inspector in Vaucluse put it.1 2 And if facts had to be transcended, so be it. Clarles Peguy's critique of 'his good masters of the primary school', was not purely figurative.l3 3 L.R. Klemm, an American observer of French schools in the early 1900s, was astounded at one instztuteur who claimed the French Revolution was the mother of the American system of government. The teacher could not give the date of the Declaration of Independence, obviously putting it after 1789; and when told the date, he 'blushed like a girl of sixteen ...'14 Nor was it merely facts, but also interpretation that might have been questioned. On the French Revolution, on Louis XIV, on the colonies, there was an unwavering Republic line, pounded into pupils by the Republic's teachers. One teacher remembers his own schoolmaster, who with his stick, 'made us follow on the map the route of these intrepid men: Sergeant Bobillot in Tonkin, Sergeant Blandas in Algeria, Corporal Cavayssiere at Sidi-Brahim - all this fired us with enthusiasm.'15 As for revanche, the teachers of the 1880s, and even of the mid-nineties, warmly subscribed to it. Jacques Ozouf's teachers considered this earlier period as one of intense patriotism, when the reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine seemed almost an absolute necessity. Revanche turns up in examinations, songs, and in such periodicals as L 'Ecole. 1 6 In remote regions like Brittany, revanche was being preached as late as 1907 - witness this poem written by a teacher in that year and dedicated to the inspector of the academy of the Finist6re, who obviously approved: Les Soldats de la Revanche Ecoliers, joyeux travailleurs Espoir de la France Rimons, nos fr~res et nos soeurs Ces amis d'enfance! Mais n'oublions pas la Patrie, Cette bonne Mere ch6rie, Soldats de la Revanche! 17 26416 To designate children, or for that matter teachers, as soldiers was no exaggeration in the early days of republicanism. A rigorous programme of gymnastics and army instruction was instituted by Ferry in 1882, and the ardent nationalist Paul Deroulede was appointed to the new commission for military instruction. 1 8 Ferry envisaged that such instruction would familiarize children early on with their future role in the army.19 9 Teachers had to supervise the pupils' bataillons scolaires and teach military manoeuvres if no suitable army personnel were available.2 These exercises, performed with old unserviceable or even wooden guns, were soon destined to disappear. But more important was the whole militaristic tenor of education which placed the teacher in a well-defined hierarchy. This aspect remained constant through to the war. Former teachers whom I have interviewed remember their administrative superiors as 'chiefs of staff'; below them came the 'many simple soldiers of education', 21 as one school inspector called a group of newly qualified primary teachers. In P~guy's more celebrated phrase, they were 'the Black Hussars of the Republic', and Jules Romain called them 'calm infantrymen'. The press, too, used the same metaphor; thus La Petite République française (29 May 1886), which saw schoolmasters as the sous-officiers de l'enseignement. Add to that the proselytizing nature of this army - 'lay apostles' says one of them - and there appears a doubly potent figure in the republican propaganda establishment.2 2 Yet perhaps this new scholastic patriotism was not altogether different from the older folkloric patriotism which peasant families guarded like ancestral gold. Emile Zola's hero Maurice, en route to the Franco-Prussian War (in The Debacle), surged inwardly with stories his grandfather had told of the Grande Arm6e: 'Periods ran into each other, and it all seemed to be independent of history in a terrible collision of all the nations ... But in the end they were all beaten, beaten inevitably in advance, in a surge of heroism and genius that swept armies away like straw.'2 3 Perhaps also the Republic benefitted from the regimented nature of the very village ceremonies it sought to abolish - such as the Festival of St. Jean or veillées (winter evenings devoted to group sewing and song). There was an unquestioned set of values to build upon.24 The patriotism may be traditional, but its use as a matter of routine by elementary schoolteachers - representatives of what Eugen Weber calls the 'official culture' - and particularly in calling upon an acute memory, the Franco-Prussian War, to drive it home, makes it a more important ideological instrument than ever before. 27417 Undeniably, a shift to less exalted attitudes occurs roughly about 1905. The second generation of pre-war instituteurs, while still patriotic, begins to question the value of a ~usqu a boutiste stance - this for various reasons: a higher educational level (more normaliens) ; a more critical view point (stimulated by books like Antonin Lavergne's Jean Coste, dealing with low salaries); a more activist orientation in amicales and infant syndicats; less fear for the Republic's existence, particularly after the Dreyfus Affair; less direct knowledge of the War of 1870, as Thabault suggests; and perhaps also the prestige of literate modernity, contrasted with the peasant or artisanal background from which teachers frequently came. A minority of urban teachers actually drifted toward outright pacifism; and, from about 1905 onwards, this allowed the Catholic or Rightist press to saddle the whole corps with the label of antipatriotism. The radical minority then grew bolder, and a former teacher, Gustave Herv6, attained a certain notoriety for his opinion that the flag of Wagram should be planted on a dungheap. A rabble-rouser in the radical Yonne department, a key street demonstrator, and editor of the socialist and pacifist Revue de l'Enseignement przmaire (circulation approximately 14,000), Herv6 was one of the most frequently attacked figures of the pre-war period.'25 Antipatriotism, then, coincided with the nascent syndicalist movement, technically illegal, but steadily growing in the era of the nationalist revival. After federating departmental syndicats, radical teachers in the years 1906-11 attempted unsuccessfully to effect an alliance with the CGT. Meanwhile, the administration dismissed certam militants, but took no ultimate step to dissolve the illegal formation until the year 1912. In August of that year, the seventh congress of the Federation of teachers' syndicats was convoked at the mountain town of Chambery, and at this meeting most delegates decided to support an antimilitarist coterie called the Sou de Soldat. Raymond Poincare, head of the government, immediately announced the dissolution of the Federation and individual syndicats, and was upheld by a majority of the Chamber. The order was executed in the departments by the prefects, who punished unrepentant syndicalists - that is, those still faithful to the Chamb6ry resolution - by reprimands or temporary dismissals. Some individual syndicats continued to exist, but the movement as a whole was henceforth moribund, recovering only after the war.2 6 At its height, the teachers' syndicalist movement prior to 1914 comprised only four per cent of France's 120,000 teachers; the majority of these were urban-based and young. 27 Many in the 28418 profession revered J aures, but most were stung deeply by the charge of antipatriotism. In 1905 one teacher wrote an angry book both to disprove fantastic rightist allegations and chastise those few colleagues who seemed to have inspired them.2 The character of the nationalist revival almost compelled teachers to demonstrate their loyalty, as in the McCarthy era or among today's fast-multiplying new orthodoxies. There was much gratuitous criticism: Catholic and even moderate republican periodicals featured articles on the subject. Thus La République françatse (26 July 1905) wondered whether Frenchmen would now be beaten by the French schoolmaster as they had been by the German schoolmaster. In 1912, a young disciple of P6guy and Bergson, Ernest Psichari, wrote an important novel, L'Appel des armes, in which a youth is pried away from his flaccid father, a rationalist instituteur, and converted to militant nationalism, typified by an army captain. Inspectors grew nervous and wary of such instituteurs as a young man at Nantes, who had composed some suspect lines for his civics course: War is a horrible crime: entire regions given over to pillage and fires, thousands of young and strong men killed by bullets and shrapnel, millions of women and old people without bread, thousands of children without fathers, frightful misery everywhere, that is war. it is a disgrace for all humanity ... However there are legitimate wars and from which no people can draw away: these are defensive wars. Only cowards are capable of refusing to defend their fatherland when it is attacked ... Thus, so long as our fatherland could be attacked, it is a sacred duty for all of us to be ready to defend it, even at the cost of our lives.29 The teachers did defend it; their fine war record was perhaps too conscious a vindication, an answer to a decade of insults.3 ° Of course the texts had told them any French war would be a just one,31 but did not adequately warn them, any more than the Napoleonsteeped Foch could, about the machinegun's deadly capability. Of 35,000 schoolmasters mobilized, 8,419 were killed - 22.6 per cent of the group3 2 - but statistics cannot indicate the extent of the loss: one must read the numerous dossiers of promising young teachers whose lives were cut short, mort sur le camp d'honneur or tue a 1'ennemi, as the Academy marked laconically on dossiers. Even hard-core pacifists fought, including Gustave Herve, who changed his mind just before the war (and who later became the leader of a French national socialist party and then a P6tainist). J .L., the young adjunct teacher 29419 at Nantes formerly suspected of faltering patriotism, was also vindicated in 1916: an army captain at the front wrote to the teacher's widow, eulogizmg him: 'Sergeant L ... was adored by his men and had all our confidence and esteem ... An excellent soul, acting only when he knew the situation, very brave, of admirable coolness, your husband had all the qualities of a soldier who reasons, who understands, and who knows.3 3 The war claimed many such people, including teacher-novelists Louis Pergaud, who had won a Goncourt prize for a novel on animals, and Albert Thierry, who fought in the Argonne with a copy of Spinoza in his pocket.3 4 A radiant idealism permeates their letters from the trenches; for example, Andre Mougenot, a teacher from Charmes, killed on 9 August 1915, writing to his brother: 'We are today obeying the same ideal that formerly was an ideal of love. When war contradicted this ideal we repudiated it: when it seemed necessary for the defence of this ideal, we accepted it joyfully.' Or Claude Julliard, from the department of Rhone, to his fiancee less than a year before he died: 'In these critical moments, I feel more than ever the force of our mutual love. But we no longer belong to each other: we belong to the great cause of Humanity which will do with us what it will.'3 5 Few will think it exaggeration to see this as the last gasp of the optimistic nineteenth century outlook soon to perish on the voie sacrée, and at the insane orders of Nivelle and his like along the Aisne - the death of civilization for the sake of terrain. The people had been wooed with false words; it would never happen again - so Frenchmen of the coming generation thought. Seeing through the regalia of authority almost for the first time in history, many would discover only greed, filth, hypocrisy, and a tiny coterie that reaped profits from war. A character in a novel by Georges Duhamel dreams near the end of the war of a spot far from 'all those dirty factories, a spot where I will never again hear planes groaning and your machines that formerly amused me, when I understood nothing, but which now horrify me, because they are the very spirit of this war, the principle and reason behind this war!'3 s The questioning that ensued after the butchery obscures the genuine popular support the war had once claimed. Non-combatant teachers had helped supervise frenzied fund-raising drives in local schoolrooms. A teacher at Trescléoux (Hautes-Alpes) quickly raised 55,000 francs in state war loans - this in a village of four hundred and eighteen people. Another in Tarn-et-Garonne accompanied his appeal with a poem: 30420 Car nos sous deviendront des canons et des bombes Qui tueront les tueurs de nos braves enfants Et nous 6pargneront bien des pleurs sur les tombs 3 7 In the crucial period following Verdun, teachers changed in one of two ways. One group briefly took its nineteenth century optimism to a paroxysmal conclusion, or illusion: since so many had died, this war naust clear away the rubble of error for future wisdom - an outlook particularly stimulated by the ascendancy of Woodrow Wilson. This viewpoint is reflected in a remarkable speech delivered by a teacher- interpreter (on Bastille day) to Canadian troops: the war had created a democracy in Russia, and next would come China, Portugal - the world. For this was nothing less than a struggle for the cause of universal Humanity. As for the suffering, that would become mere grandfathers' tales told to incredulous grandchildren 'by the kind hearths of our sweet homes ...'3 8 This ironic document lies in the archives, but was by no means untypical. Franqois Dallet, a teacher blinded by German artillery, similarly conceived the war as a struggle between lasting civilization and barbarism.3 9 Nationalistic democratic thought, however, was not to be the coming vogue among most teachers. Immediately after Verdun, militants began to mobilize, and among the pacifist pilgrims to Kienthal were three socialist deputies from the teaching profession. Another instituteur met Lenin in 1917, urging him to Finland Station. 40 While a few teachers were dismissed for such activities, they re-emerged after the war supported by Romain Rolland, Anatole France, and by a stronger socialist movement generally. Leading militants among schoolmasters were no longer responding merely to low salaries, insensitive superiors or the clerical menace, as was often the case before the war, but now considered themselves the apostles of a new order, founded on humanitarianism, universal fraternity and integral pacifism.4 ' The war profoundly changed the profession, radicalizing the formerly non-committal and throwing the formerly radical into key positions of power. A socialist husband and wife team, the Bouets of Saumur, had made Maine-et-Loire the seat of a strong pre-war syndicat, but only really became national figures after the conflict. L'Ecole Emancipée, the most radical school newspaper, took up permanent residence in Saumur under their direction and achieved 5,000 teachers as subscribers as early as 1920.4 Meanwhile the syndicats greatly increased their membership, despite a split in 1922 between those who adhered to the CGTU (Federation de 31421 l'Enseignement) and the majority (Syndicat national) who preterredthe CGT. By 1926 the latter group had enrolled 71,000 out of a total of some 120,000 male and female teachers. Each group had its own house organ - the Ecole Emancipée for the Communists, the Ecole libératrice for the Syndicat, headed by Georges Lapierre, who was deported and died in the second world war.4 There was collaboration, however, on radical school reforms. The twenties was, of course, an era of newness - of relativity, radio, Esperanto, Gandhi, Bolshevism, jazz. It was an era of distrust for pre-war men and institutions. Moreover, the international intelligentsia condemned France, who, more than Germany, seemed to be on trial, as much as during the Bourbon Restoration. At Robert Graves' Oxford, 'never again for France' was the general sentiment.44 Keynes' best- seller then legitimized this viewpoint, though perhaps he should have stayed within the confines of economics. Both the vogue for newness on the one hand, and intenational revisionism on the other, prodded teachers to specific acts of educational compliance, mainly in the area of textbook reform. As early as 1919, Anatole France had thundered at the Congress of Tours to the instituteurs 'Burn! burn all books that teach hate! Exalt work and love! Shape for us rational men, who can topple the vain splendours of barbarous glories and resist the bloody ambitions of nationalism and imperialism that led their fathers astray.'4 5 Others soon joined in the crusade for new school- books, notably Barbusse, then one of Europe's leading intellectuals on the left, and, along with Celine, among those whose trench experience most intensely coloured their post-war vision. Barbusse was particularly concerned with history texts 'deformed by nationalistic and retrograde prejudices ...'4 6 There were too, lecturing Americans like Nicholas Murray Butler, and lecturing Englishmen like H.G. Wells and Leonard Woolf, and soon serious scholars like Carlton J.H. Hayes - all desirous of provoking a French change of heart. Meanwhile the Carnegie Foundation for International Peace, with head- quarters in Paris, in 1925 financed a large-scale 'Investigation on Post-war Schoolbooks', with France most prominent among the countries investigated. Targets were venerable standard works like Bruno's Tour de France, which in 1922 had passed its 385th edition, and key phrases such as 'Petits Fran~ais, souvenez-vous!' in newer texts. 47 Nationalism was, of course, the great pejorative, and it was even debatable whether the history of the Great War should be taught at all - it might be too provoking.4 8 But probably the teachers needed no such spurs to action, for they 32422 too had survived the trenches, and could see for themselves the many mutilés de la guerre. In a country where education since Ferry's time had been seen as a sort of total explanation, teachers were aware of their responsibility for leadership. The idea arose that there was a bad Germany, her former leaders, and a good Germany, her people, and that the latter could be easily reached and influenced. Exchanges were promoted between schoolmasters of both nations but unfortunately Weimar schoolmasters were really too democratic and atypical to stand for the German nation 4 This era of brotherhood did not last long. Meanwhile, at home, teachers removed war toys from children at play and influenced manufacturers to replace toy soldiers by tram conductors or postmen. 50 In Pierre Gamarra's autobiographical novel, Le Maitre d'ecole, the teacher catches children playing at war and delivers a factual lesson on the trenches; at the close he writes solemnly on the board: 'Thou shalt not kill."' Scoutism (increasingly a Catholic preserve), gymnastics, even sports came under increasing attack for their patriotic socialization.5 ' 2 As for texts, the Syndicat national prepared a strong resolution for its Strasbourg meeting in August 1926, proposing the elimination of bellicose books 'whose use in class, even if slight, constitutes both an attack on the child's conscience and a danger for the organization of peace.'~ ~ 3 In the following year twenty-six texts were scrapped or revised. By 1932, when the international Commission on Moral Disarmament focused on the text problem, France's delegate Anatole de Monzie could proudly salute his instituteurs for a job already well done. Publishers brought out books more moderate in tone, and some of the extreme syndicalists wrote their own versions of a history that had once been a key patriotic element. Georges Clemondot, chief contributor to the important Histoire de France syndiquée aux enfants, wrote only after much persuasion, fearing that any history would provide, in Combes' phrase, une munition de guerre. 54 a Not all teachers, of course, were so extreme, but few could now be positive patriots. In texts and summaries of official programmes the old moralistic tenor could still be detected,5 5 and most new texts were by no means actually antipatriotic - but, more and more, there was quiet omission, a certain compelling sense of the unspeakable. The old Gallic myths were deromanticized, and in many ways had been fictional; what was not anticipated were the consequences of their expurgation, particularly when a myth-laden 'school for barbarians' took shape across the Rhine. If some teachers still preserved an old-style Jacobin flavour, it was, in the words of Chatreix, 'emptied of its heroic sub- 33423 stance.,56 6 And when Carlton Hayes described objectively, but, in fact, critically, a French educational system as the permanent hatchery of patriotic citizens, he was criticizing something more fragile than he knew - a common trait among a number of Anglo-American intellectuals. 5 7 The teachers who helped spread confused ideas paradoxically reached their cohesive apogee in the 1930s. They were a unified group of the 'left' and still laique, even if increasingly socialist. A random sample of twenty male teachers from the conservative department of Ille-et-Vilaine shows that in the 1930s fourteen either voted, or believed their political orientation to be, socialist. Three others considered themselves of the 'left', one described himself as 'centre-left', and of the remaining two one eschewed extremes (sauf les extrêmes, he answered) and the other had no precise political orientations 8 Teachers' syndicats now collaborated on nominations and promotions, not to mention salary negotiations, and increasingly, instituteurs moved into politics and became a power within the Socialist party itself. Spurred on by the events of 6 February 1934, they were strong supporters of the protest strikes of 1934-35, and then helped to spearhead the formation of the Popular Front, an admirable chapter in their history. Meanwhile, they patched up their own syndical schism, and in August 1935 the Federation and Syndicat merged into one Syndicat national des instituteurs under the leadership of Andr6 Delmas (Tarn-et-Garonne), with an enrolment, by 1937, of ninety-five thousand. A militant schoolmistress in the Dordogne, Suzanne Lacoste, became an undersecretary of state in Leon Blum's government. and among extreme left-wing Socialists, fourteen of the forty-three leaders cited by Donald Baker for this period were teachers.s In the political arena, at least, some had arrived. But other, less desirable, traits were observable. Teachers were becoming divorced from the land, less often were they important village figures,6 and teaching was increasingly becoming a secure occupation. Marc Bloch has written about selfish provincials, blissfully ignorant of Hitler, and perhaps some local teachers helped set the tone. Before 1914 many had been interested in setting a moral standard in their communes, as well as offering the manysided guidance it was then possible for an educated layman to give; but after the war the teaching code was narrower. As Thabault says of his own village, 'The teachers who followed each other at Mazieres instinctively reduced their role to that of preparing their pupils for the primary school-leaving examination [CEPE]. M. Bouet [the pre-1914 head teacher], now 34424 mayor, no longer felt himself in conformity with the sentiments and ideas of his former pupils on many matters.'61 In fiction, the smug and sententious Tafardel of Clochemerle is a contrast - albeit a literary ne - to the fierce-moustached instituteurs de village of an earlier era. A picture of Denis Forestier, a leading syndicalist, makes him look thoroughly modern and bland in his business suit. In status and attitude, teachers were now much nearer to the lycee professor than they had been before the war, despite continuing mutual distrust between the two corps. The paradox, as John Talbott notes, was that 'teachers, although generally politically liberal, were professionally conservative.'62 Too much job security perhaps undermined their will to provide a needed example of leadership when war seemed imminent. Industrialization, too, according to Ida Berger, was an influencing factor in one more significant development: the feminization of the teaching corps. Between 1886 and 1938, the total of schoolmistresses rose from 36,201 to 98,948 whilst the total of male teachers dropped from 54,106 to 50,955. Women might perhaps be less effective as teachers of martial virtues than men. But, really, the larger problem was that of rootedness. Even male teachers were more and more estranged from peasant origins, as Jacques Ozouf's study of Manche indicates: in 1880 53 per cent of schoolmasters were of peasant origin, whereas in 1924 the proportion was only 9 per cent. The instituteur should not bear too much blame, however, for the material environment was providing everyone with a new set of ideals and was robbing everyone of his peasantness, so that teachers definitely reflected their society. The advertisements in L'Education, L 'Ecole et la vie, and other education periodicals of the thirties clearly show the trend: become a writer in fifteen days, learn English in sixty hours, wear a sweater and look like a contemporary American film star. A teacher married to a schoolmistress could normally buy himself a car in the 1930s, so the ideals of 1793 or 1914 had new and formidable competition.63 3 But among teachers the ideal of pacifism became most popular during the thirties. With the syndicalists, particularly their press, leading the way, pacifism percolated through the teaching ranks with alarming thoroughness. The omnipresent clich6s about profiteers and merchants of death helped obscure the true nature of the Nazi threat brewing nearby. J.L. Talmon has perceptively remarked that ideologies are essentially visions of history,64 and to serve a new ideology, teachers turned the old historical theme of winning wars on Eton's fields inside out. Here is an article from the syndicat newspaper of 35425 Finistère, 1933: They said in 1870: the German schoolmaster defeated the French institueur. It may to some extent be said that the reverse took place in 1914. We know the bitter fruit of these victories where all are losers ... all except the international scum which live off the dung of war.6 5 By 1939, a figure like Jules Eychene, honorary director of the Ecole normale, is retailing similar cliches in the pages of L'Ecole et la vie. 'How', he wonders 'will the principle of war, which means money- power, privileges of birth, intrigue, nepotism, make way for the principle of peace, which results in respect for values and human dignity?'6 More scandalous is a teacher's confession about his state of mind in July 1940: 'I judged all combat fratricide, I had the naive convicton that the tyrants would be crushed by fate; I aspired only to a stoppage of massacres.' 67 In history there is sometimes a determined minority which, for good or ill, creates a certain style or climate of opinion and makes it palatable in some form for the majority. Organs like L'Ecole Emancipée, it seems to me, helped do this for pre-second world war French teachers. Its pages include many references to cannon manufacturers, materialism, war, falsified history and the like. By definition all war is imperialism (14 April 1935). When it comes to Munich and its aftermath, the newspaper sees Czechoslovakia as a new Balkan country preparing a new Sarajevo for unsuspecting Frenchmen. Strong support will not help the Czech people, but only the Schneider and Skoda arms concerns.6 8 In any event, Czechs are 'warlike' and 'pushed on by sinister advisers.' Even by 27 February 1939, R6gis Messac can dismiss the whole crisis, the impending dismemberment of Czechoslovakia, with ivory-tower simplicity: 'Who was at Munich? On the one hand representatives of capitalist power, on the other representatives of fascist power. From such a union one can expect nothing good. The truth is that the words 'war' and 'peace' which were quite clear in 1870 or in 1914 have hardly any meaning today. War has gone bankrupt (a fait faillite).' J. Carrez in the issue of 19 March 1939 exhorts action against all munitions buildup - planes, cannons, two-year law and so on. On 30 April 1939, teachers were warned not to embrace a new union sacrée. And quite apart from L'Ecole Emancipée, Andr6 Delmas at the Syndicat national's meeting at Nantes had cried: 'Nous ne voulons ni la servitude ni la guerre.'69 A typical provincial syndicat journal averred, just before Munich, that the 'very essence of capitalism in today's world is militarism and fascism ...' In April 1939, after criticizing the Skoda 36426 concern, it prescribes complete pacifism, so that even if war comes, a man may die 'with clean hands and without having betrayed his principles.' No wonder Leon Blum castigated his warmest supporters for their quixotic notions about Nazism.~ ° Georges Duveau, who has studied the teachers, is conspicuously reticent on their pacifism and its effect,71 1 but then scholars have generally treated the European left gently. On the other hand, the right definitely moved to greater and greater extremes, and this can never be underestimated: 'Better Hitler than Blum' was only too typical. As historians often point out, the right lived by opposing 2 and the teachers became prime whipping boys. Action franfaise carried a leading article on 17 August 1935 entitled 'Les Instituteurs r6volutionnaires contre la nation.' In a front-page article, La Croix denounced the spread of communism in secondary education, 'which we used to think solely a trait of laic schoolmasters ... but which will become just as dangerous here as in the primary branch, if we are not careful.' (8 January 1937). With war impending, Le Temps (18 July 1939) ran a long editorial entitled 'Renouveau de laicisrne', which accused teachers of using the old issue of laic defence to foment disorder and thereby bring back the Popular Front. Government and the nation, it averred, had to be defended against its teachers. Thus an atmosphere of mutual distrust had arisen in France at the very moment when she could least afford it. If one word describes the late thirties in France it is confusion: 'every party denounces a Mafia ' Roger Callois wrote. 'For one, it is the Jews, for another, the capitalists, or the communists, or the freemasons, or the Jesuits.'~ 3 Amid the swirling confusion of slogans, few could see clearly. 74 Too many teachers, like other people, could justify easy capitulation to this confusion. Leon Emery, a leading syndicalist instituteur, whitewashed his own ambiguities and those of his corps by blaming the times: 'In such an atmosphere what did the people become? Disillusioned but bewildered, deafened by the monotonous clamour of antagonistic propaganda [lines] , it sank into a fatalism at once worried, nervous, and weak.'~ 5 Emery also castigates the politicians, but neither his memoirs, nor those of Andr6 Delmas (A Gauche de la Barricade), 7 6 nor Dommanget's retrospective survey of teachers adequately confesses their own mistakes, as a great man like Marc Bloch could. When the debacle of 1940 came, many politicians and army officers - themselves guilty - cast bitter animadversions upon the entire teaching profession. Marshal P6tain excoriated 'teachers who 37427 were Socialists and not patriots'; General Maxime Weygand demanded punishment for those 'who had refused to develop in children the sense of patriotism and sacrifice.,77 (Weygand might well have discussed his own dereliction on that score.) Abel Bonnard, a vicious man, also urged punishment of teachers, citing their biased political attitude and their deracination from French soil. Pierre Laval noted that 'too much freedom contributed to our demise', that 'one word was proscribed in our schools, the word "Patrie", and that French teachers, unlike their counterparts in Italy and Germany, had failed to instil these values in their pupils.,78 8 In July 1940 the Syndicat national des instituteurs was dissolved and its press dismantled. Vichy authorities sent teachers detailed forms forcing them to abjure their pre-war views or be imprisoned.'7 9 Others, given no choice, went into hiding, or were later rounded up. Leading contributors to the Ecole Emancipée - Franqois Bernard, R6gis Messac, Jean Salducci - died under the Occupation, as did Georges Lapierre, head of the Ecole liberatrice. 8 ° Statistics of teacher mortality during the war are: 875 killed on the battlefield, 500 killed during bombardment, 292 deaths in German prisons, 189 shot.81 Another extreme reversal was thus in the air, repudiating all that the pre-war teachers had stood for. One issue of L'Education, for January 1941, bears articles entitled 'La R6forme de 1'Education: Condition premiere du rel~vement' (significantly subtitled 'La Carence de 1'6ducation: Cause profonde de la D6faite'); 'Les Bases d'une Education nouvelle'; and 'L'Esprit de renovation ... chez les Jeunes', among others. The reaction had come with full force. More research is needed to determine the teachers' role in the Resistance, but a remarkable testimony by Jean Guitton reveals some of the old charisma about the instituteurs. 'Prior to my prison-camp days, I knew very little about elementary schoolteachers. What unrecognized greatness there is in this breed of humans, rooted in the earth but flowering in the mind! 81 2 It cannot be proved that patriotic teachers produced the victorious poilus of 1914-18, while pacifist teachers brought about the defeat in 1940. Teachers were, however, one group that both reflected and directed French society, the latter probably to a greater degree than in America or England, due to the important linkage of school and family. Even in Laurence Wylie's Vaucluse this linkage is still important - school reinforces family values, and vice versa. It is therefore advisable to consider the instituteurs, and the education they gave, as one among many causes of the 'strange defeat of 1940' and the war record of 38428 1914. No history of the Third Republic can afford to disregard them, for they are also a symptom of its rise and decline. NOTES 1. J.P. Azéma and Michel Winock call teachers the 'ideological cement' of the regime before 1914 in Naissance et mort: la IIIe République 1870-1914 (Paris 1970), 131. Louis Capéran, more hostile, sees the teacher as the prime agent of anti-Catholicism at the local level. Capéran, Histoire de la laïcité républicaine, III: La Laicité en marche (Paris 1961), 252-54. 2. See André Bianconi, 'Les Instituteurs' in Revue Française de science politique, 9 (1959), 935-50 and Georges Duveau, Les Instituteurs (Paris 1966), 163-64. On the teachers' local notability before 1914, see my 'The Teacher as Notable in Brittany 1880-1914 ' in French Historical Studies (Autumn 1976). 3. See my 'Jules Ferry and the Laic Revolution in French Primary Education' in Paedagogica Historica XV, (1975), 406-25, and the relevant pages of Antoine Prost, Histoire de l'enseignement en France 1800-1967 (Paris 1968). On the instituteurs, Georges Duveau, Les Instituteurs: and Jacques Ozouf, Nous les maîtres d'école: autobiographies d'instituteurs de la Belle Epoque (Paris 1967). 4. Postivism partly accounts for that certitude. See John Eros, 'The Positivist Generation of French Republicanism' in Sociological Review, 3 (December 1955), 255-277; and Louis Legrand's fundamental, Les Origines de la laïcité: L'Influence du positivisme dans l'oeuvre scolaire de Jules Ferry (Paris 1961); also R. Deldime, 'Aux sources de la laïcité (XIII): Jules Ferry ou l'école de la République' in Tribune Laïque, 60 (1973), 21-26, one article in a series on the same theme. Sanford Elwitt has a fine new book on the class of republicans responsible for school reform: The Making of the Third Republic: Class and Politics in France, 1868-1884 (Baton Rouge, Louisiana 1975). 5. See Eugen Weber's suggestive 'Fin-de-Siècle: The Third Republic Makes a Nation' in G.R. Conrad and M. Allain eds., Proceedings of the First Symposium of French-American Studies (Lafayette, Louisiana 1963), 87-101. 6. François Nourissier goes so far as to designate that era as the 'France of the primary school'. Nourissier, The French (tr. Adrienne Foulke; New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968), 140. 7. Ernest Lavisse, 'La Patrie', in Ferdinand Buisson and F.E. Farrington eds., French Educational ideals of Today (New York 1919), 91, 94. See also Lavisse's collections Questions d'enseignement national (Paris 1885) and A Propos de Nos Ecoles (Paris 1894). William R. Keylor also goes over this terrain in 39 429Academy and Community: The Foundation of the French Historical Profession (Cambridge, Mass. 1975), 92-95. 8. See Jacques and Mona Ozouf, 'Le Thème du patriotisme dans les manuels primaires' in Le Mouvement social, 49 (October-December 1964), 7-8. 9. Jacob Greenberg ed., Vast and Jallifier's Histoire de France: Cours Elémentaire (New York 1926), 86-87. 10. In Raoul Girardet ed., Le Nationalisme française 1871-1914 (Paris 1966), 79. Other typical examination questions are found in F. E. Farrington, The Public Primary School System in France (New York 1906), appendix. Normal school examinations appear in departmental organs, such as Bulletin pédagogique des instituteurs et des institutrices du Finistère. 11. Buisson is cited in Pierre Nora, 'Ernest Lavisse: son rôle dans la formation du sentiment national' in Revue historique, 228 (1962), 89. Nora calls the multi faceted Lavisse a 'supermaître'. Other great historians also wrote for the primary school. See for example Alphonse Aulard and A. Debidour, Notions d'histoire générale et historie de France depuis l'antiquité jusqu'à nos jours (Paris 1904); and for teachers, Albert Sorel's 'Comment on prépare une leçon d'historie' in Revue pédagogique (1882), part II, 401-08. On the Tour de France see Aimé Dupuy, 'Histoire sociale et manuels scolaires: les livres de lecture de G. Bruno' in Revue d'histoire économique et sociale, 31 (1953), 128-51. I have used the 1904 edition of the Tour de France (Published by Belin at Paris). 12. Archives départementales [hereafter A.D.] du Vaucluse. Tl: Instituteurs et institutrices. Dossiers. Primary inspector Orange to inspector of academy, May 4, 1901, on a teacher of a small village. For vehicles of patriotism, see such ministerial directives as France, Education nationale, Ministère de l'Instruction publique, Rapports sur l'enseignement du chant dans les écoles primaires (Paris 1989) and France ..., Commission de la décoration des écoles et de l'imageric scolaire (Paris 1881). On French geographical symmetry, Charles Bigot, 'L'Enseignement patriotique dans les écoles primaires' in Revue pédagogique (1884), Part II, 194, and N.B. Smith, 'The Idea of the French Hexagon' in French Historical Studies, 6 (Autumn 1969), 139-55. 13. Charles Péguy, Notre Jeunesse (Paris 1957), 35. 14. L.R. Klemm, European Schools: Or What I Saw in the Schools of Germany, France, Austria, and Switzerland (New York 1907), 389. To be fair, German history was probably no less nationally-biased, and American history, for that matter, was rife with distortions in this era. For the latter see Ruth Miller Elson's critical analysis of McGuffey Readers and other texts in Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century (Lincoln, Neb. 1964). This book needs its counterpart on French texts. 15. In Ozouf, op. cit., 189. 16. The son of a teacher from the Manche remembers: 'La Revanche, he believed it necessary, he exalted in his teaching the Fatherland, France queen of the world, the soldier's duties ...' Ozouf, op. cit., 195. L'Ecole, of 24 February 1884, emphasizes the use of hymns and poems like The Song of Roland to bring revanche, 'after the horrors of Sedan .. ' In Mona Ozouf, L'Ecole, l'Eglise et la République 1871-1914 (Paris 1963), 125. 17. Poem in dossier of M. Le N., Pouldavid: A.D. du Finistère, T: Dossiers individuals du personnel, Instituteurs — 1901-1919. Another poem written in 1896, La Revanche du Maître d'école, also reflects this climate of opinion. 40430 It concludes: 'Chante, vieux coq gaulois, et nargue la vautour- Notre maître d'école aura bientôt son tour!' Léon L. Berthaut, La Revanche du maître d'école (Poésie dédiée à la société d'instruction populaire de Rennes et dite par l'auteur au banquet annuel de la société - le 13 décembre, 1896). 18. See Jules Clarétie, 'Poète et soldat: M. Paul Déroulède' in Revue politique et littéraire, 6 (July-December, 1883), 110-16. 19. Ferry circular to rectors of académies, Journal Officiel, 6 April 1881, (unofficial part). 1853. 20. Army officers also lectured teachers. A representative title: Teaching of Gymnastics and Military Exercises in the School' in Revue pédagogique, (1882), part I, 536-52. 21. Chaumeil [primary inspector, Paris], 'Réforme de l'enseignement primaire', Revue pédagogique, (1880), part I, 71. These soldiers 'win the great victories over ignorance.' Ibid, 71. 22. Interview with H.L., Nantes, 15 May 1970. 23. Emile Zola, La Débâcle (Trans. L.W. Tancock; Harmondsworth, Middlesex: 1972), 67. 24. My idea here comes in part from reading Michael Marrus' 'Folklore as an Ethnographic Source: A Mise au Point', Unpublished paper. 25. See Mona Ozouf, Ecole Eglise République, 221-29; Michael Roger Scher, The Antipatriot as Patriot: A Study of the Young Gustave Hervé, 1871-1905 (Ph.D. dissertation, U.C.L.A., 1972). Paul Bert was an earlier and different kind of radical figure in the Yonne department. 26. On teacher's syndicalism see Max Ferré, Histoire du mouvement syndicaliste révolutionnaire chez les instituteurs des origines à 1922 (Paris 1955), somewhat abstract; E. Glay an H. Champeau, L'Instituteur (Paris 1928), 480-92; Jean Maxe's hostile L'Ecole primaire contemporaine: laïcisme et syndicalisme (Paris 1922); and a recent dissertation by Pirsis Hunt (Tufts University 1974). On the atmosphere and effect of Chambéry see, in addition to the above, Lucien Leray and Jean Maîtron, 'Les Instituteurs, le mouvement ouvrier et al guerre 14-18' in Crapouillot, 51 (January 1961), 31-32; and for the vote on dissolution in the Chamber, David E. Sumler, 'Domestic Influence on the Nationalist Revival in France, 1909-1914', French Historical Studies, 6 (Fall, 1970), 530-531. 27. Duveau op. cit., 139-42. The average age of the leaders of the Morbihan syndicat in 1912 was twenty-eight. Calculated from documents in A.D. Morbihan T1937: Syndicat des instituteurs 1912. 28. Emile Bocquillon, La Crise du patriotisme à l'école (Paris 1905). 29. A.D. Loire-Atlantique sTi17i: Dossiers individuels des instituteurs et institutrices, ayant cessé leurs fonctions, de 1870 à 1948. Included in teacher's letter to primary inspector, Nantes, 7 May 1913. 30. 'The school has won its case,' said Théodore Steeg, quoted in Jacques Ozouf, Nous les maîtres d'école, op. cit., 194; and Paul Painlevé, at an educational conference, 1916: 'You have not forgotten the anxiety and distrust shown only too readily with regard to the educational work of the Republic, even during the months directly preceding the war. This war, the greatest of all wars, has magnificently given the lie to this feeling of alarm.' In Buisson and Farrington ed., op. cit., 322. 41431 31. Jules Payot's pre-war manual for teachers put it this way: 'Suppose the tragic moment has come: France has done what it must to resolve the conflict by arbitration. Bad faith and the barbarity of a neighbouring government push us to war ... The French army, sure that the nation, master of its nerves, won't use it except for the defence of sacred causes, will be invincible, being Justice and Law, that is, the conscience of humanity fighting barbarism.' In Jacques and Mona Ozouf, 'Le Thème du patriotisme', op. cit. 30. 32. Duveau, op. cit., 155. 33. A.D. Loire-Atlantique sTi178: Dossiers ... instituteurs et institutrices. Letter from captain to wife of teacher, 9 August 1916. 34. See Jean Hugonnet, 'Louis Pergaud, instituteur' in Europe, 38 (October 1959), 30-46 and Pergand'swar letters in the seventh edition of his Les Rustiques: Nouvelles villageoises (Paris 1921). On Thierry, and on teachers generally during the war, Jacques Alègre, 'Les Instituteurs' in Europe, 43 (1964), 25-36. 35. Letter one, 25 July 1915; letter two, 25 September 1914. Both are found in Ministère de l'Instruction publique et des Beaux-Arts, L'Idéal moral de nos maîtres (Paris 1919), unpaginated. This is a collection of teachers' war letters. See also Gaston Bonheur's tribute to his father, an idealistic instituteur who died in the war. Bonheur, Qui a Cassé le Vase de Soissons? (Paris 1963), 25. Bonheur states that the 'vase de Soissons' of the laic school was broken during the Great War. Ibid., 439. 36. Georges Duhamel, Civilisation 1914-1917 (Paris 1919), 257. 37. Louis Lumet, Les Ecoles en 1792 et en 1914-1917 (Paris 1917), 63, 65. One old peasant lent all his gold interest-free to a teacher at Mazière (Dordogne). Ibid., 75. 38. Speech sent by teacher to inspector of academy, Nantes, 18 July 1917 in A.D. Loire-Atlantique sTi147. Dossiers ... instituteurs et institutrices. This teacher, like many others, served as liaison man between French and English- speaking troops. One I interviewed briefed Americans on various facets of trench warfare when they arrived in France in 1917. (M. Le G., Quimper, 28 August 1970). 39. Letter to his wife, 2 April 1915 in Aveugle et Maître d'école: François Dallet (Nantes 1950), 52. 40. See Pierre Bonnourre, 'L'Instituteur de la troisième' in Europe, 38 (1960), 33 ; and Duveau, op cit. 156-59. 41. Here I follow Max Ferré's rather poor enquête appended to his Mouvement syndicaliste, 316. On the professional goals of teachers before the war see Peter V. Meyers' recent dissertation, The French Instituteur 1830-1914: A Study of Professional Formation (Rutgers University 1972). 42. Ferré, op. cit., 240-48, Louis Bouet, Trente Ans de combat (Paris 1948). 43. Maurice Dommanget, 'Dans L'Enseignement primaire: Luttes et réalisations de 1919 à 1960' in Crapouillot, 51 (January 1961), 52; Antoine Prost, op. cit., 390-93. 44. Writes Graves: 'Anti-French feeling among most ex-soldiers amounted almost to an obsession ... Pro-German feeling had been increasing ... Some undergraudates even insisted that we had been fighting on the wrong side: our natural enemies were the French.' Graves, Good-bye to All That (New York 1957), 293-94. 45. Quoted in Lucien Psichari, 'Anatole France et les instituteurs' in Europe, 42 43239 (1961), 104. 46. Quoted in Annette Vidal, 'Barbusse et les instituteurs', in Europe, 39 (1961), 112. 47. Enquête sur les livres scolaires d'après guerre (Paris 1925), I, 31-41. 48. See Ibid., 123-27. H. Reverdin argues against in L'Esprit international et l'enseignement de l'histoire (Neuchatel 1922), preface. 49. See F.W. Roman, The New Education in Europe (New York 1923), 197. 50. Henri Chatreix, Au-délà du Laicisme ou la paix scolaire (Paris 1946), 72. 51. Pierre Gamarra, Le Maitre d'école (Paris 1955), 189. 52. Chatreix, op. cit., 72; C.J.H. Hayes. France, a Nation of Patriots (New York 1930), 227-28. Julien Benda, in one or the most influential post-war diatribes, particularly associates sports and physical education with nationalism. The Treason of the Intellectuals [La Trahison des Clercs](tr. Richard Aldington; New York 1969), 132-33. 53. Cited by Dommanget in 'Luttes et réalisations' op. cit., 53. 54. In Ibid., 52. 55. Excerpts, summaries, and changes of curricula are found in books like P.H. Gay and O. Mortreux ed., French Elementary Schools: Official Courses of Study (tr. I.L. Kandel, New York 1926) and in the parts devoted to vie scolaire in periodicals like L'Ecole et la vie and L'Ecole libératrice. 56. Chatreix, op. cit., 121. 57. On British misunderstanding of France generally see John C. Cairns, 'A Nation of Shopkeepers in Search of a Suitable France. 1919-40' in American Historical Review, 79 (June, 1974), 710-43. 58. My question read, 'Orientation politique. Pour qui votiez-vous en général?' The questionnaire was sent to ex-teachers early in 1976, and I want to thank Professor Jacques Leonard of the Université de Haute-Bretagne for distributing it. It should be understood that 'Socialist' for some teachers in the 1930s meant about what 'radical' had meant in the age of Combes. For some, the term 'left' was quite elastic, still demarcated in part by the old anticlericalism and laicity. We know that teachers in sizable numbers had distributed Le Quotidien for the Cartel des Gauches in 1924. See Jacques Chastenet, Quand le Boeuf montait sur le toit (Paris 1958), 63. 59. Dommanget, 'Luttes et réalisations', op. cit., 54-55; Prost, op. cit., 392- 94 ; Bonnourre, 'L'Instituteur de la Troisième', passim; and Donald N. Baker, 'The Politics of Socialist Protest in France: The Left-Wing of the Socialist Party, 1921-39' in Journal of Modem History, 43 (March, 1971), 28, 32. 60. Claude Duneton emphasizes the teacher's lack of feeling for his native region. Parler Croquant (Paris 1973), 20. See also (Senator) Antoine Borrel, Les Villages qui meurent (Paris 1932), 14 and passim, also Roger Guignard, L'Instituteur de campagne (Monte Carlo 1966), 176-78, as well as Roger Martin du Gard's novel, Vieille France, for the position of the teacher. 61. Marc Bloch, Strange Defeat (tr. Gerard Hopkins; New York: W.W. Norton, 1968), 130, 149; Roger Thabault, Education and Change in a Village Community: Mazières en-Gâtine 1848-1914 (tr. Peter Treager; New York 1971), 233. 62. Talbott, The Politics of Educational Reform in France 1918-1940 (Princeton 1969), 246. Teachers of the Var were certainly politically closer to lycée teachers than earlier. Jacques Guirault, 'Les Enseignants Varois au moment 43 433du Front populaire Typologie des comportements' in Annales du Midi, 87 (1975), 334, a disappointing article despite its title. The conservatism of corps like the institututeurs also helped preclude original thought. C.f. D.W. Brogan's conclusion on the Third Republic as a whole, a regime organized at the end 'to penalize and, indeed, prevent greatness.' Brogan, The French Nation: From Napoleon to Pétain 1814-1940 (New York 1957), 302. 63. Taken to an extreme, this acute awareness of mass diversion, and antipathy toward it, helped fuel Fascist ideology. See a representative hater of French comfort-seekers, Drieu La Rochelle, Notes pour comprendre le siècle (Paris 1941). But even more moderate thinkers were wondering about the ultimate effects of this new ethic, especially Paul Valéry. So too were English prophets like Orwell, who worried deeply that no myth would arise to oppose the Nazis, that movies and so on had a monopoly on ideals. The whole problem then points to a larger one: if France fell partly due to internal rotting, why didn't England? The usual answers — geography and Churchill — strike me as substantially correct. 64. J.L. Talmon, Romanticism and Revolt: Europe 1815-1848 (New York 1970), 163-64. 65. C.D., 'La Lutte contre la guerre' in Bulletin mensuel du Syndicat de l'en seignement laïque du Finistère, no. 7 (May 1933), 204-05. 66. Eychène's speech in L'Ecole et la vie, 22 (22 April 1939), 501. 67. L. Delachance, 'Confession', in Crapouillot, 51 (January 1961), 44. 68. 'Tous debout contre la guerre qui rode!', lead article in L'Ecole emancipée, 2 October 1938. 69. The famous statement is quoted in Prost, op. cit., 394, among many other places. 70. L'Ecole syndicaliste de Saône-et-Loire: Bulletin mensuel du Syndicat départemental de l'enseignement public laique, June-July 1938, 6 and May 1939, 13 Léon Blum, A l'Echelle humaine in L'Oeuvre de Léon Blum (Paris 1955), V, 464-65. 71. Duveau, op. cit., 168. 72. Thus Gordon Wright notes of the leagues: 'They were revolutionary in spirit, they aimed to uproot the old system completely and to overturn all traditional institutions.' Wright, France in Modern Times (Chicago 1974), 369. 73. Caillois, Circonstancielles 1940-45 (Paris 1946), 27. 74. Marc Bloch emphasizes over and over in Strange Defeat, the prolifer ation of abstraction, of formulae, of 'the passion for paper' before the debacle. Or in Saint-Exupéry's words. 'We in France almost died of intelligence unsupported by substance.' Quoted in Richard Rubold and Lady Margaret Stewart, The Winged Life (London 1953), 179. Quentin Bell summarized the whole tenor of the late thirties as follows: 'In those twilight days it was bloody to be young and to be young was very hell.' In Leonard Woolf, Downhill all the Way (New York 1967), 248. 75. Léon Emery, Memoirs impersonnels (Lyon 1960), 108. 76. The book is subtitled: Chronique syndicale de l'avant-guerre (Paris 1950). 77. Quoted in John C. Cairns, 'Along the Road Back to France 1940' in American Historical Review, 64 (April 1959), 586-87. The schoolmaster and laic school are defended against these charges by Roger Denux, Le Drame d'enseigner (Issy-le-Moulineaux 1944). Denux has also written Le Magister (Paris 1934) on 44434 the profession. 78. Laval's speech 10 July 1940 in Samuel Osgood ed., The Fall of France, 1970: Causes and Responsibilities (Lexington, Mass. 1972), 22-23. Bonnard's circular is quoted in Dommanget, 'Luttes et réalisations', op. cit., 56. A similar message is in Pétain's speech on national education, Revue des deux Mondes (15 August 1940), somewhat abstract despite its praise of the soil. 79. I cannot cite these forms as I saw them in the archives without permission. 80. Dommanget, 'Luttes et realisations', op. cit., 54. 81. Ibid., 54-55. 82. Guitton, A Student's Guide to Intellectual Work (tr. Adrienne Foulke; South Bend 1964), 4. The book is more mental autobiography than text.</meta-value></custom-meta></custom-meta-wrap></article-meta></front><back><notes>
<p>1. J.P. Azéma and Michel Winock call teachers the 'ideological cement' of the regime before 1914 in Naissance et mort: la III<sup>e</sup> République 1870-1914 (Paris 1970), 131. Louis Capéran, more hostile, sees the teacher as the prime agent of anti-Catholicism at the local level. Capéran, Histoire de la laïcité républicaine, III: La Laicité en marche (Paris 1961), 252-54.</p>
<p>2. See André Bianconi, 'Les Instituteurs' in Revue Française de science politique, 9 (1959), 935-50 and Georges Duveau, Les Instituteurs (Paris 1966), 163-64. On the teachers' local notability before 1914, see my 'The Teacher as Notable in Brittany 1880-1914 ' in French Historical Studies (Autumn 1976).</p>
<p>3. See my 'Jules Ferry and the Laic Revolution in French Primary Education' in Paedagogica Historica XV, (1975), 406-25, and the relevant pages of Antoine Prost, Histoire de l'enseignement en France 1800-1967 (Paris 1968). On the instituteurs, Georges Duveau, Les Instituteurs: and Jacques Ozouf, Nous les maîtres d'école: autobiographies d'instituteurs de la Belle Epoque (Paris 1967).</p>
<p>4. Postivism partly accounts for that certitude. See John Eros, 'The Positivist Generation of French Republicanism' in Sociological Review, 3 (December 1955), 255-277; and Louis Legrand's fundamental, Les Origines de la laïcité: L'Influence du positivisme dans l'oeuvre scolaire de Jules Ferry (Paris 1961); also R. Deldime, 'Aux sources de la laïcité (XIII): Jules Ferry ou l'école de la République' in Tribune Laïque, 60 (1973), 21-26, one article in a series on the same theme. Sanford Elwitt has a fine new book on the class of republicans responsible for school reform: The Making of the Third Republic: Class and Politics in France, 1868-1884 (Baton Rouge, Louisiana 1975).</p>
<p>5. See Eugen Weber's suggestive 'Fin-de-Siècle: The Third Republic Makes a Nation' in G.R. Conrad and M. Allain eds., Proceedings of the First Symposium of French-American Studies (Lafayette, Louisiana 1963), 87-101.</p>
<p>6. François Nourissier goes so far as to designate that era as the 'France of the primary school'. Nourissier, The French (tr. Adrienne Foulke; New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1968), 140.</p>
<p>7. Ernest Lavisse, 'La Patrie', in Ferdinand Buisson and F.E. Farrington eds., French Educational ideals of Today (New York 1919), 91, 94. See also Lavisse's collections Questions d'enseignement national (Paris 1885) and A Propos de Nos Ecoles (Paris 1894). William R. Keylor also goes over this terrain in Academy and Community: The Foundation of the French Historical Profession (Cambridge, Mass. 1975), 92-95.</p>
<p>8. See Jacques and Mona Ozouf, 'Le Thème du patriotisme dans les manuels primaires' in Le Mouvement social, 49 (October-December 1964), 7-8.</p>
<p>9. Jacob Greenberg ed., Vast and Jallifier's Histoire de France: Cours Elémentaire (New York 1926), 86-87.</p>
<p>10. In Raoul Girardet ed., Le Nationalisme française 1871-1914 (Paris 1966), 79. Other typical examination questions are found in F. E. Farrington, The Public Primary School System in France (New York 1906), appendix. Normal school examinations appear in departmental organs, such as Bulletin pédagogique des instituteurs et des institutrices du Finistère.</p>
<p>11. Buisson is cited in Pierre Nora, 'Ernest Lavisse: son rôle dans la formation du sentiment national' in Revue historique, 228 (1962), 89. Nora calls the multi faceted Lavisse a 'supermaître'. Other great historians also wrote for the primary school. See for example Alphonse Aulard and A. Debidour, Notions d'histoire générale et historie de France depuis l'antiquité jusqu'à nos jours (Paris 1904); and for teachers, Albert Sorel's 'Comment on prépare une leçon d'historie' in Revue pédagogique (1882), part II, 401-08. On the Tour de France see Aimé Dupuy, 'Histoire sociale et manuels scolaires: les livres de lecture de G. Bruno' in Revue d'histoire économique et sociale, 31 (1953), 128-51. I have used the 1904 edition of the Tour de France (Published by Belin at Paris).</p>
<p>12. Archives départementales [hereafter A.D.] du Vaucluse. Tl: Instituteurs et institutrices. Dossiers. Primary inspector Orange to inspector of academy, May 4, 1901, on a teacher of a small village. For vehicles of patriotism, see such ministerial directives as France, Education nationale, Ministère de l'Instruction publique, Rapports sur l'enseignement du chant dans les écoles primaires (Paris 1989) and France ..., Commission de la décoration des écoles et de l'imageric scolaire (Paris 1881). On French geographical symmetry, Charles Bigot, 'L'Enseignement patriotique dans les écoles primaires' in Revue pédagogique (1884), Part II, 194, and N.B. Smith, 'The Idea of the French Hexagon' in French Historical Studies, 6 (Autumn 1969), 139-55.</p>
<p>13. Charles Péguy, Notre Jeunesse (Paris 1957), 35.</p>
<p>14. L.R. Klemm, European Schools: Or What I Saw in the Schools of Germany, France, Austria, and Switzerland (New York 1907), 389. To be fair, German history was probably no less nationally-biased, and American history, for that matter, was rife with distortions in this era. For the latter see Ruth Miller Elson's critical analysis of McGuffey Readers and other texts in Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century (Lincoln, Neb. 1964). This book needs its counterpart on French texts.</p>
<p>15. In Ozouf, op. cit., 189.</p>
<p>16. The son of a teacher from the Manche remembers: 'La Revanche, he believed it necessary, he exalted in his teaching the Fatherland, France queen of the world, the soldier's duties ...' Ozouf, op. cit., 195. L'Ecole, of 24 February 1884, emphasizes the use of hymns and poems like The Song of Roland to bring revanche, 'after the horrors of Sedan .. ' In Mona Ozouf, L'Ecole, l'Eglise et la République 1871-1914 (Paris 1963), 125.</p>
<p>17. Poem in dossier of M. Le N., Pouldavid: A.D. du Finistère, T: Dossiers individuals du personnel, Instituteurs — 1901-1919. Another poem written in 1896, La Revanche du Maître d'école, also reflects this climate of opinion.</p>
<p>It concludes:</p>
<p>'Chante, vieux coq gaulois, et nargue la vautour-</p>
<p>Notre maître d'école aura bientôt son tour!'</p>
<p>Léon L. Berthaut, La Revanche du maître d'école (Poésie dédiée à la société d'instruction populaire de Rennes et dite par l'auteur au banquet annuel de la société - le 13 décembre, 1896).</p>
<p>18. See Jules Clarétie, 'Poète et soldat: M. Paul Déroulède' in Revue politique et littéraire, 6 (July-December, 1883), 110-16.</p>
<p>19. Ferry circular to rectors of académies, Journal Officiel, 6 April 1881, (unofficial part). 1853.</p>
<p>20. Army officers also lectured teachers. A representative title: Teaching of Gymnastics and Military Exercises in the School' in Revue pédagogique, (1882), part I, 536-52.</p>
<p>21. Chaumeil [primary inspector, Paris], 'Réforme de l'enseignement primaire', Revue pédagogique, (1880), part I, 71. These soldiers 'win the great victories over ignorance.' Ibid, 71.</p>
<p>22. Interview with H.L., Nantes, 15 May 1970.</p>
<p>23. Emile Zola, La Débâcle (Trans. L.W. Tancock; Harmondsworth, Middlesex: 1972), 67.</p>
<p>24. My idea here comes in part from reading Michael Marrus' 'Folklore as an Ethnographic Source: A Mise au Point', Unpublished paper.</p>
<p>25. See Mona Ozouf, Ecole Eglise République, 221-29; Michael Roger Scher, The Antipatriot as Patriot: A Study of the Young Gustave Hervé, 1871-1905 (Ph.D. dissertation, U.C.L.A., 1972). Paul Bert was an earlier and different kind of radical figure in the Yonne department.</p>
<p>26. On teacher's syndicalism see Max Ferré, Histoire du mouvement syndicaliste révolutionnaire chez les instituteurs des origines à 1922 (Paris 1955), somewhat abstract; E. Glay an H. Champeau, L'Instituteur (Paris 1928), 480-92; Jean Maxe's hostile L'Ecole primaire contemporaine: laïcisme et syndicalisme (Paris 1922); and a recent dissertation by Pirsis Hunt (Tufts University 1974). On the atmosphere and effect of Chambéry see, in addition to the above, Lucien Leray and Jean Maîtron, 'Les Instituteurs, le mouvement ouvrier et al guerre 14-18' in Crapouillot, 51 (January 1961), 31-32; and for the vote on dissolution in the Chamber, David E. Sumler, 'Domestic Influence on the Nationalist Revival in France, 1909-1914', French Historical Studies, 6 (Fall, 1970), 530-531.</p>
<p>27. Duveau op. cit., 139-42. The average age of the leaders of the Morbihan syndicat in 1912 was twenty-eight. Calculated from documents in A.D. Morbihan T1937: Syndicat des instituteurs 1912.</p>
<p>28. Emile Bocquillon, La Crise du patriotisme à l'école (Paris 1905).</p>
<p>29. A.D. Loire-Atlantique sTi17i: Dossiers individuels des instituteurs et institutrices, ayant cessé leurs fonctions, de 1870 à 1948. Included in teacher's letter to primary inspector, Nantes, 7 May 1913.</p>
<p>30. 'The school has won its case,' said Théodore Steeg, quoted in Jacques Ozouf, Nous les maîtres d'école, op. cit., 194; and Paul Painlevé, at an educational conference, 1916: 'You have not forgotten the anxiety and distrust shown only too readily with regard to the educational work of the Republic, even during the months directly preceding the war. This war, the greatest of all wars, has magnificently given the lie to this feeling of alarm.' In Buisson and Farrington ed., op. cit., 322.</p>
<p>31. Jules Payot's pre-war manual for teachers put it this way: 'Suppose the tragic moment has come: France has done what it must to resolve the conflict by arbitration. Bad faith and the barbarity of a neighbouring government push us to war ... The French army, sure that the nation, master of its nerves, won't use it except for the defence of sacred causes, will be invincible, being Justice and Law, that is, the conscience of humanity fighting barbarism.' In Jacques and Mona Ozouf, 'Le Thème du patriotisme', op. cit. 30.</p>
<p>32. Duveau, op. cit., 155.</p>
<p>33. A.D. Loire-Atlantique sTi178: Dossiers ... instituteurs et institutrices. Letter from captain to wife of teacher, 9 August 1916.</p>
<p>34. See Jean Hugonnet, 'Louis Pergaud, instituteur' in Europe, 38 (October 1959), 30-46 and Pergand'swar letters in the seventh edition of his Les Rustiques: Nouvelles villageoises (Paris 1921). On Thierry, and on teachers generally during the war, Jacques Alègre, 'Les Instituteurs' in Europe, 43 (1964), 25-36.</p>
<p>35. Letter one, 25 July 1915; letter two, 25 September 1914. Both are found in Ministère de l'Instruction publique et des Beaux-Arts, L'Idéal moral de nos maîtres (Paris 1919), unpaginated. This is a collection of teachers' war letters. See also Gaston Bonheur's tribute to his father, an idealistic instituteur who died in the war. Bonheur, Qui a Cassé le Vase de Soissons? (Paris 1963), 25. Bonheur states that the 'vase de Soissons' of the laic school was broken during the Great War. Ibid., 439.</p>
<p>36. Georges Duhamel, Civilisation 1914-1917 (Paris 1919), 257.</p>
<p>37. Louis Lumet, Les Ecoles en 1792 et en 1914-1917 (Paris 1917), 63, 65. One old peasant lent all his gold interest-free to a teacher at Mazière (Dordogne). Ibid., 75.</p>
<p>38. Speech sent by teacher to inspector of academy, Nantes, 18 July 1917 in A.D. Loire-Atlantique sTi147. Dossiers ... instituteurs et institutrices. This teacher, like many others, served as liaison man between French and English- speaking troops. One I interviewed briefed Americans on various facets of trench warfare when they arrived in France in 1917. (M. Le G., Quimper, 28 August 1970).</p>
<p>39. Letter to his wife, 2 April 1915 in Aveugle et Maître d'école: François Dallet (Nantes 1950), 52.</p>
<p>40. See Pierre Bonnourre, 'L'Instituteur de la troisième' in Europe, 38 (1960), 33 ; and Duveau, op cit. 156-59.</p>
<p>41. Here I follow Max Ferré's rather poor enquête appended to his Mouvement syndicaliste, 316. On the professional goals of teachers before the war see Peter V. Meyers' recent dissertation, The French Instituteur 1830-1914: A Study of Professional Formation (Rutgers University 1972).</p>
<p>42. Ferré, op. cit., 240-48, Louis Bouet, Trente Ans de combat (Paris 1948).</p>
<p>43. Maurice Dommanget, 'Dans L'Enseignement primaire: Luttes et réalisations de 1919 à 1960' in Crapouillot, 51 (January 1961), 52; Antoine Prost, op. cit., 390-93.</p>
<p>44. Writes Graves: 'Anti-French feeling among most ex-soldiers amounted almost to an obsession ... Pro-German feeling had been increasing ... Some undergraudates even insisted that we had been fighting on the wrong side: our natural enemies were the French.' Graves, Good-bye to All That (New York 1957), 293-94.</p>
<p>45. Quoted in Lucien Psichari, 'Anatole France et les instituteurs' in Europe, 39 (1961), 104.</p>
<p>46. Quoted in Annette Vidal, 'Barbusse et les instituteurs', in Europe, 39 (1961), 112.</p>
<p>47. Enquête sur les livres scolaires d'après guerre (Paris 1925), I, 31-41.</p>
<p>48. See Ibid., 123-27. H. Reverdin argues against in L'Esprit international et l'enseignement de l'histoire (Neuchatel 1922), preface.</p>
<p>49. See F.W. Roman, The New Education in Europe (New York 1923), 197.</p>
<p>50. Henri Chatreix, Au-délà du Laicisme ou la paix scolaire (Paris 1946), 72.</p>
<p>51. Pierre Gamarra, Le Maitre d'école (Paris 1955), 189.</p>
<p>52. Chatreix, op. cit., 72; C.J.H. Hayes. France, a Nation of Patriots (New York 1930), 227-28. Julien Benda, in one or the most influential post-war diatribes, particularly associates sports and physical education with nationalism. The Treason of the Intellectuals [La Trahison des Clercs](tr. Richard Aldington; New York 1969), 132-33.</p>
<p>53. Cited by Dommanget in 'Luttes et réalisations' op. cit., 53.</p>
<p>54. In Ibid., 52.</p>
<p>55. Excerpts, summaries, and changes of curricula are found in books like P.H. Gay and O. Mortreux ed., French Elementary Schools: Official Courses of Study (tr. I.L. Kandel, New York 1926) and in the parts devoted to vie scolaire in periodicals like L'Ecole et la vie and L'Ecole libératrice.</p>
<p>56. Chatreix, op. cit., 121.</p>
<p>57. On British misunderstanding of France generally see John C. Cairns, 'A Nation of Shopkeepers in Search of a Suitable France. 1919-40' in American Historical Review, 79 (June, 1974), 710-43.</p>
<p>58. My question read, 'Orientation politique. Pour qui votiez-vous en général?' The questionnaire was sent to ex-teachers early in 1976, and I want to thank Professor Jacques Leonard of the Université de Haute-Bretagne for distributing it. It should be understood that 'Socialist' for some teachers in the 1930s meant about what 'radical' had meant in the age of Combes. For some, the term 'left' was quite elastic, still demarcated in part by the old anticlericalism and laicity. We know that teachers in sizable numbers had distributed Le Quotidien for the Cartel des Gauches in 1924. See Jacques Chastenet, Quand le Boeuf montait sur le toit (Paris 1958), 63.</p>
<p>59. Dommanget, 'Luttes et réalisations', op. cit., 54-55; Prost, op. cit., 392- 94 ; Bonnourre, 'L'Instituteur de la Troisième', passim; and Donald N. Baker, 'The Politics of Socialist Protest in France: The Left-Wing of the Socialist Party, 1921-39' in Journal of Modem History, 43 (March, 1971), 28, 32.</p>
<p>60. Claude Duneton emphasizes the teacher's lack of feeling for his native region. Parler Croquant (Paris 1973), 20. See also (Senator) Antoine Borrel, Les Villages qui meurent (Paris 1932), 14 and passim, also Roger Guignard, L'Instituteur de campagne (Monte Carlo 1966), 176-78, as well as Roger Martin du Gard's novel, Vieille France, for the position of the teacher.</p>
<p>61. Marc Bloch, Strange Defeat (tr. Gerard Hopkins; New York: W.W. Norton, 1968), 130, 149; Roger Thabault, Education and Change in a Village Community: Mazières en-Gâtine 1848-1914 (tr. Peter Treager; New York 1971), 233.</p>
<p>62. Talbott, The Politics of Educational Reform in France 1918-1940 (Princeton 1969), 246. Teachers of the Var were certainly politically closer to lycée teachers than earlier. Jacques Guirault, 'Les Enseignants Varois au moment du Front populaire Typologie des comportements' in Annales du Midi, 87 (1975), 334, a disappointing article despite its title. The conservatism of corps like the institututeurs also helped preclude original thought. C.f. D.W. Brogan's conclusion on the Third Republic as a whole, a regime organized at the end 'to penalize and, indeed, prevent greatness.' Brogan, The French Nation: From Napoleon to Pétain 1814-1940 (New York 1957), 302.</p>
<p>63. Taken to an extreme, this acute awareness of mass diversion, and antipathy toward it, helped fuel Fascist ideology. See a representative hater of French comfort-seekers, Drieu La Rochelle, Notes pour comprendre le siècle (Paris 1941). But even more moderate thinkers were wondering about the ultimate effects of this new ethic, especially Paul Valéry. So too were English prophets like Orwell, who worried deeply that no myth would arise to oppose the Nazis, that movies and so on had a monopoly on ideals. The whole problem then points to a larger one: if France fell partly due to internal rotting, why didn't England? The usual answers — geography and Churchill — strike me as substantially correct.</p>
<p>64. J.L. Talmon, Romanticism and Revolt: Europe 1815-1848 (New York 1970), 163-64.</p>
<p>65. C.D., 'La Lutte contre la guerre' in Bulletin mensuel du Syndicat de l'en seignement laïque du Finistère, no. 7 (May 1933), 204-05.</p>
<p>66. Eychène's speech in L'Ecole et la vie, 22 (22 April 1939), 501.</p>
<p>67. L. Delachance, 'Confession', in Crapouillot, 51 (January 1961), 44.</p>
<p>68. 'Tous debout contre la guerre qui rode!', lead article in L'Ecole emancipée, 2 October 1938.</p>
<p>69. The famous statement is quoted in Prost, op. cit., 394, among many other places.</p>
<p>70. L'Ecole syndicaliste de Saône-et-Loire: Bulletin mensuel du Syndicat départemental de l'enseignement public laique, June-July 1938, 6 and May 1939, 13 Léon Blum, A l'Echelle humaine in L'Oeuvre de Léon Blum (Paris 1955), V, 464-65.</p>
<p>71. Duveau, op. cit., 168.</p>
<p>72. Thus Gordon Wright notes of the leagues: 'They were revolutionary in spirit, they aimed to uproot the old system completely and to overturn all traditional institutions.' Wright, France in Modern Times (Chicago 1974), 369.</p>
<p>73. Caillois, Circonstancielles 1940-45 (Paris 1946), 27.</p>
<p>74. Marc Bloch emphasizes over and over in Strange Defeat, the prolifer ation of abstraction, of formulae, of 'the passion for paper' before the debacle. Or in Saint-Exupéry's words. 'We in France almost died of intelligence unsupported by substance.' Quoted in Richard Rubold and Lady Margaret Stewart, The Winged Life (London 1953), 179. Quentin Bell summarized the whole tenor of the late thirties as follows: 'In those twilight days it was bloody to be young and to be young was very hell.' In Leonard Woolf, Downhill all the Way (New York 1967), 248.</p>
<p>75. Léon Emery, Memoirs impersonnels (Lyon 1960), 108.</p>
<p>76. The book is subtitled: Chronique syndicale de l'avant-guerre (Paris 1950).</p>
<p>77. Quoted in John C. Cairns, 'Along the Road Back to France 1940' in American Historical Review, 64 (April 1959), 586-87. The schoolmaster and laic school are defended against these charges by Roger Denux, Le Drame d'enseigner (Issy-le-Moulineaux 1944). Denux has also written Le Magister (Paris 1934) on the profession.</p>
<p>78. Laval's speech 10 July 1940 in Samuel Osgood ed., The Fall of France, 1970: Causes and Responsibilities (Lexington, Mass. 1972), 22-23. Bonnard's circular is quoted in Dommanget, 'Luttes et réalisations', op. cit., 56. A similar message is in Pétain's speech on national education, Revue des deux Mondes (15 August 1940), somewhat abstract despite its praise of the soil.</p>
<p>79. I cannot cite these forms as I saw them in the archives without permission.</p>
<p>80. Dommanget, 'Luttes et realisations', op. cit., 54.</p>
<p>81. Ibid., 54-55.</p>
<p>82. Guitton, A Student's Guide to Intellectual Work (tr. Adrienne Foulke; South Bend 1964), 4. The book is more mental autobiography than text.</p>
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