De Novis Libris Iudicia
Identifieur interne : 001391 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001390; suivant : 001392De Novis Libris Iudicia
Auteurs : C. H. E. Haspels ; J. H. Loenen ; L. G. Westerink ; A. W. Byvanck ; J. C. Kamerbeek ; M. Van Der Valk ; G. Van Hoorn ; A. D. Leeman ; E. J. Jonkers ; G. J. D. Aalders ; R. E. H. Westendorp Boerma ; Jan Van Gelder ; J. W. Ph Borleffs ; G.-J.-M.-J. Te Riele ; G. F. Diercks ; P. J. Enk ; J. Th. M. F. Pieters ; W. J. VerdeniusSource :
- Mnemosyne [ 0026-7074 ] ; 1957.
English descriptors
- Entity :
- org : Academia Nazionale, American School of Princeton, Classical Studies, Edizione Nazionale.
- pers : A. J. Festugi, A. Lumpe, A. R. Sodano, A. Rostagni, Anne Roes, Apollo Pythaeus, Apollon Pythéen, Asia Minor, Athena Oxyderkes, Augusto Rostagni, B. G. Teubneri, B. Snell, B. Wolters, Bayet, C. Kamerbeek, Caesar Octavianus, Claudius Victorius, D. Holwerda, Demetrius Poliorcetes, E. A. Barber, E. Benveniste, E. J. Brill, E. Staiger, Even Gallus, F. Klingner, F. Wieacker, G. S. Kirk, Georges Daux, H. Forster, H. Frankel, H. Wuilleumier, Henri Bremond, I. Text, Ioannis Tzetzae, J. B. McDiarmid, J. Chr, J. D. Denniston, J. Hatt, J. de Romilly, Jean Bayet, Jean Hytier, Klingner, L. P. Pierre, L. P. Wilkinson, La Nuova, La Poésie, La Prière, Lever, Lucilius, M. A. Greifenhagen, M. Beaujeu, M. Broneer, M. Treu, M. Van, Marcus Aurelius, Odyssey, P. Boyanc, P. Friedlander, P. Thijsselaan, Page, Paraphrase, Poschl, R. Andreotti, R. B. Levinson, R. B. Onians, Roman Mind, Roman Odes, Roman Successors, Rostagni, S. Lundstrom, S. Pr, S. Schuller, Stella, V. Literatur, V. Pbschl, Victor Poschl, Vita Chisiana, Von Homer, W. van der Pluym, Wilhelm Suss, Wilkinson, Wilwith, Xenophanes, Z. Sav, Zenon von Elea, van Berchem.
- place : AMSTERDAM, Athens, Braniewo, Corinth, Delphi, Dover, France, GRONINGEN, Greece, HOORN, Italy, Kock, LEIDEN, Latina, Leiden, MAURITIUS, Madrid, Mytilene, NICE, New Hyperides, Padua, Rome, Sparta, UTRECHT, York.
- Teeft :
- Apollo pythaeus, Argo, Aristophanes, Athena oxyderkes, Auch, Aussi, Author deal, Avec, Byzantine church, Cette, Chambres, Chambres post6rieures, Ciceronian humanitas, Corcyraean oligarch, Das, Editione oxoniensi, Elegiac poetry, Entre, First part, Greek comedy, Greek influence, Groningen, Iiber, Kommentar, Leur, Livre, Mus6e national, Mycenaean, Mycenaean culture, Mycenaean script, Nach, Nicht, Notre livre, Oder, Other hand, Ovid, Partie, Partie musicale, Partie significative, Poesie, Poesie pure, Poesie verbale grecque, Poete verbal, Rational argumentation, Real aorist, Second part, Sehr, Simple line, Verbale, Vers, Wenig verandert, Werden, Wird, Xenophanes.
Url:
DOI: 10.1163/156852557X00295
Links to Exploration step
ISTEX:F848354F5E63A15E31EBB3F588162E303BCF87A6Le document en format XML
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<p>DE NOVIS LIBRIS IUDICIA H. FRAENKEL, Wege und Formen frühgriechischen Denkens. Literarische und philosophiegeschichtliche Stu- dien. München, C. H. Beck, 1955, XX, 316 S. Pr. DM 24. � . Dieser Band enthalt eine Auswahl aus den kleineren Schriften eines Forschers, der fiir das Verstandnis des friihgriechischen Den- kens bahnbrechende Arbeit geleistet hat. Schon aus diesem Grunde ist die Sammlung sehr willkommen. Ausserdem sind die Aufsatze zum Teil neu bearbeitet und erweitert worden. Da die meisten dieser Abhandlungen schon eine gewisse klassische Bedeutung bekommen haben, werde ich mich auf eine Titelangabe und einige kurze Bemerkungen beschranken. In seiner Einjührung beschreibt der Verf. das gemeinsame An- liegen seiner Untersuchungen, wobei er einige grundsatzliche Gedanken zum Problem des Stils aussert. Es folgt ein Veyzeichnis der Schyi f ten Heymann Fyaenkels. Die Zeitau f f assung in der f yuhgyiechischen Liteyatur. Friiher er- schienen als Beilagenheft zur Zt. f..Elsth. u. allg. Kunstwiss. 25 (1931), g7-IIB. Unverandert. Vgl. auch E. Staiger, Grundbegriffe der Poetik (Zurich, 1946), 137 ff., M. Treu, Von Homer zur Lyrik (Munchen, 1955), 123 ft., 223 ff. Zu /Xl¿,v (S. 18) vgl. E. Benveniste, Bull. Soc. Ling. 38 (1937), 103 ff., A. J. Festugi6re, Par. Pass. II (1949), 172 ff., R. B. Onians, The Origins of European Thought (Cambridge, 1951), 200 ff. EOHMEPO£ als Kennwort Iiiy die m.enschliche Natur. Zuerst englisch in T.A.P.A. 77 (1946), 131-45. Nur wenig verdndert. Vgl. auch H. Forster, Zur Gesch. d. gr. Komposita vom Typus È7tLxpUaOç (Diss. Zurich, 1950). Fr. scheint mir in Pind. Nem. 6, 6 zu viel zu suchen (S. 30 Anm. 2: "dass im Gegensatz zum uner- schftterlichen Himmel die Lage des Menschen durch den Tag immer wieder neu bestimmt werden kann") : ist einfach das Komplement zu v4x««q und die Bedeutung ist "niemals". Eine Stileigenheit der jrühgriechischen Literatuy. Gött. Nachr. 1924, 63-127. Nur wenig verandert. Vgl. auch B. A. van Groningen, Paratactische compositie in de oudste Griekse literatuur, Meded. Kon. Akad. v. Wet., afd. Letterk. 83 A 3 (Amsterdam, 1937). Die Deutung von Alkaios Z 34 (LP, 54 Diehl), 7: "nachdem ich mich einmal diesem Beruf (dem des Bandenffhrers) gewidmet habe" (S. 53) ist nicht iiberzeugend. Fiir £pyov, "Beruf" kenne ich keine Parallele, wahrend die Bed. "Krieg" sehr gelaufig ist (Hom. A 175, 470, 539, Hdt. VII 49, 5, u.s.w.). Vgl. auch M. Treu, Alkaios</p>
<p>342 (Miinchen, 1952), 145-6. Ich glaube nicht, dass (lp-n) in Z. i die Bed. "Kriegsgerat" haben kann (S. 82). Fr. weist auf Xen. Hell. III 4, 17 7toÀ??ou èpy/Xa't"f]pLov hin, aber dort ist gen. qual. Ich bezweifle, ob die neuen Alkaios-Fragmente ganz "im Zuge der hier aufgewiesenen Linien" (S. 54 Anm. 3) liegen. Vgl. J. C. Kamerbeek, Mnemos. 1947, 179 ff. Fr. glaubt, dass der Anfang von Sappho 16 (LP, 27 Diehl) "ein iiberraschend friiher Vorklang des Homo-mensura-Satzes" ist (S. 91). Aber der Akzent liegt nicht auf sondern auf £p«««i. Ausserdem wird dieses Verlangen von der Gottheit bestimmt (Z. I I ff.). Die Verschiedenheit der Bewertungen dient nur zur Folie fur ihre eigene Position, die sie gewiss nicht als etwas Relatives hinstellt (unrichtig Treu, Sappho, 186: "Sappho halt den Ansichten andrer - zunachst - nicht ihr eigenes Wahlurteil als Widerlegung entgegen, sondern einen all- gemeingfltigen Gedanken, der alle verschiedenen Meinungen er- klart : schon ist, was man liebt". Das ?p/Xa6/XL kann sich nicht auf uTp6Tov u.s.w. beziehen. Gut B. Snell, Entdeckung des Geistes3, 88-89). Das hat also mit den "inneren Wirren in Mytilene" (S. 91 Anm. 5) nichts zu tun. Das Bad des Einwanderers (Ovid Her. 2, go; Pindar 01. 12, ig; Alkaios 77 Diehl). Englisch in Univ. of Calif. Public. in Class. Philol. 12 (1944), 293-4. Mit Zusatzen. Der homerische und der kallim.achische Hexameter. Gbtt. Nachr. 1926, 197-227. Vollig umgearbeitet und stark erweitert. Zeigt, wie der Sinnesablauf im Vers und der metrische Ablauf auf einander abgestimmt sind, und gibt so u.a. dem "Herrmannschen Gesetz" eine positive Bedeutung. Diese Untersuchung verdient die grosste Beachtung. Parmenidesstudien. Gbtt. Nachr. Î930, 153-92. Nur wenig ver- andert mit Ausnahme von Teil III (Die menschliche Erkenntnis). In B 16, 1 schreibt Fr. jetzt mit Recht ÉXIÍa't'O'rE (S. 174). Aber dazu passt besser als die Lesart die Fr. vorzieht (S. Es scheint mir verfehlt, aus dem Satz Tb yap </p>
<p>343 Heraklit iiber den Begri f f der Generation (A ig). Englisch in A. J.P. 59 (1938), 89-91. Unverandert. Vgl. Kirk, 296 ff. Eine heraklitische Denk f orm. Englisch in A. J.P. 59 (1938), Mit Zusatzen. Fr. (S. 263) schreibt in B 124 aber die Uber- lieferung ist mit Recht verteidigt worden von J. B. McDiarmid, A.J.P. 62 (1941), 492-4, und P. Friedlander, A.J.P. 63 (1942), 336. Die "proportionale" Interpretation ist nicht immer uberzeugend. Zu B 9 (S. 266), B 13 (S. 266-7), B 53 (S. 270), B 3 (S. 271) vgl. Kirk, 83 ff., 78 ff., 245 ff., 280 ff. Fr. (S. 276-7) glaubt, dass Semon. 7, 21 ff. "ein kosmologisches System zugrunde liegt, nach dem die gesamte Welt aus dem Widerspiel zweier Urstoffe verstanden werden kann", aber eine homerische Reminiszenz (H 99 ú8Cùp xon Yaia yevova6e) reicht zur Erklarung aus. Besprechung eines Buches iiber Anaxagoras (D. Ciurnelli, La Filosofia di Anassagora, Padua, 1947). C.P. 45 (1950), 187-91. Ausf iihrlicher. Uber Philologische Interpretation am Beispiel von Caesars Galli- schem Krieg. Neue Jbb. 9 (1933), 26-41. Unverdndert. Ein Stellenregister und ein semasiologisches Register beschliessen den Band. ZEIST, Homeruslaan 53. W. J. VERDENIUS L. A. STELLA, Il poema di Ulisse. Firenze, La nuova Italia, 1955. XVI, 444p. Pr. L. 2300. Mrs. Stella's book consists of two parts; the first part covering pp. 1-248 is analytical and discusses the various elements of Odyssean culture, viz. the historical, geographical, and religious background; in the second part, "La poesia", she draws attention to the aesthetical elements and tries to appraise the poetry of the Odyssey. This second part is very sympathetic and contains inte- resting references to Italian authors (Tasso, Ariosto, Alfieri). In the analytical part Mrs. S's main aim concerns the study of the Mycenaean elements and the connection of the epos with the oriental cultures, an interest which is often met with, in recent times, especially with Italian scholars. This method certainly has its value. Thus, whereas previous scholars were interested in the Chanson de Roland or in Serbian epics, Mrs. S. (cf. e.g. p. 102 and 104 ff.) claims attention for the epic of Gilgames, Ugaritical epic poetry, and Egyptian literature Mrs. S. is also to be praised for her extensive bibliographies. One will admit, however, that the 1) Interesting is S's observation p. io6 on the custom of fixed epithets (the Homeric epitheta ornantia) in Semitic literature (Gilgames, Ugarit).</p>
<p>344 above-named method, like all methods, has its drawbacks. Myce- naean culture is only imperfectly known, even after the important discoveries about its script. Therefore, the connection of this culture with the Homeric epics can only be made with great caution. The danger is not imaginary for scholars, when solid facts are missing, to replace the missing links by their own fantasies and imaginations. Nor can S. always avoid this danger. Thus she dates the Odyssey in the tenth century (pp. 51 ff., cf. also p. 80 f.) in order to get a better connection with Mycenaean culture, but no competent Greek scholar will accept this view. S. pp. 123 ff. thinks that in Mycenaean times Achaean literature, which was obviously written in the Mycenaean script, already existed. How- ever, we know at present that the Mycenaean script could only with great difficulty be adapted to the Greek language. Even the short catalogues of objects can be deciphered only with difficulty. Therefore, I cannot imagine how epics could have been presented in this way. By these criticisms I only wish to make the reader somewhat cautious, and I do not detract from the sympathetic approach to the _Homeric problems offered by Mrs. S. I may add a brief obser- vation. On pp. 178 ff. S. draws attention to the fact that in the Odyssey the gods are less prominent than in the Iliad. In my opi- nion, this is caused by the fact that in the Odyssey the inner life of human beings is more elaborately described. In the Iliad only books Z and Q offer an opportunity to represent this side of human life; the majority of the poem concerns battles, i.e. exterior events. Therefore, since human life in the Odyssey becomes more prominent, the world of the gods recedes. Thus the Odyssey already shows the process of secularisation which afterwards gradually advanced 1 j . RUMPT (G.). M. VAN DER VALK M. UNTERSTEINER, Senofane, Testimonianze e Fyamynenti. Introduzione, traduzione e commento. Firenze, "La Nuova Italia", 1955. CCLXXX, 153 pp. Pr. L. 4000. In this new book the author again shows an extraordinary range of reading in the entire field of Greek philology, philosophy, and history of religion. His translation of the fragments (of which the Greek text too has been printed) is clear and accurate in general. The commentary is admirably complete and valuable, because the i) Here we should make a distinction between Ionia (Homer) and the motherland. As we know, Ionia is more progressive-minded. Thus Hesiod, though he is posterior, often makes a more archaic impression than Homer.</p>
<p>345 author has collected nearly all that has been said by previous writers on the subject (very often cited literally) and because he has made a status quaestionis on many points. In the last three chapters of his long introduction he respectively deals with the subjects of Xenophanes' works, physics, and life with the same fulness. His philosophical interpretation, which offers a number of new points of view, is to be found in the remaining chapters of the introduction. Chapter I is a very extensive study (118 pp.) of MXG. His conclusion is that this work has the character of a polemic against the Eleatics by a Megarian author. This whole discussion, however, is fruitless, because it is based on a funda- mental and almost incredible misunderstanding of the whole purport of that part of MXG which deals with Xenophanes. In the author's opinion, its first part (977 a 14-b 20) contains an expo- sition and (critical) discussion of being, whereas the second part (977 b 21-979 a 9) explains how coming-into-being (of concrete things) from being is possible (p. XXVIII, cf. LXXXIII f.). This is surely erroneous. The first part is plainly meant as a pure report, as is shown by the grammatical form (a continuous oratio obliqua) ; besides it does not deal with being, but with God (the Anonymus nowhere explicitly identifies God with To 6v or To 7tiiv and even expresses his uncertainty on this point, 977 a 6). On the other hand, the second part purely consists of a criticism of the successive attributes mentioned in the first part (this already appears from the indicatives; MXG uses the same method in dealing with Melissus: report 974 a 2-b 8, criticism 974 b 8-977 a m ). Apart from personal motives (his own interpretation of Xenophanes), the author has been led astray principally by the wotds To ... yiyv6wevov 6v«oq yiyveJ8«1 (977 b 21-22). These are nothing but a (more general) reformulation of the principle which served as the premiss from which Xenophanes, according to MXG, inferred the impossibility of a coming-into-being of God (977 a 15-16); To y?yv6(.LEVOV and 1£ 6vlroq 927 b 21 correspond respectively to To YEv6?EVOV, in casu 8EO5, and èç èç &:VO?OLOU (977 a 15-16). Consequently, MXG denies the validity of this principle by stating the possibility of coming-into-being Èx yi 6v'roq (977 b 22-23). Now, this alone would suffice to reject the author's thesis of a Megarian polemic, because this opinion of the Anonymus (also expressed 974 b II-28, cf. 975 a 17) certainly does not fit in with Megarian philosophy. Besides there are several other non- Megarian views (he does not exclude, if not defend, polytheism, 977 b 35-978 a i ; he considers some propositions to be true for being as well as for not-being, 987 a 26; he defends, in various ways,</p>
<p>346 the possibility of coming-into-being and passing away of mul- titude, 975 a 38-b 34). ' The author further deals with Xenophanes' criticism of anthro- pomorphism (Ch. II; he rightly denies that this is directed against polytheism as such), he connects Xenophanes with the pre-hellenic Gaia-religion (Ch. III), discusses the relation between God and being (Ch. IV), and the problem of knowledge (Ch. V). His leading thought seems to be an attempt to restate and enrich the traditional ' pantheistic interpretation of Xenophanes, while preserving the ' phenomenal world from falling into unreality. Passing over the question whether some of his views are really in accordance with the available data, I must remark that the author has not suc- ceeded in establishing a consistent theory. Even at fundamental points there are contradictions. He considers "Being-God" to be immutable (p. XXXVI) and without proper movement (p. LXXXVII), but (apparently in order to explain movement) he represents this God as moving himself (p. CLXXIV). His final conclusion is "panrazionalismo" (p. CCXII), although he takes vou5 to mean sense-bound perception (p. LVIII and CLXXII); besides he practically converts Xenophanes into a Ionian cosmo- logist by stating the identity yoctoc (p. CXXXIX), the result being a virtual identification of ycxzoc with ev, y6aLq, vo5q and mana. Finally, his yigidly pantheistic point of view seems res- ponsible for a really impossible interpretation of frag. 34 (Xeno- phanes "proclaims his own spiritual superiority", p. CCXXII) and of frag. 18, which, in his opinion, refers to theoretical knowledge of the world-God (p. CCXXXV.) Perhaps one may see in all this a new indication that a pan- theistic interpretation of Xenophanes (for which the doxography is the only evidence) is impossible. As a matter of fact, any inter- pretation of this kind has to face the following dilemma: either the reality of change should be denied, in accordance with A 32; 33, 2, but in contradiction with the fragments, or the fundamental attribute of immutability (frag. 26, cf. A 32) should be discarded. On the other hand, the defenders of a theistic-dualistic interpretation (as represented, e.g., by H. Frankel and A. Lumpe) have still to accomplish the task of explaining the origin of this pantheistic' interpretation in Theophrastus (it is not sufficient to say that he understood Xenophanes in the light of Parmenides). Did Xenophanes perhaps write a special poem on God, to which he gave the title 7tEPL tp4Jemq (cf. Untersteiner, p. CLXXVIII), meaning "on true reality" (cf. D. Holwerda, Commentatio de vocis quae est 45Y£1£ vi atque usu, Groningae, 1955, p. 81 ff.), and con- sequently misunderstood by Theophrastus? However this may be,</p>
<p>347 Untersteiner's book will be very useful as a starting-point for further studies. LEIDEN, De Sitterlaan 66 A. J. H. LOENEN T. B. L. WEBSTER, Greek Theatre Production. London, Methuen, 1956. XVI, 206 p. 24 pl. Pr. Sh. 25/ � . In contrast with most handbooks, Greek theatre production is treated here chronologically within geographical areas separately. The principal chapter, "Athens", sketches the evolution of theatre and scenery, the technical means, changes of scenes between suc- ceeding plays using movable painted screens. The staging of special tragedies is explained; high platforms were already required for Agamemnon and Prometheus, a dummy for the suicide of Ajax, "carnival giants" for superhuman figures. As a basis for the dis- cussion, the author presents a list of some 250 monuments, selected from the 15oo he is acquainted with; a choice of the most inte- resting is figured on 24 excellent plates 1). A new photograph of the Dionysus-theatre gives an aspect of the different phases of its history. For a reconstruction of the stage of Aristophanes, the author refers to a chous representing Perseus as a comic dancer (B I ) as the only picture of the fifth-century stage in Athens, - an improbable supposition, for this improvised stage rather reminds one of a fair than of an official theatre. We are warned that for the spectator of Ion, Hy?sipyle, Orestes nothing was visible that corresponded to Euripides' elaborate descriptions of the Delphic temple and other buildings. The most extensive paragraph, "Costume", is introduced by a discussion of "Origins". The elements of Athenian dramatic costume can be found in pre-dramatic performances in Mycenaean and archaic times: masks, sleeved chitons, kothomoi, tights and padded costumes, described here with the exactness of a dress- maker's manual. Costumes for distinct plays are traced among the theatrical reproductions. The most intrinsic study is devoted to the masks of Pollux' lists. They are treated each separately and allocated afterwards to special persons of tragedy or comedy, - or even to a whole complex of dtamatis Personae. The conclusion (p. 55): "Pollux' masks would be adequate for revivals of the sur- viving plays" characterizes the practical trend of this book. Chap. II: "Sicily and Italy" gives full evidence for the theatre 1) To the very careful bibliography may be added the excellent coloured reproductions of the Assteas krater (B 61) and the Maison terra-cotta (C 56) published by Robert Zahn in Die Antike VII (1931), Taf. 23 and II (1926), Taf. 6.</p>
<p>348 production in the fourth century and later, also with regard to Athens; the author accentuates the strong influence of Attic comic practice in this regions, in support whereof he publishes a suggestive study of terra-cotta statuettes. By the philological method of reconstructing an archetypus terra-cottas from different sites can be derived from Athens as their common source (p. II2) . Copious material for the study of comedy is supplied by the more than 120 phlyax vases. Awaiting Trendall's publication, Webster can describe only few examples, well selected from the most amusing. Appealing to a new discovery in fourth-century painting, he has established "high-lights" on the krater of Zeus' love adven- ture. The popularity of comedy is revealed by the hanging masks painted on Gnathia vases and by the decorative marble masks at Pompeii and Herculanum. Chap. III: "Mainland Greece". Sparta, Corinth, and Boeotia are important for the pre-history of drama; Boeotia also for ritual vases from the Theban Kabirion. The Boeotian terra-cottas require a refined study, sifting Attic import, Boeotian variants of Attic ware, and original Boeotian. In Olynthos statuettes of comic actors related to Attic were found in private houses. Chap. IV: "The Islands". By a clever combination of the abun- dant architectural inscriptions of Delos the author can present a detailed reconstruction of the theatre that preceded the rebuilding in the second century. Chap. V: "Asia and Africa". With regard to the colossal Helle- nistic theatres in Asia Minor, where the wide openings in the back- ground of the scene came to full development, the problem of the "thyromata" comes on the carpet. It is connected with the much discussed mosaic of Dioskourides (C 19, pl. 21) interpreted as "the Synaristosai" of Menander. Bulle assumed that "thyromata" are these openings themselves and that the actors were seated inside them. Webster interprets "thyromata" as painted wooden panels closing these openings, the action taking place before them. For the interpretation of the polychrome strips on the mosaic, he joins the non liquet of Rumpf. The author connects the introduction of the high-soled kothornoi with the introduction of the "thyromata" (p. 163); his explication of this change by the removal of the action to a high stage (p. 44) is more convincing. Chap. VI, a very welcome synthesis of the divergent material, concludes this useful book. It will be a vade-mecum for anyone who studies theatrical reproductions: the exact descriptions, based on autopsy, are indispensable where illustrations fall short, espe- cially in the case of polychrome stuff. UTRECHT, Ramstraat 5. G. VAN HOORN</p>
<p>349 J. D. DENNISTON and D. PAGE, Aesclaylus, Agamemnon. Oxford, Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press, 1957. 240 p. Pro 21 sh. The late J. D. Denniston ranked among the most competent classical scholars of his generation (and indeed of this century), and Prof. Page is one of the most brilliant contemporary Hellenists. Moreover, in his Preface, Prof. Page acknowledges his obligations to such scholars as Beattie, Lloyd-Jones, Kirk, Dover, and Maas for suggestions, improvements, and advice. Fraenkel's "immense commentary", published after D.'s death, has been taken fully into account (how, indeed, could it be otherwise?). So the reader may expect to find in the present edition and commentary, designed primarily for university students, the present-day state of Aga- memnon -interpretation and, on the whole, he will not be disappointed in his expectations. Allowance must be made for the "need of compression" the editor complains of: it stands to reason that a full discussion of all the problems would mean in practice a book twice as long as Fraenkel's; this would have defeated the purpose of this edition-and perhaps of any edition. The Scylla of elaborateness had to be avoided as much as the Charybdis of obscure brevity and of unqualified or dogmatic statements. As a rule P. succeeds in guarding against both dangers, and it is highly to his credit that he manages to maintain throughout the commen- tary a lively tone, a brisk movement, a zest, which add to its intrinsic value by their stimulating effect on the reader. So far as rational argumentation goes, there are few things in P.'s comments with which the reader will altogether disagree: for his are a keen and sagacious intellect and a remarkable gift of reasoning closely and persuasively. But rational argumentation has its limitations when confronted with Aeschylean problems. It would be unfair to deny that P. is aware of the fact; perhaps he holds the view that criticism of poetry as such goes beyond the bounds of scholarship (this would be, in my opinion, an untenable standpoint). Anyhow, he sometimes shows too much confidence in the rational approach to poetry 2) ; we do not hear much about the "imagery" of the Agamemnon as a means more intimately to understand its intentions, and informations on the structure of the play as a whole are rather scanty. In his Introduction (p. XV) P. declares: "Aeschylus is first and foremost a great poet and a most powerful dramatist; the 1) It is a pity that the same cannot be said about Groeneboom's edition, which has not been quoted at all. 2) Or, perhaps, it would be more correct to say: 'the pure grammarian's point of view."</p>
<p>350 faculty of acute or profound thought is not among his gifts". Now, if "acute or profound thought" means "consequent and rational thought more philosophico", we may agree ; but surely this implies too narrow a view of the term "thought". Conceptual thinking and imagination are not to be separated in Aeschylus' poetry (nor, for that matter, in any great dramatist's), and if the poetry is great, the "thought" will be profound. So P.'s comment on I60 sqq., (p. 83): "It is vain to search for profound philosophy in i6o-83 : these simple lines neither say nor imply more than the man in the street might have said ... etc.", is absolutely inadequate. The problem is: "by what magic are these simple lines 'profound' poetry? " For the rest, P.'s Introduction is worth reading, not only for beginners; the perplexities of the tragic situations are well stated; no explanation, not even P.'s shrewd remarks, will entirely account for the meaning of the eagles with the hare. Compared with Fraenkel the constitution of the text shows a remarkable independence along with a necessary degree of indebtedness. I will conclude with some points of detail. P. 108, 1. 425: 6Úa-rEpOV means 'afterwards' (not 'in a moment', i.e. immediately, as LSJ and several edd. would have it)". But LSJ and e.g. Groene- boom 1) render ou ?E6óa'rEpov by 'in a moment'. Do we know enough about Greek emphasis in connexion with word-order to justify the following opinion on 1. 547 (p. 122): " 'That hateful mood was (not on you, but) on the army', would be possible only if J«4yoq were written for J«4yoq since arpmreo, the word to be stressed, could not bear the required emphasis if it stood last in its clause"? P. 133, 1. 717 ff. "a real aorist, not a 'gnomic' one, is naturally used in recounting a fable or story of this kind". There is not such a thing as a real aorist (let alone an unreal one), and the function of the aorist in is exactly the same as in an apolo- gue. P. 170, 1. III6 ÀEuaL(.LOU: "a sacrifice connected with stoning"; surely not, but 'laPidatione puniendus' 2 ! P. 170, 1. II2I, 2 "Saffrondyed', because yellow is the colour of the complexion associated with the emotion of fear". But xp6xoq may denote a red colour as well. P. 180, 1. 1207 Page adopts Butler's lyo6 : "The addition of 'according to use and wont', however applicable to a wedding-ceremony, would be ludicrous in the circumstances". This implies a much too narrow view of the range of meaning of The conjecture M(i6v 1225 (instead of seems arbitrary and its justification (p. 181) 1) He adds : = ilico, cf. 06 2) Italie, Index Aeschyleus s.v.</p>
<p>351 weak: TM 8eJ<6q depends on 7tOLVOCC:; pouxe4ew 1), and the excla- mation is justified by the word 8Ea7t6-ry¡. The very convincing argumentation on 1395-8 (p. 198 sq.) becomes even more cogent, if </p>
<p>352 . that nothing is said about the fidelity of the slaves of the Pla- taeans, who fought in the city together with their masters (II, 4, 2). III 85, 4 is the first known instance, if I am right, of an army burning their ships. According to Thuc. the Corcyraean oligarchs did so 6xmq a7roYvova ? Tou &ÀÀo xp««eiv Thucydides' informants may have told him so, but was this the (only) reason? In some later cases of a similar kind the commanders of the troops that had been put on shore could not or would not single out guardians for the ships on shore. It is not unlikely that this was also the case with the 600 men of the Corcyraean oligarchs, espe- cially if, as Classen-Steup say, their ships were not men of war, and therefore of no further military use to them. It is not impossible, however, that the motive alleged by Thuc. viz., that the oligarchs were determined to stay on their island and preferred even death to exile, has played a role. In a work like this dealing with a difficult text there is inevitably . matter for disagreement on some points. I doubt, for instance, whether Sparta may without any further qualification be styled a totalitarian state (14 f.). Pp. Io9, 379: does not describe a form of constitution, but a condition of the three forms, monarchy, oligarchy, or democracy, at its best.' This is a valuable remark, but I would like to emphasize, in addition, the fact that in practice (because the few used to style themselves 1)) the term apiaTOxpaTioc will as a rule have been understood as the rule of the lxiyoi (cp. Pl. Politic. 301 a). P. 125: The only tribute Plato pays to Athens in his writings is Cyito 50 c sqq. ; but how about his praise of the glorious past of Athens in Menexenus 2), Cyitias, and Laws? P. 652: Not everybody will be entirely satisfied by this attempt at rehabilitation of the conduct of Cleon in the battle near Amphipolis. There are only few misprints. P. 87: Athen. VI, 272 C should be 272 D. This work will not be the last word on Thucydides' History and on the history of the Peloponnesian War. The Addenda to Books II-V (723 ff.) prove that scientific research in those fields is steadily going on; I only mention Mme J. de Romilly, Histoiye et raison chez Thucydide, which appeared also in 1956. Nevertheless the commen- tary of Professor Gomme is a very important landmark and even those who on some points disagree with him will have to start from i) Cp. Aristot., 'AO. IIoa. 3, 1 and 6: officers selected &ptcr'dv81jv xod 1tÀou't'Lv81jv in early Athens. 2) The genuineness of the patriotic sentiment in the Menex. (see e.g. R. B. Levinson, In Defense of Plato (1953), 338 f.; R. Andreotti, Historia 5, 1956, 263) appears i.a. from the parallels in Laws III.</p>
<p>353 this work. The author expresses the hope that the last volume will be finished within a much shorter time than the volumes under review. He may rest assured that this last volume-no doubt it will be a large one-is eagerly expected. BADHOEVEDORP, Parkietstraat 28. G. J. D. AALDERS H. Wzn. K. LEVER, The Art of Greek Comedy. London, Methuen, 1956. X, 212 p. Pr. sh. 2I/ � . Miss Lever, to whom we owed already a remarkable paper on Aristophanes (Cl. R. 1953, 220), now has published a comprehensive synopsis of Greek comedy. This book offers more than its title suggests. If the author, abstaining from a historical flashback, had contented herself with an appraisal of the artistic value of the works of Aristophanes and Menander, she would have deserved our full gratitude; as for this main part of her statements (chs IV-VIII) I cannot remember having read anything so excellent in my lifetime. On the other hand, in her preface she promises more than could be reasonably claimed. For, may it be true that "the very nature of comedy calls for an understanding of its full context-political, economic, and social conditions, current ideas of religion, philosophy and education, concomitant state of the arts of music, dance, art, theatrical architecture, noun-dramatic poetry, and tragedy" (p. IX), the providing of this context, even "through a synthesis of the work of other scholars", would exceed by far the scope of a book of general interest. If therefore the superficial treatment of more than one general problem is to be blamed, it should be borne in mind that the author has set herself an impossible task. Far more serious, though less numerous, are the lacunae in her sketch of the history of comedy itself. The author expresses the optimistic view that "sufficient fragments remain to reconstruct the whole history of comedy" (p. VIII). One wonders, then, how, as late as 1956, four pages (71-74) could be devoted to Cratinus without mentioning the papyrus-fragments of the Ploutoi, published as early as 1936 and inserted in Page's Literary Papyri. The puzzling problem arising from titles like Archilochoi (p. 71) and Hesiodoi (p. 77) is not even hinted at. The Demoi of Eupolis are passed over in silence. ' The introductory chapter centers around Susarion and provides the double advantage of suspending the verdict on the historicity of the poet and yet establishing the compatibility of the few lines ascribed to him with the general trend of VIIth century poetry. Some very relevant remarks on Archilochus (who by the way is credited with the Strassburg-fragments), Alcman, and Semonides,</p>
<p>354 are' followed by a more precarious record of the history of Dio- nysiac religion. The conjectural date of Dionysos' arrival in Greece - 50o B.C. - must be due to misprint (p. 9) ; cf. p. i i, where the god is supposed to have preceded Apollo at Delphi. A good account of the evidence on Doric farce precedes a far more irrelevant summary of VIth century poetry. Its lack of accuracy may be illustrated by the miscalculation of Solon's stages of man's life (p. 22). In ch. II the purificatory element in Greek cult and litera- ture of the late archaic period is made a foil to the cathartic fea- tures of Vth century comedy. Here Simonides' fr. 100 (ZEUs 7tlÍv'rCùV yo6voq gyel) is wrongly connected with Hipponax' phay- makos-fragments. The author takes it for granted that Pharmakoi were actually put to death in Vth century Athens (p. 103). Pytha- goreanism is dealt with in a rather superficial way ("such odd taboos as eating no beans"), and so is Heraclitus. The Dionysiac festivals receive a satisfactory description and full respect is paid to Epicharmus in a very good paragraph, which is only marred by the misinterpretation of "eranos" (p. 52). Far more superficial is the discussion of the three great tragic poets (ch. III), which is scarcely retrieved by a comparison between Antigone and Medea. Page 84, note 21, the final sentences of Plato's SyJnfiosium are incorrectly rendered. P. 85, n. 34 (Cratinus fr. 333 Kock), "a Phocian woman"; read: the wife of Phocus. Aristophanes never forged such a name as Lysimaches (p. g2). The deficiency of the author's statements about Cratinus and Eupolis has already been mentioned. The way in which the peculiarities of Magnes, Cratinus, and Crates are brought to a focus in Aristophanes does not lack ingenuity. So far the general reader will not have to complain of the cir- cumstantiality of the information given, though he may be dazzled by the excess of learning stored up in these preliminary chapters. He is only put at a disadvantage, in spite of the English quotations and the transliteration of the Greek words (the soloecism Mousaeus (p. 97) being obviously due to oversight), by the chapters on Aristophanes, where the author is at her best, being no longer hampered by her concern for undergraduates. Here we meet with an understanding of comic poetry unmatched in the whole of literature. The author is the first to reconcile the opposite truisms that A. was chiefly concerned with amusing his audience and that he was parading as a teacher of his fellow-citizens (p. 135; cf. 155). She is also the first to notice the distinction between the two stages of the poet's pacifism, romantic unto 421 and realistic afterwards. She is certainly right in pointing out that "apragmosyne" was the comedian's ideal of civic life. In my opinion, she has found the clue to A.'s political and social</p>
<p>355 irritability, when she remarks: "he objects to any pursuit which monopolizes the time and attention of men, whether it be war, lawsuits, education, or horses" (p. 100) (ch. IV). In calling Alle- gory and Example the poet's main dramatical devices (ch. V), she is using the term Allegory in a rather wide sense, ranging from Demos in the Knights to Plutus in Riches. But she does not fail to enter into the complex machinery of comic metaphor (ch. VI). First of all she refers to. the visual image of men dressed like wasps having evolved from the verbal metaphor of "waspish judges" (p. 141). The procedure of verbal metaphor shading into would-be allegory is shown in action, where the author resolves the defence- speech of Dicaeopolis into its four different "planes" (p. 142 f.). She also remarks: "A. has so vividly portrayed his allegorical characters that they shade off into realistic individuals" (p. 115). That allegory was not his aim, becomes clear, if we analyse the author's statement (p. 117): "Demosthenes and Nicias were only metaphorically slaves of the People". In fact only Cleon was! D. and N. were portrayed as slaves to old Demos, not because A. complained of the servility of the generals, but because he had chosen the household-metaphor in order to blame the abject demeanour of Cleon towards the sovereign people. The author's statement that A.'s characters lack the emotional depth of Greek tragedy and epic, is not entirely true in the case of Lysistrata. As to parody in A. she does not raise the question of how far its object was familiar to the audience. The remark "the gulf between the clever and the mob widened" (p. 124) also needs elaboration. The absence of a formal parabasis in the plays that were produced after 414 is mentioned (p. 153), not so the alteration of its subject- matter from 414 onward; the two facts might prove to be corre- lative. , Turning to Middle (ch. VII) and New Comedy (ch. VIII) the author remains aware of the varying attitudes towards life, after which she has labelled the different periods of Greek comedy in her preface: Aristophanes representing the fighting spirit, Middle Comedy the escape from trouble through fantasy, Menander the control of destiny by means of self-knowledge. The proportions in which our fragments are quotations by Athenaeus and by Stoba- eus are shown to be representative of these changing attitudes. So materialistic tendencies in M.C. are judiciously demonstrated. The hedonistic morality of the slave (p. 175) might have been traced further back than A.'s Plutus; cf. Ran. 337 and the realistic portraying of slaves in Eq. and Ves?. Middle C. and Plato are duly compared as to their respective attitudes towards the "sans lende- main" of IVth century life. As to the absence of city politics ex-</p>
<p>356 ception should have been made for Antiphon (fr. 196 Kock is reminiscent of Demos in Eq. 396), Timocles (who besides De- mosthenes also attacked Hyperides) and, above all, for the New Comedy poet Philippides (e.g. fr. 25, upholding morality against Demetrius Poliorcetes!) In her last chapter the author deals with the superiority of Menander over his contemporaries. She pays due attention to the comparison between Menander and Philemon by Quintilian and to that between Aristophanes and Menander by Plutarch. She has some very good remarks on the EPitrepontes and the Periciromene, which are illustrative of the distinctive features of Menander's so-called realism compared with the homonymous, but utterly different, tendency in Aristophanes. The convention- ality of M.'s characters is shown to be outweighed by his moral optimism. "Menander's view of life is comic not because it is joyous but because it is satisfying" (p. 200). The persistence of comic devices is traced from Vth century mimos unto Lucian and Alci- phron. As to the influence of Aristophanes on western civilisation a reference is lacking to the standard-work of Wilhelm Suss. Apart from this and some other omissions mentioned above, the bibliography could hardly have been more copious. As it is, it shares with the body of the book the credit of being a valuable companion to the student of Greek Comedy. VOORBURG, Westeinde 58 B. J. TH. M. F. PIETERS B. A. VAN GRONINGEN, La Poésie verbale grecque. Essai de mise au point (Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Neder- landse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Nieuwe Reeks, Deel 16, No. 4). Amsterdam, Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers Maatschappij, 1953. 103 p. Pr. fl. 4.50. Le livre cite ci-dessus contient dans ses 100 pages tant d'id6es neuves, de d6veloppements originaux, de remarques justes, que je ne saurais le r6sumer, d'une maniere satisfaisante, qu'en le transcrivant tout entier. Aussi me bornerai-je a donner "une table des mati6res raisonn6e", pour terminer par quelques consi- d6rations d'ordre m6thodique. Dans le Chapitre I M. Van Groningen d6veloppe, en parlant de la these c6]6bre de 1'Abbe Henri Bremond, la notion de la "poesie pure". Dans chaque po6me, qui m6rite ce nom, il y a des vers ou la torce po6tique 6clate si imp6rieusement, qu'elle affecte le lecteur tout autrement que ne saurait le justifier la signification de ces vers; on ne se rend plus compte que d'un seul fait : "ces vers sont beaux", et c'est alors qu'on parle de "poesie</p>
<p>357 pure". Or il y a eu au XIXe et au XXe siecles des po6tes qui, plus express6ment que leurs devanciers, cherchaient a obtenir des effets de poesie pure; en France leurs maitres ont ete Mallarm6 et Valery. Ce genre de poesie, M. Van Groningen le d6signe par "poesie verbale", et il en donne la definition que voici: "Elle r6pond à un 6tat d'ame spontan6 ou recherche, dans lequel le son de la phrase et la musique des vers se trouvent a 1'avantplan. Toutes les autres valeurs que le vers peut avoir sont relegues en arri6re ...". Dans le Chapitre II 1'auteur analyse les fragments d'Euphorion et de Parth6nios, pour conclure que ces deux poetes 6taient vrai- ment des po6tes verbaux a la maniere de Mallarmé et de Val6ry. Le Chapitre III traite de l'origine du genre verbal. 11 s'est form6 a 1'epoque hell6nistique, surtout parce que la distance entre le public et les poetes était devenue si grande que ceux-ci se r6- fugiaient dans leur domaine propre: ils devenaient plus "specialis- tes". Une deuxieme cause pourrait 6tre l'influence grandissante de la rh6torique. Notons que M. Van Groningen offre en rapport avec cette hypothese des donn6es int6ressantes sur Fecole des XpL'rLXOL, les vrais th6oriciens et d6fenseurs de la poesie verbale dans Fantiquite. Dans le Chapitre IV les poetes hell6nistiques sont passes en revue et 1'auteur d6couvre dans Aratos le poete verbal par excel- lence. Ses semblent au premier abord "de longue haleine, sans ornement r6gulier - sans charme, secs et prosaiques." Mais quand on lit ces vers en se rendant compte de leur valeur musicale, ils "pourront d6voiler leur sublime beaute. Le mot et le vers nous enchantent par leur limpidit6 directe et precise, par 1'absence de tout ornement non essentiel, par la magie de leur nudite." Ce chapitre contient une interpretation aussi originale que vraisemblable de la c6l6bre 6pigramme de Callimaque en defense du style d'Aratos. L'etude se termine par une "Conclusion", of I'auteur precise la difference entre la poesie verbale grecque et fran?aise, tandis qu'il maintient que le genre verbal chez les Grecs n'accuse pas un fl6chissement de la culture hell6nique au IIIe siecle. Le m6rite essentiel du livre de M. Van Groningen me semble etre qu'il a r6tabli le contact entre la sensibilite moderne et la beaute particuli6re, mais tres r6elle, d'un certain genre de poesie classique longtemps m6connu. Des qu'on se trouve, guide par un fran?ais clair et elegant, en face des fragments cites d'Euphorion, de Parth6nios, d'Aratos, et qu'on en subit tout le charme, on comprend beaucoup de choses mieux qu'auparavant. On comprend</p>
<p>358 mieux, par exemple, ce que Denys d'Halicarnasse a dit de la X«pcS de Lysias le conseil d'Horace: At vos exemplaria Graeca etc.; le d6sespoir des po6tes latins en face d'une telle perfection; mais aussi leur originalite, qui les menait a r6aliser des tendances po6tiques si differentes de celles de leurs maitres immediats. Non seulement dans son Chapitre I, mais a maintes reprises M. Van Groningen avertit le lecteur que sa definition de la poesie verbale, cit6e ci-dessus, n'est pour ainsi dire qu'un instrument de travail". Les r6sultats prouvent que c'6tait un instrument tr6s utile. Mais chaque outil a son emploi propre. Aussi faut-il bien avouer que je ne vois qu'avec quelque reserve l'auteur se baser sur sa definition pour caract6riser la poesie verbale grecque vis a vis de la po6sie de Mallarme et de Valery. Je cite, h la page 92 : "Il est evident, d'autre part, que cette po6sie (verbale des Grecs) ne va pas aussi loin dans 1'abstraction que la poesie absolue des XIXe et XXe siecles ... On chercherait en vain un poeme express6ment vide de sens, comme un sonnet de Mallarmé ... Pourquoi le poete grec a-t-il montr6 cette reserve ? 11 y a d'abord et surtout son amour na- turel de la moderation. Elle est une des caract6ristiques principales de sa vie intellectuelle, morale et artistique; il fuit les exc6s, abhorre ce qui est de trop. Son grand bon sens inn6 n'a pas subi l'influence d'un romantisme qui affectionne l'ind6cis, prefere la tendance a la r£alisation, le soup?on h la comprehension et va jusqu'a con- sid6rer 1'expression verbale consciente comme une atteinte à la pure vie psychique qui doit surgir directement de l'incon- scient. Il laisse toujours aux activites intellectuelles leur libert6 d'agir.". Ce n'est pas ici le lieu de discuter la po6sie francaise; pourtant je ne peux pas ne pas declarer que tout ce que M. Van Groningen dit des Grecs, se dirait d'aussi bon droit de Mallarme et de Val6ry. "Amour de la mod6ration, horreur de ce qui est de trop et de i"ind6cis, intellectualisme", on ne saurait mieux dire pour caract6- riser ces grands maitres de la po6sie verbale fran?aise! Serait-il possible que la definition de M. Van Groningen, malgr6 tant de pr6cautions, risque neanmoins de noyer la "partie signi- ficative" des vers sous leurs ondes sonores? S'il en était ainsi, je pourrais peut-6tre la sauver en me servant de la formule suivante de Valery lui-meme : "... le m6tier de po6te consiste à mener simul- tan6ment le d6veloppement de deux variables ind6pendantes ou plut6t incomparables. D'un cote, vous avez la partie signifi- cative de la po6sie, et, de l'autre, la partie musicale. Vous ne devez l) De Lysia c. 10 1¡ 1tå.aLv t7tocv6oùaoc -rolq Ov6ymm xm-r' ta1je; xdcpy, 1tPå.YlLoc 1t!Xv'toe; xpeiTTOV X6you xa? Omuli(xat6,repov.</p>
<p>359 sacrifier ni l'une ni 1'autre ..." 1). Aratos, alors, aurait voulu exprimer un certain 6tat d'ame par l'harmonie d'une variante significative tres objective et une variante musicale parfaite, tandis que Mallarmé c.s. auraient voulu exprimer des 6tats d'ame par l'harmonie de variantes significatives tres subjectives et de variantes musicales parfaites. Apres coup je veux bien qu'il y ait ici une opposition entre classicisme et romantisme, mais ne doit-on pas preter h Mallarmé et a Val6ry le souci d'exprimer leur attitude romantique avec une clart6 grecque et ne peut-on pas soup Conner les poetes verbaux grecs de tendances foncierement romantiques? Il me semble que oui. DEN HAAG, Thorbeckelaan 291. JAN VAN GELDER W. VOLLGRAFF, Le sanctuaire d'Apollon Pythéen à Argos. Avec la collaboration de W. van der Pluym et Anne Roes (Ecole Française d'Athènes: Etudes péloponnésiennes I). Paris, Vrin, 1956. pp. 126, Pls. XI. A preface by the director of the French School at Athens, Pro- fessor Georges Daux, welcomes this volume as the first in the School's Peloponnesian Studies, and expresses the thanks of the School for Professor Vollgraff's generous transmission of his rights on the site of Argos. Then follows Vollgraff's introduction to the excavations here published, those of the ancient sanctuaries on the south-west flank of the Aspis, the second acropolis of Argos. But neither mentions-and this surely ought to be stressed in this context-that the material treated here is part of the general Netherlands excavations at Argos. Begun in igo2 under Vollgraff as field director, the excavation of the Aspis, a feature of the first part of the campaign, continued till 1006. The work can be re- garded without hesitation as the chief Dutch excavation on Greek soil. Financing it, moreover, involved a considerable and laudable effort, in the times before state organisations for scientific research gave grants for expeditions like this. Contributions came for the main part from private sources, headed by one from H. M. the Queen. For the general view of Argos we turn to p. 8, figs. 1-2. Fig. 2 conveys something special, giving the silhouette of Larissa and i) Jean Hytier, La Poitique de Valéry, 1953. Il s'agit bien ici de la,,po6sie verbale". Dans les autres genres "la partie musicale" sert a approfondir, a illustrer, a nuancer "la partie significative". Alors l'harmonie entre le son et le sens des vers est d6finissable et on a affaire à ce que Vahsry appelle ,,harmonie imitative". "Le vrai poete" (c'est à dire le ,,poete verbal") doit eviter cette harmonie imitative, pour r6a]iser une harmonie nettement ind6finissable.</p>
<p>360 Aspis in the landscape; the Aspis indeed like a shield, and the Larissa towering high above. Those of us who have seen it well remember how it dominates the plain of Argos, and how much more imposing it is than Mycenae ensconced in the mountain folds. The excavation on the south-west side of the Aspis has brought to light a sanctuary of Apollo Pythaeus, which was adjoined on the north-east corner by the temple of Athena Oxyderkes, on a higher plan (Pl. III). Pausanias described the situation of these sanctua- ries, and a number of inscriptions, found during the dig, have confirmed the identification in the case of the temple of Apollo Pythaeus. As for the second temple, that of Athena Oxyderkes, the attribution was established by representations of the goddess in warlike attire: a bronze figurine, another of terracotta (fragmen- tary), and the relief decoration on a Roman lamp. The buildings unearthed number five; they are of moderate size, and date from the end of the archaic period, having lasted till the incursions of the Goths, who sacked Argos in 267 and 395 A.D. The later occupation of the site by a Byzantine church resulted in the destruction of many ancient remains: the builders first had to remove what was left of the ruins and after that to level the terrace. Most of the material thus acquired was used no doubt for the construction of the church. The excavators have, however, found numerous fragments on the site, which vindicate the con- clusion that the principal building, the temple of Apollo Pythaeus, was made of poros. This sanctuary, where oracles were still given in the time of Pausanias, was clearly a branch-establishment of the temple of Delphi. The cult goes back to the IXth or the beginning of the VIIIth century B. C., as is attested both by literary and historical tradition. An inscription proves that the cult in Argos, besides possessing a temple and an oracle, like that in Delphi, also had a rAE The Byzantine church, dating from the beginning of the Vth century, was in its turn destroyed, in the last quarter of the Vlth century. A second church building then arose on the same spot, but not before 900. It suffered the same fate at the end of the Xth century; both were destroyed by invasions. The publication gives the Byzantine remains their due, no less than their forerunners. We also learn that the excavators refrained from demolishing these remains, a process which would have enabled them to examine whether they concealed any traces of antiquity; and that they were even criticized from the side of the Greeks for not having done so; see p. 85, note z : TauTa elvon x«1 où8è:v 8L8IÍaxoUGLV. This was not an isolated opinion;</p>
<p>361 it is true that in the beginning of our century Byzantine remains were generally considered a great nuisance on an excavation. All the more credit, therefore, is due to Professor Vollgraff for having respected them. The text of the publication, illustrated by plans, photographs and drawings, has profited especially by the latter, which were made by Miss Anne Roes. For an example, see the limestone figurine of the prophetess of Apollo, p. 40, fig. 31. A good drawing brings an object like this to life in a way that could not be achieved by a photograph. As Beazley has remarked at some time, some- where, blasphemous though it may sound, the camera cannot do everything. Professor Vollgraff may be congratulated on this publication of part of his excavation, an example to those among us who yield to the sweet temptation of postponing the publication of their finds ad Kalendas Graecas. AMSTERDAM, Weesperzijde 33. C. H. E. HASPELS Corinth, vol. I part IV : O. BRONEER, The South Stoa and its Roman Successors. Princeton, The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1954. 167 pp. avec 67 figs., 54 planches et 22 plans. � Pr. 15. � dollars. En Gr6ce, le quatrieme siecle est riche en monuments civiques. Parmi ces batiments, la stoa, 6rig6e au cote sud de l'agora de Corinthe, est particulierement int6ressante. Nous nous rendons compte de son importance grace au livre savant et bien presente de M. Broneer. Amplement illustr6 de photos et de dessins, ce livre fait connaitre le r6sultat des fouilles am6ricaines et il rend honneur aux 6tudes minutieuses qui ont permis de donner une idee tres exacte du batiment. La stoa, batie apr6s la bataille de Chaeron6e (en 338 av. J.- Chr.), était destin6e aux delegues s6journant a Corinthe, centre de la federation des 6tats grecs. Plus tard, elle était probablement a la disposition des touristes qui venaient s'amuser a Corinthe, jusqu'a la destruction de la ville par Mummius (en 146 av. J.-Chr.). Les constructions, 6rig6es dans les ruines pendant 1'epoque ro- maine, ont un int6r?t secondaire. Nous nous occuperons unique- ment du batiment original. L'edifice a une longueur d'a peu pres 165 m sur une profondeur d'un peu plus de 25 m; il presente le style classique dans sa forme la plus pure. Le front nord se compose d'une s6rie de 71 colonnes doriques sur un stylobate de deux degres ; 1'ensemble est surmonte d'un entablement h m6topes et triglyphes et d'une sima horizontale</p>
<p>362 a t?tes de lion. Les fa?ades est et ouest ont des murs unis, sans aucune ouverture, avec des entablements doriques supportant les frontons d'un toit en batiere peu 6leve'. La fa?ade sud s'61evait contre la pente d'une colline; par cons£quence £ peine visible, elle 6tait achev6e avec peu de soin. L'architecte avait compose cette fa?ade tr6s ing6nieusement, en bon rapport avec I'am6nagement de 1'interieur. L'intérieur etait divise dans le sens longitudinal par un mur qui reliait les sommets des frontons est et ouest. La partie setten- trionale, derri6re la colonnade du front, servait de salle des pas perdus, ou les visiteurs 6taient prot6g6s contre la chaleur de 1'ete. Une rang6e de 34 colonnes ioniques, hautes de 6i m, y soutenaient le plafond. Dans le mur m6ridional de la salle, donc le grand mur longitudinal mentionn6 ci-dessus, de grandes ouvertures donnaient sur 31 boutiques et sur deux chambres aux extremites est et ouest. Ces deux chambres occupaient toute la place disponible, en s'6ten- dant 1.75 m plus au sud que les 31 boutiques interjacentes, derriere lesquelles un couloir non-couvert était aménagé. Cette partie post6rieure du batiment etait a deux etages. Les boutiques du rez-de-chaussee comprenaient un local ant6rieur, donnant sur la salle, et un local post6rieur, donnant sur le couloir non-couvert. Dans les chambres aux extr6mit6s, des escaliers menaient h 1'etage sup6rieur, qui comprenait des appartements a deux chambres. Ici, les chambres post6rieures, plus petites et plus basses, 6taient accessibles par un corridor; la place occup6e par ces chambres et par le corridor correspondait aux locaux derri6re les boutiques au rez-de-chaussee. Les chambres ant6rieures, corres- pondant aux boutiques, 6taient plus hautes et donnaient sur la grande salle par une fen?tre. La lumi6re du grand jour y entrait par des fen?tres plus petites, am6nag6es en dessus des toits des chambres post6rieures du rez-de-chauss6e. La stoa donne des renseignements remarquables sur l'histoire de l'architecture grecque. Elle vaut d'6tre etudiee d'une maniere particuh6rement attentive. LEIDEN, Burggravenlaan 24. A. W. BYVANCK Entretiens sur l'Antiquité classique. Tome II: L'influence grecque sur la poésie latine de Catulle à Ovide. Vandoeuvres- Genève, Fondation Hardt, 1956. 262 p. In the series of post-war activities aiming at a better cooperation in the field of classical scholarship the well-known initiative of Baron Kurd Hardt is very fortunate indeed: every year he invites some scholars from various countries to spend a week at his villa</p>
<p>363 near Geneva; during this time they read papers on a central theme, followed by a discussion in which all those present take part, each in his own language. The result, papers and discussions, is published by the Fondation Hardt in cooperation with the Bollingen Foun- dation Inc., New York, in a handsome and carefully edited book, provided with two indexes. The second of these conferences was held from Aug. 2-7th 1953 on the subject: Greek influences on Latin poetry in the first century B.C. The papers were read by Jean Bayet, Augusto Rostagni, Victor Poschl, Friedrich Klingner, Pierre Boyanc6, and L. P. Wilkinson. The book containing these papers and the discussions is now on my desk; my task in reviewing it is quite pleasant, for the reading is agreeable throughout and the criticizing has already been done, viz. by the scholars present, in their lively debates in an atmosphere of amiable, but serious, converse.Therefore the proper thing for me to do seems to state here the main contents of the papers themselves with a few citations and to insert some words on the discussions, but not to give my own opinions or look for omissions. The book should be read and reread, for the theme is important, the treatment interesting and highly stimulating, for these Latin scholars know their business and the papers give ample proof of their enthusiasm and their interest in their subject. J. Bayet read on "Catulle, la Grgce et Rome" (p. 3-39). After sketching the revolutionary mind of the poetae novi and their zeal ' in reading and imitating the various kinds and metres of the Alex- andrian poetry (Catul. 50!), he tries to imagine himself in their position, their difficulties in vocabulary, in composition, in rhythm, but also in their sporting rivalry. Next Bayet shows the influences of Hellenistic poetry on Catullus himself: on his longer central poems, on the nugae and the epigrams, his growing mastery of the technique and his always personal strain: "on admire Callimaque ou Th6ocrite; on vit avec Catulle" (p. 28). He emphasizes the spontaneous, lively and easy expression of his feelings, the origin- ality of his Atticism, the novelty of this lyric poetry: "il ouvre a la po6sie latine les voies de la hbertd" (p. 37). In the debate several interesting points were discussed, viz. the connection between poetry and society, the meaning of Catul. 64 (epyllion, but also personal feelings?), and the otium-strophe of c. 51. A. Rostagni: L'in f luenza greca sulle origini dell' elegia erotica latina (p. 59-82). This subject was perhaps the most difficult to treat, certainly the least concrete, for the fragments of Greek elegiac poets are still scarce, although our knowledge has been enriched by recent papyrus-finds. Mr. Rostagni discusses quite a</p>
<p>364 number of Greek poets, Philitas, Callimachus, Euphorion, Mim- nermus, Antimachus, and Parthenius, but all this poetry remains rather conventional, mythographic, and does not affect the poet's own love-affairs nor his subjective feelings; they do not furnish a real model for the Roman erotic elegy. Even Gallus, the disciple of Parthenius and the first of the series of Roman elegiac poets (Tib., Prop., Ovid), probably wrote in the manner of the Alexandrian poets; Tibullus was the first to rid himself of the mythographic pattern and to develop the typically Roman, lyric and personal love-elegy. In the discussion some objections are raised against emphasizing the contrast obj ectivity-subj ectivity in elegiac poetry, which cannot always clearly be distinguished (Catullus' Allius-elegy) ; others refer to the fact that Lucilius already showed a subjective element in his Saturae and in some respects paved the way to the Romans. V. Pbschl: Horaz (p. 93-IIS). It could be expected from the author of Die Dichtkunst V irgils that also with regard to Horace's poetry he would not be satisfied with the current, somewhat con- crete interpretation (Heinze), but would try to penetrate into the poet's mind. Not only a similarity of outward circumstances, but also a spiritual affinity made Horace choose Achilochus as his model for the Epodes and Alcaeus for his Odes. Horace's contacts with the Greeks and their ways of thinking were many, in his youth, in his student-days, and later on; these influences were lasting. It is quite impossible to give an adequate summary of Mr. Poschl's extremely interesting essay; I will only mention his ar- gument that Horace quite often makes self-avowals by revealing his thoughts in an ironical way (Satires!); secondly, why it is wrong to speak of two successive philosophical periods in his live, first Epicurean, then Stoic: "es sind zwei Grundaspekte seines Daseins, die beide in gleicher Weise echt sind" (p. 107). In this way Mr. Poschl examines the Roman Odes, in which Horace is "zugleich der Dichter epikureischer Verborgenheit und der vates des augus- teischen Roms" (p. 108). In the discussion some doubt was cast upon looking for too much symbolism in Horace, but the general purpose of Mr. Poschl was warmly welcomed. F. Klingner: Virgil (p. 131-155). Mr. Klingner's task was not easy: so much has already been written on this subject that it is hardly possible to say anything novel; still the author shows in an illuminating way, how Vergil came to introduce Bucolic poetry in Rome (Theon's commentary on Theocritus), and how, even in the</p>
<p>365 earliest Eclogues with the most manifest imitation of Theocritus, he surpassed his model in composition and in devotion; and how in those which come last chronologically, in the dream-world of these Bucolics, Vergil's own thoughts and style are gradually developing. The likeness with his Greek predecessors becomes then only very tenuous. In looking for models of the Geoygics Mr. Klingner thinks that the popularity of Hellenistic didactic poetry (esp. Nicander's) with its playful character was the stimulus, at least outwardly, in title and general theme; the contents, of course, were greatly influenced by Lucretius and the earnestness of earlier Greek works (Hesiod). Still something of this playfulness remains even in the symbolic poetry on the bees. For the origins of the Aeneid a summary is given of the Roman epics and the Ennian tradition. Mr. Klingner thinks that Vergil's earlier scheme (Geoyg. III init.) might have been in the manner of this tradition: "trojanische Urgeschichte des julischen Geschlechts und Grosstaten des Caesar Octavianus" (p. 152), but that he broke through this mighty tradition by his better understanding of Homer's art. In the discussion Prof. van Berchem made some excellent remarks about the dream-world of the Bucolics : Vergil was timid and so he chose the form of Arcadic poetry on purpose in order to express his feelings and deeper thoughts "sans se d6couvrir" (p. 161). P. Boyanc6: Pyoperce (p. 169-209). Greek influence is present in every elegy of Propertius, who was a susceptible poet; so Boyanc6 talked about a large variety of problems in this respect, e.g. the choice of the name Cynthia (connection with Apollo?), but his main topic was the value of the mythological elements in this poetry; Propertius made use of mythic heroines to celebrate Cynthia's qualities, sometimes even to criticize her lack of their virtues. The poet's mythology should not be seen as a heavy burden of learned- ness, from which he could not liberate himself, but "il a bien plutot d6velopp6, en les r6f6rant a ses passions, toutes ces allusions a la fable" (p. 193). Besides a large part of these myths was con- sidered nationalized Roman property (the Trojan legends with their heroines). The second purpose of mythology consisted in glorifying poetry itself; in connection with this Boyanc6 enlarges upon the circle of poets who assembled in the worship of Bacchus as the god of poetic inspiration. In the discussion some objections were raised against Boyanc6's views on mythology and the value of this Bacchic cult. Quite</p>
<p>366 interesting is the fact that the names of several French and English- speaking poets were adduced to illustrate Propertius' modernness. L. P. Wilkinson: Greek influence on the poetry of Ovid (p. 223-243). In a clear exposition of this problem Mr. Wilkinson talked about his favourite poet, to whom he has since dedicated his well-known book Ovid Recalled. Greek influences on Ovid are obvious, and his rationalistic mind is akin to the Greeks, esp. those of the Hellen- istic culture. The personal element in the love-elegy introduced by Propertius and Tibullus has evaporated now: "we are to be entertained, not moved" (p. 226). Corinna is an imaginary figure. The spirit of the Amores, Ars and Remedia recall to mind the Greek epigrams, comedy, and mythology. The Heroides are of course full of reminiscences from Greek literature, for "Ovid was a great reader" (p. 227). Even the Fasti, "Ovid's most Roman work in spirit" (p. 234), for the literary part owes a great deal to Greek sources. The Metamorphoses were the most Greek of his work, "a masterpiece of Hellenistic baroque" (p. 237). But my dull summary is quite unlike the briskness of Mr. Wil- kinson's argument, interspersed with examples and fine general remarks. He ends by giving a valuable warning with regard to the study of tradition and influences: the search for verbal reminis- censes alone is somewhat sterile, even dangerous; "far more important is the recognition of ideas which are conventional" (p. 241); "one cannot help feeling that our energies ought now to be concentrated, first of all on the study of the poet's own en- vironment..... and then on the appreciation of the poems themselves as works of art making an immediate impact on our- selves" (p. 243). The chief topics of discussion were the psychological interest of Ovid (Euripides!), his sense of humour happily combined with pathos, his connection with Callimachus, and the question why Ovid had no successor in elegiac poetry. The reader will lay down this charming and important book with profound gratitude to the eminent authors. GRONINGEN, Zuiderpark 12 R. E. H. WESTENDORP BOERMA M. L. CLARKE, The Roman Mind. Studies in the History of Thought from Cicero to Marcus Aurelius. London, Cohen & West, 1956. 168 p. Pr. Sh. 18/ � . The scope of this book is much narrower than its title seems to announce. Art, literature and language are not taken into account; rhetoric, which the author had treated in his admirable Rhetoyic at Rome (1953), only appears incidentally here. Names like Plautus,</p>
<p>367 Caesar, Sallust, or Catullus are not to be found, though Sallust especially could have provided the author with ample illustration in some of his chapters. What it does offer, is a number of studies on the adaptation of Epicureanism, Stoicism, and Greek political theory among the upper circles in Rome, and on the way in which this process influenced Roman traditions moral, political, and religious. The author does not pretend to shed new light on these questions, and modern scholarship is remarkably absent from his book. But his studies make easy and pleasant reading, and they are well illustrated by references to ancient authors, especially to Cicero and Virgil. The student of the classics for whom the book is intended, will read it with profit. It reminds the Dutch reader of Wagenvoort's Varia Vita, to which it bears some resemblance. Typical of the author's approach is a passage on p. 139, where he sums up various aspects of Ciceronian humanitas : "But though we may trace its constituents back to Greece, there remains some- thing un-Greek about Ciceronian humanitas. It is partly the external setting; the society centred in the town, but with its roots in the country; the wealth and comfort and self-confidence of a governing class; the practical ability and close contact with affairs ... The Roman remains at bottom a little sceptical about the intellect..., he does not like to show off f learning, but prefers to pose as an amateur, a plain man, unus paterfamilias or unus e togatis." Would not this characterization perfectly apply to the ideal of an English "gentleman" as well? AMSTERDAM, Gerrit van der Veenstraat 171 I. A. D. LEEMAN A. SADURSKA, Inscriptions latines et monuments funéraires romains au musée national de Varsovie (Auctuarium Maean- dreum IV). Warszawa, 1953. 139 p. + XLVI pl. h.t. Prix zloty 28.50. En 1565, le cardinal polonais Stanislaus Hosius fonda a Braniewo un college qui, sous la direction des peres j6suites, a existe jusqu'au premier partage de la Pologne, en 1772. Sous le regime prussien, le "lyceum Hosianum" de "Braunsberg" relevait de 1'enseignement sup6rieur: il y avait une facult6 des Lettres qui, en igi2, fut reconnue "academie de 1'etat". Cette facult6 avait 6t6 enrichie en 1880 d'un cabinet archeologique contenant plusieurs reliefs, sarco- phages, vases etc., dont quelques-uns portent des inscriptions. L'inventaire ayant ete perdu, on etait mal renseign6 sur 1'histoire de la plupart de ces objects. Un aper?u des principaux monuments de la collection fut publi6 par M. A. Greifenhagen dans A. A. 1933, col. 420-453 quant aux inscriptions, une partie seulement des</p>
<p>368 inscriptions grecques avait, a cette date, ete 6tudi6e et publi6e. Apr6s la liberation de la Pologne les diverses collections d'anti- quit6s ont ete r6unies au mus6e national de Varsovie, de sorte qu'elles sont devenues accessibles aux 6tudes d'ensemble. Le present ouvrage est le premier r6sultat de ces etudes : il comprend les textes, traductions, descriptions et commentaires de toutes les inscriptions latines qui se trouvent a Varsovie. Une partie tres considerable provient de cette collection de Braniewo dont nous avons parle ; d'autres se trouvaient dispersees ailleurs dans le pays; la plupart, mal connues, n'avaient guere ete 6tudi6es. D'une part on peut donc f6liciter nos confreres polonais de poss6der cette collection si vari6e et, par la, si instructive pour les exercices pratiques; d'autre part il faut regretter que les monuments y soient arrives toujours "sans les actes concernant leur prove- nance" (p. 6). L'auteur de notre livre se rend bien compte des difficult6s cr66es par ces circonstances et elle sait les surmonter d'une fa?on qu'on admire, surtout quand on constate que 1'auteur n'a pas toujours a sa disposition l'outillage modeme (la bibliographie est assez inegale ; elle contient toutefois quelques titres savoureux). C'est donc au lecteur de rapprocher, par exemple, les remarques que fait 1'auteur sur l' ascia (p. 20 et 74) avec les r6sultats des re- cherches r6centes faites par H. Wuilleumier (article de 1944, que d'ailleurs on ne trouve pas aux Pays-Bas non plus) et J.-J. Hatt (La tombe gallo-romaine, 1951). * Bien que, des 55 inscriptions que poss6de le mus6e national de Varsovie, 52 soient des inscriptions fun6raires, la diversite des époques (du Ier siecle avant J.-C. au Ve s. de notre ere), les divers courants spirituels repr6sent6s (parmi lesquels on doit citer le n° 53, relief mithraique), les divers niveaux sociaux, les faits d'6criture et de langage, bien mis en lumiere par l'auteur dans ses descriptions et dans son commentaire, t6moignent de cette variete qui rend 1'etude des inscriptions tellement attractive; plus d'un objet est paradigmatique. Quand, pour les categories communes, on compare 1'article de M. Greifenhagen avec la pr6sente publication, on constate, en effet, les progr6s realises a plusieurs endroits: citons 1 a description de l'inscription 38 (Sad. p. 90-94, Greif. col. 45o et 451) ; l'inscription d'Hermione, qui re?oit ici sa premiere interpretation (n° 39; signa- lons cependant une erreur dans la transscription des chiffres: Sad. p. 84 donne XV et IV au lieu de XIIII et IIII). D'autre part, on regrette ne pas retrouver, notamment, l'Aiacius de Cologne (Greif. col. 442 et 443) et surtout le petit Heracles 6tranglant les serpents (col. 441 et 447): sont-ils devenus les victimes de la guerre ?</p>
<p>369 Malheureusement, par suite de la qualite du papier employ6, les photographies des inscriptions, que contient notre livre, ne sont pas toutes bien r6ussies, d6faut que les amples descriptions n'arrivent pas toujours a r6parer. Ainsi, je ne distingue pas bien si le point qui, d'apr6s la description, precede le dernier mot de l'inscription 34 (= planche XXVIII, 3; pourquoi ce num6rotage different et si encombrant ?), repr6sente une veritable ponctuation; sinon, je voudrais proposer d'interpr6ter la phrase comme un tout: PETRONIA NICE FECIT ............... AEDIC(u) avec un supplement qui cadrerait bien avec les autres n6ghgences ortho- graphiques signal6es et expliqu6es a la p. 84. Nous nous r6jouissons de ce fruit du travail de la philologie polonaise, dont nous entendons parler trop peu depuis la regrettable disparition de la revue Eos; nous souhaitons ce livre, d'un format bien agr6able, entre les mains non seulement de ceux qui 6tudient 1'epigraphie, mais aussi de beaucoup d'int6ress6s non-professionels, et nous esp6rons qu'on verra bientot une nouvelle 6dition qui per- mettra l'utilisation d'un papier bien couch6 (pour les reproductions) et la correction de quelques erreurs (dont nous signalons encore l'attribution erron6e du titre divus a Hadrien a la page 19 ; com- parer p. 116), et de quelques fautes de fran?ais. Mais des mainte- tenant nous savons gr6 a notre coll6gue polonais d'avoir r6dig6 son expose dans une langue plus r6pandue que la sienne et d'avoir, de la sorte, rendu accessible pour nous les anciens tresors de son pays. UTRECHT, 56 Jac-P. Thijsselaan. G.-J.-M.-J. TE RIELE J. BEAUJEU, La religion romaine à l'apogée de l'Empire. La politique religieuse des Antonins (96-192). Paris, "Les Belles Lettres", 1955. 455 PP. Dans ce premier volume M. Beaujeu etudie la politique religieuse des Antonins et son enqu6te a port6 sur une documentation 6tendue et vari6e. Mais la source la plus abondante et la plus r6v6latrice est constitu6e par les monnaies et les m6daillons, qui diffusaient, les unes a travers tout 1'Empire, les autres dans le cercle de la cour, les images et les mots d'ordre de la propagande officielle; parmis les types de revers on distingue quelquefois deux categories : les types de "programme", illustrant un programme politique ou re- ligieux deliberement choisi par ce prince et les types de "circon- stance", celebrant un 6v6nement survenu dans la vie politique ou dans la maison imp6riale. Mais cette distinction, assez artifi- cielle, n'est valable que dans les cas-limites; en general, une emission mon6taire avait pour occasion un événement particulier, qu'il appartient aux sp6cialistes de deceler ; mais la decision de comm6-</p>
<p>370 morer cet 6v6nement et le choix du type d6pendaient souvent de certaines intentions particuh6res ou d'une orientation g6n6rale. Ainsi la plupart des emissions ont une signification, plus ou moins riche et precise, qu'il importe de d6gager. Les monnaies provinci- ales d'Orient et meme les emissions autonomes des cites grecques, qui cherchaient a flatter les preferences des empereurs, fournissent ainsi des renseignements pr6cieux, en confirmant ou en nuanqant les conclusions que 1'on peut tirer de la monnaie romaine. Une etude comme celle de M. Beaujeu n'a encore jamais ete entre- prise syst6matiquement et l'auteur analyse tour a tour l'action de chacun des empereurs dans le domaine religieux et cherche a d6celer les tendances et les intentions. En portant un jugement sur un livre d'une si grande beaute et qui t6moigne d'une puissante erudition et d'un fonds de lectures considerable, on ose a peine se permettre quelques observations critiques; aussi les petites remarques suivantes ne nuiront-elles nullement h la grande valeur de 1'ensemble. L'auteur commence par une description de la crise religieuse d'Auguste a Domitien. Seulement on n'y attire pas l'attention sur une monnaie frapp6e par le S6nat en 65 apr6s J. Chr. sous le regne de N6ron, sur laquelle se trouve la Securitas Augusti. Il se peut que la conjuration de Pison ait joue un role ici. Et ailleurs aussi on a ete une maratre pour la Securitas. Les monnaies de Septime S6v6re unissent toujours les effigies de ses fils Caracalla et G6ta avec celle de la Securitas. Dans 1'existence de ces deux fils, revêtus deja de la dignit6 imp6riale, ces monnaies annoncent que la perpé- tuite certaine de la dynastie imp6riale est garantie. L'empereur reprend ici les id6es de Galba. Vespasien lui aussi a uni l'image de la Securitas non seulement avec sa propre effigie mais aussi avec celle de son fils Titus. Cette mati6re demande absolument une note suppl6mentaire. En ce qui concerne la Pietas une autre omission m'a frappe. L'auteur mentionne bien que Trajan d6s son av6nement affronta courageusement l'opinion publique et surtout l'opposition du S6nat en décernant a Nerva, son p6re adoptif, 1'eloge fun6bre et les honneurs de I'apoth6ose, que tout le monde voulait refuser h ce prince honn6te, mais maladroit et impopulaire. Or a cet 6v6nement correspondent les monnaies frappées par Trajan et qui figurent la Pietas (erga parentem), une femme aux mains levees en pri6re devant l'autel. Une pareille image se rencontre pour la premiere fois sur les monnaies frapp6es par Galba. Pour finir je voudrais bien faire remarquer qu'une interdiction de professer le Christianisme datant du temps de Neron (p. 46), n'a 6t6 nullement prouvee. WINSCHOTEN, Liefkensstraat i. E. J. JONKERS</p>
<p>371 Sex. Propertii Elegiarum libri IV. Recensuit MAURITIUS SCHUSTER. Lipsiae in Aedibus B. G. Teubneri, MCMLIV. XXVI, 252 p. Pr. DM 9. � Si quis recentissimam hanc Propertii elegiarum editionem compa- rat cum editione Oxoniensi, quam vir doctus E. A. Barber anno 1953 curavit, apparet notas criticas in editione Teubneriana minus accuratas esse quam in editione Oxoniensi et praecipue lectiones codicum P et Vo. in Teubneriana saepenumero aut non aut perperam ' tradi. Molestum quoque est Schusterum aliquot codices novis siglis nominavisse, nam codicem Leidensem Vossianum quem vulgo nota Vo. significant, L nominat; codicem Holkhamicum 333, qui semper L vocatur, nota H indicavit. Etiam magnopere dolendum est in apparatu critico, ubi lectio incerta sit, raro coniecturas virorum doctorum commemorari. Quod ad ipsum textum attinet, Schuster nimis tenax est lectionum traditarum, etiamsi nullo modo defendi possunt. Plane quidem ei assentior dicenti multos philo- logos in transponendis versibus petulanter et audacter grassatos esse, sed ipse Schuster nimis timidum se praebuit, quod duas tantummodo transpositiones adhibuit, cum E. A. Barber, vir prudens et cautus, iure suo undecim locis versus transposuerit. Quidquid enim dicunt homines Propertii imperiti et in re critica hospites, fieri nullo modo potest, ut manus poetae restituatur, si nusquam fere versum transponere audemus. Schusteri editio eo tamen commendabilis est, quod virorum doctorum de singulis elegiis disputationes in inferiore parte paginarum commemoravit. Editio continet praeterea Indicem metricum et prosodiacum, quem Carolus Hosius composuit; novus editor hunc indicem additis virorum doctorum libris et commentationibus magnopere auxit. Schuster adiecit etiam Indicem verborum et locutionum utilem, qui tamen passim res dubias tradit quasi certae sint. Exempli causa adferam p. 203 'persuadere i.q. ad mirationem (alqm.) invitare s. illicere (pellicere) 1. 2. 13', ubi tamen 'persuadent' corruptum est; p. 198 'labi i.q. retro fluere: labentur flumina ponto ( = ex ponto) I. 15. 29', sed hic quoque versus corruptus est, cf. editio mea Monobibli et Shackleton Bailey, P-ropeytiana, p. 44/5. Attamen indices, qui 77 paginas occupant, melior pars novae editionis sunt. Quoniam autem Mnemosyne longiora de novis libris iudicia capere non potest, hic finem facio scribendi, praesertim cum in lVluseo ' Sythoffiano fusius de Schusteri editione disputaturus sim. GRONINGEN, Kraneweg 39. P. J. ENK</p>
<p>372 Gai Institutionum commentarii IV mit philologischem Kommentar herausgegeben von M. DAVID und H. L. W. NELSON. I. Text (1. Lieferung), II. Kommentar (1. Liefe- rung). Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1954. 48 + 176 S. In den Atti del congresso internazionale di diritto romano e di storia del diritto, Verona 1948 1) hat F. Wieacker Vorbedingungen einer kritischen Gaius-Ausgabe aufgestellt, wobei er u.a. betont, dass alle Zeugnisse, einschliesslich der Nebenquellen und der nicht offenbar wertlosen Bearbeitungen Prasumptivvarianten seien, zwischen denen nicht nach ihrer Stellung im Stammbaum, sondern nach sachkritischen Massstaben zu wahlen sei. Ob die vorliegende Ausgabe den dort gestellten Anforderungen entspricht, ist schwer zu sagen, weil ein Vorwort oder eine Einleitung, welche iiber die Zielsetzung der Ausgabe aufklaren konnte, einstweilen fehlt 2). Dieselbe bietet einen durchweg neu bearbeiteten Text, der mit drei Apparaten versehen ist: im obersten sind die Parallelstellen aus Inst., Dig., Ulpian, Theophilos usw. verzeichnet; der zweite gibt sehr genaue Angaben iiber die Lesarten des Veronenser Kodex, den die Herausgeber selbst an Ort und Stelle aufs neue verglichen haben; der dritte endlich verzeichnet Abweichungen der parallelen Quellen und versucht Konjekturen oder Erganzungen zu recht- fertigen, alles in deutscher Sprache. Dass nicht regelmassig Kon- jekturen frfherer Herausgeber oder anderer im Apparate ange- führt werden, empfindet Rez. als einen erheblichen Mangel 3). Der Text selber ist in ausserst konservativer Weise behandelt worden: wenn nur irgendwie m6glich, werden die Lesarten der (einzigen) Hs. beibehalten. In Bezug hierauf ist man begierig zu erfahren, wie die Behandlung des Textes ausfallen wird an den wenigen Stellen im Folgenden, an denen eine zweifache direkte Uberlieferung vorliegt. Es lasst sich einstweilen fragen, ob die Herausgeber nicht bisweilen etwas zu konservativ verfahren sind. So glaube ich nicht - ebensowenig wie S. Lundstrom 4) -, dass I 54 der Konjunktiv intellegatur mit Recht beibehalten worden ist. Der Akkusativ in I 55 in potesta t em parentum libeyos esse bleibt zweifelhaft, trotz der gelehrten Ausführungen der Heraus- _ geber darüber im Kommentar: angesichts der von ihnen selbst im Kommentar (S. 79 f.) angeffhrten Parallelstellen wurde ich i ) Milano, Giuffr6, I 1953 S. 53 ff. 2) Übrigens hat Wieacker selbst vorliegende Lieferungen lobend be- sprochen. Z. Sav. Rom. 1954 S. 412 ff. 3) In App. II und III werden die Nummern der Zeilen neben denen der Paragraphen aufgefiihrt, was unnbtig viel Raum in Beschlag nimmt. 4) im Gnomon 29 (1957) S. 138.</p>
<p>373 lieber den Ablativ einsetzen. I 71 ist das et vor ob id doch wohl zu tilgen. I 115 verdient m.E. die leichte Verbesserung Polenaars <> inferioribus entschieden den Vorzug vor dem iiberlieferten inferioyibus, ungeachtet der im Kommentar aus Quintilian ange- führten Stelle. Und I 141 scheinen die Konjekturen mancipentuy bzw. mancipantur doch wahrscheinlicher als das fberlieferte Imperfekt des Konjunktivs. Sehr dankenswert ist das vorlaufige Verzeichnis von Siglen und Abkürzungen auf S. 3 und 4 des Um- schlags. Der Kommentar ist in erster Linie ein philologischer. Zwar werden leicht zugangliche Werke aus der romanistischen Literatur dann und wann angef uhrt, auch wird des of teren in glfcklicher Weise Stellung genommen gegenüber der fbertriebenen, nament- lich von Solazzi vertretenen Annahme von interpolierten Glossen im Gaiustexte; im allgemeinen jedoch wird die Behandlung rechts- historischer Fragen vermieden, welche einem spateren, von der Hand Prof. v. Ovens zu erwartenden, juristischen Kommentar vorbehalten bleibt, wenngleich eine solche auch wieder nicht ganzlich fehlt: vgl. zB. S. 135 ff. zu I 113 iiber die coemptio oder S. 149 ff. zu I 119 die Behandlung der mancipatio oder auch S. 163 ff. zu I 132 die Ausführungen iiber den Ausdruck in causa mancipii. Das Hauptgewicht jedoch im Kommentar liegt auf der sprachlichen und stilistischen Erklarung des Textes. Man muss die h6chste Bewunderung haben vor der grfndlichen Behandlung der in Betracht kommenden Fragen sowie vor der aus den vielen Belegstellen hervortretenden Belesenheit der Verfasser auf diesem Gebiete. Vielfach wird an eine Schwierigkeit oder Lfcke im Texte angeknüpft, was dann zu ausführlichen sprach- und stilgeschicht- lichen Betrachtungen ffhrt, sodass man sich unwillkfrlich fragt, ob manches nicht ein wenig kürzer hatte gefasst werden konnen; auch fehlen Wiederholungen nicht immer. Andrerseits vermisst man trotz der breiten Anlage des Kommentars bisweilen dieses oder jenes. So bdtte zu I I quasi quo iure usw. der Gebrauch von quasi erlautert werden konnen ; auch hatte man zu I 83 animad- veyteye debemus ne gerne etwas näheres vernommen iiber den Gebrauch von ne an dieser Stelle oder zu I 87 plus quam mani f estum est iiber plus quam. Leichte Versehen sind folgende : S. 13 wird als Jahreszahl der lex Hortensia 278 angegeben ; S. 83 zu I 59 Wird idem iuris in unrichtiger Weise erkldrt 1) und S. go wird veJxire mit 'gekauft werden' fbersetzt, das wohl nur auf einem Schreibfehler beruht. S. 121, in einer ausgezeichneten Verteidigung der Lesart vel praetoris in I 98, wird der Kaiser, den wir in Nachahmung 1) Darauf hat Lundstrbm a.a.0. schon hingewiesen.</p>
<p>374 spaterer Schriftsteller gewohnlich Caracalla nennen, mit Antoninus Caracalla angedeutet, aber so hat dessen offizieller Name nie gelautet. Der Rhetor Fronto sollte heute nach der Ausgabe von v. d. Hout zitiert werden (vgl. zB. S. 7 Z. 6 v. u.); sie ist aber im selben Jahre wie die vorliegende erschienen und konnte somit woh] noch nicht von den Verfassern benutzt werden. Derartige Kleinig- keiten jedoch vermogen dem Wert des Kommentars keinen Ab- bruch zu tun, der vielmehr ein eindrucksvolles Monument des Fleisses und der Gelehrsamkeit darstellt und vor allem dem phi- lologisch in Gaius Interessierten wichtige Dienste wird leisten konnen. Die aussere Ausstattung ist dabei vorziiglich, die Zahl der Druckfehler erfreulich gering 1). HAAG, Waalsdorperweg 217. J. W. PH. BORLEFFS M. SICHERL, Die Handschriften, Ausgaben und Über- setzungen von Iamblichos De mysteriis. Eine kritisch- historische Studie (Texte und Untersuchungen zur Ge- schichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 62. Band = V. Reihe, Band 7). Berlin, Akademie-Verlag, 1957. XVI + 226 S., XVI Tafeln. Pr. DM 33,50. Genau ein Jahrhundert nach Partheys Ausgabe der Schrift De mysteriis (der letzten, die wir besitzen) erscheinen diese Prolegomena zu einer Neuausgabe, das Ergebnis einer zwanzigj£hrigen Beschäf- tigung mit dem Gegenstand. Die Behandlung der Handschriften ist, wie danach zu erwarten war, sehr eingehend und sorgfaltig; zur Datierung sind besonders die Wasserzeichen ausgenutzt worden, und in den meisten Fallen gelang es, dem Ursprung und der weiteren Geschichte der einzelnen Kodizes nachzugehen. Sicherl bespricht 39 noch vorhandene Exemplare, wovon 25 den vollstandigen Text bieten; ich vermisste Matritensis 0 46, dessen Inhalt nach Miller (Biblioth6que Royale de Madrid, S. 85) fbereinstimmt mit dem Taurinensis T (Iamblichus De vita Pythagorica usw.; De mysteriis; Hierocles). Das Nettoergebnis fur die Rezension ist, dass nach Ausscheidung der sekundaren Abschriften nur zwei selbstandige Textzeugen fbrigbleiben, namlich Vallicellianus F 20, einst Ficinos Eigentum und Grundlage seiner in 1497 gedruckten sehr freien Ubersetzung, und Marcianus gr. 244, Bessarions Handexemplar, beide unmittelbar abgeleitet, wie es scheint, aus einem nicht sehr viel alteren Arche- typus, der sich zu Ficinos Zeiten in Florenz befunden haben muss. 1) Ich habe nur einige notiert: S. 39 Z. I v.o. aus einem solches etwas und S. 112 Z. 20 v.o. citvitatem.</p>
<p>375 Gegen A. R. Sodano, der gleichfalls den Text von De mysteriis in Bearbeitung genommen hat, weist Sicherl überzeugend nach, dass die Randvarianten des Vallicellianus nicht eine Kollation eines dritten Kodex, sondern Konjekturen Ficinos sind und deshalb fiir die Rezension wertlos. Der einzige überrest eines selbstandigen überlieferungszweiges ist ein kurzes Exzerpt im Vatic. gr. io26. Die zahlreichen Beitrage zur Handschriften- und Bibliotheks- geschichte sowie die interessanten Nachweise auf dem Gebiete der Textkritik geben der Arbeit eine Bedeutung, die iiber den unmittelbaren Zweck hinausgeht. Die Tafeln, die Handschrift und Arbeitsverfahren einiger namhaften Gelehrten und Abschreiber illustrieren. verdienen eine besondere Erwiihnung. EMMEN, Molenkamp 20. L. G. WESTERINK P. F. HOVINGH, Claudius Marius Victorius, Alethia. La Prière et les vers 1-170 du Livre I avec introduction, traduction et commentaire. Thèse Leyden. Groningen, J. B. Wolters, 1955. 131 p. Pr. fl. 4,90. In his Introduction (p. 12-46) the author deals successively with the editions of the Alethia-the very words with which Gangneius (not Gagneius) introduces his ed. of 1536 prove to which extent he has done violence to the text-, with the codex Parisinus 7558, the only extant ms.-the author agrees with Lejay that it is identi- cal with the ms. used by Morel for his ed. of 1560-, with the poet himself-the name Victorius is preferable to Victorinus-and his poem: here the author does not make clear, if I understand him correctly, what exactly he thinks of the theory that the Alethia should be unfinished or that one book should have been lost. Then, after a Paraphrase des vers traitds, follows a chapter entitled Le poète, son temps et son climat s?iyituel-Marius wrote his Alethia at Marseilles probably between 420 and 430; he was not, and did not want to be, a Pelagian, and it is impossible to prove his ad- herence to Semipelagianism either-and a chapter entitled Sources littéraires de l'A.: though the data are scarce, the author still thinks he can conclude from them that the Vetus Latina has been used rather than the Vulgata. He reduces, against Maurer, .the influence of Ambrosius' Hexameron to the just proportions and points out the importance of other authors, esp. Augustine. The translation combines, generally speaking, in a happy way exactness with readableness. Sometimes, however, the author gives rather a paraphrase than a translation, e.g. Precatio 2/4 quem nec sttbtili indagine rerum / mentibus humanis sensu comprendere f as est / et nescire nefas : "il n'est pas accorde à 1'esprit humain,</p>
<p>376 malgre la subtilite de sa recherche, de te comprendre, ni de t'igno- rer." The subtle difference between nec f as and et ne f as has com- pletely been lost. The translation of Prec. 10/11 tu spatium rerum, mentis quocumque recessus / tenditur, excedis: "tu es au delh de 1'espace occupe par les choses, quelque vaste que 1'esprit l'imagine", does not render at all the tension of the original. Here and there I can not agree with the author's translation. Prec. I I6 ne damnes, tantum quod tam reus audeo munus does not mean : "pour que tu ne condamnes pas le travail si vaste dans lequel mon audace m'engage malgre ma grande culpabilite", but: "do not condemn that I, so sinful, venture upon so heavy a task". The author is quite beside the mark in his translation of Pyec. 38/40 sic omnia diues / conditor adueysis etiam cognata elementis / nectis : "ainsi, comme un riche cr6ateur, tu établis un lien de parent6 entre toutes choses, bien que leurs elements soient contraires". The true meaning is: "you join all things, even when they have grown into one from opposite elements", cognatus being here a synonym of concretus (cf. ThLL III 1482, 84 seqq. This meaning does not occur before Claudian). The commentary contains several observations which, in my opinion, could and should have been omitted; on the other hand, it sometimes disappoints the reader with regard to interesting and remarkable expressions and ideas. Here, however, the author will probably refer to the beginning words of his Avant-propos: "La presente etude, constituant le d6but d'une edition de 1'A., ne saurait pr6tendre a 6tre complete." It seems therefore better to acknowledge the useful information the author gives in many of his notes. The few remarks I had to make do not prevent me from wishing him the energy and possibility for continuing and completing his work. AMSTERDAM Z I, Johannes Vermeerstraat 47 bv. G. F. DIERCKS BOLLETTINO del Comitato per la preparazione della Edizione Nazionale dei Classici Greci e Latini, Nuova Serie, fasc. 5. Roma, Academia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1957. 61 p. Pr. L. 1000. N. TERZAGHI, Minutiores curae V (Catullo 67, 27) (1). - V. BAZ?TOZ.?TTZ, Hellenica Oxyrhynchia IV 1 (7). - A. COLONNA, Dionysii Periegetae Vita Chisiana (9). - A. COLONNA, Note a recenti edizioni di Aristotele (13). - G. B. ALBERTI, Questioni tucididee (19). - P. PEDIVELLANO, Sulla para- frasi degli Halieutica di Oppiano attribuita ad Eutecnio (41). - F. FINOC- CHIARO, Ioannis Tzetzae Allegoriae in Odysseae libros XIII-XVIII (45-61).</p>
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