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Juárez: The Reflection of U.S. Values in a Historical Drama

Identifieur interne : 001146 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001145; suivant : 001147

Juárez: The Reflection of U.S. Values in a Historical Drama

Auteurs : Scott Dittloff

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:A1D35646D91FDB0E0E602B3DDDB760A53E51623C

English descriptors

Abstract

This article is designed to survey mid-20th century American perceptions of Latin America through popular culture. It focuses on an analysis of the motion picture treatment of Latin America in the American film Juárez. The plot, characters, and cinematography have all been influenced by the social and political climate in the United States and Latin America and by relations between the two regions. The movie reflects the sociopolitical culture of the United States (where the movie was made) at that time.

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DOI: 10.1177/1538192705279589

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ISTEX:A1D35646D91FDB0E0E602B3DDDB760A53E51623C

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<meta-value> 10.1177/1538192705279589Journal of Hispanic Higher Education / October 2005Dittloff Juárez: The Reflection of U.S. Values in a Historical Drama SCOTT DITTLOFF Abstract: This article is designed to survey mid-20th century American per- ceptions of Latin America through popular culture. It focuses on an analysis of the motion picture treatment of Latin America in the American film Juárez. The plot, characters, and cinematography have all been influenced by the so- cial and political climate in the United States and Latin America and by rela- tions between the two regions. The movie reflects the sociopolitical culture of the United States (where the movie was made) at that time. Resumen: Éste manuscrito está diseñado para examinar a través de cultural popular las percepciones de América Latina de mediados del siglo veinte. Éste enfoca en un análisis sobre el tratamiento de América Latina en la película americana Juárez. La trama, los papeles, y la cinematografía han sido influenciados por el clima social y político en los Estados Unidos de América y América Latina y por las relaciones entre las dos regiones. La película refleja la cultura socio-política de ese tiempo en los Estados Unidos de América (donde la película se filmó). Keywords: Juárez; cinema studies; sociopolitical culture; popular culture For centuries, humanity has used the retelling of historical dramas (or myths) as entertainment and as a way to reinforce and promote social, politi- cal, and religious norms. The Iliad and The Odyssey, The Aeneid, The Song of Roland, and The Red Badge of Courage, to name just a few, were used both to teach history and to entertain. Although the stories may or may not be accurate, they are highly stylized versions of history designed not only to tell an entertaining story but also to inculcate contemporary social and moral values. The storyteller works with a significant amount of iconographic ma- terial and uses that as a basis for promoting cultural values. The hero may have flaws and encounter failure, but in the end he or she succeeds or dies honorably upholding the preferred values and social mores. American movies are a contemporary version of these cultural myths. They are first and foremost entertainment. However, genre movies (in par- ticular) explore recurring story patterns and myths that are typical of a given 333 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, Vol. 4, No. 4, October 2005, 333-342 DOI: 10.1177/1538192705279589 Sage Publications 2005 culture or period (Giannetti & Eyman, 1996, p. 131). The directors, produc- ers, screen writers, and actors work with a well-known story and can then "build on the accomplishments of their predecessors, enriching their ideas or calling them into question" (Giannetti & Eyman, 1996, p. 135). Some of the most suggestive critical studies, pioneered by the French literary critic Hippolyte Taine, have explored the relationship of a genre to the society and period where it was created. The idea of this type of analysis is that the social and intellectual interests of a given era and nation will mani- fest themselves in art. Art can "be analyzed for both its overt and covert meaning: Beneath its explicit content there exists a vast reservoir of latent social and psychic information" (Giannetti & Eyman, 1996, p. 135). This article is designed to survey mid-20th century American percep- tions of Latin America through popular culture. It focuses on an analysis of the motion picture treatment of Latin America in the American film Juárez. Although many studies of historical dramas concern themselves with the ac- curacy or inaccuracy of the historical treatment of the subject (see Mico, Miller-Monzon, & Rubel, 1996; Rollins, 1983; Rosenstone, 1995), this arti- cle focuses on the reflection of values and policies in movies. The plot, char- acters, and cinematography have all been influenced by the social and politi- cal climate in the United States and Latin America and by relations between the two regions. In particular, rather than Juárez being documentary in na- ture, the movie serves the function that myth has always served: It reflects the sociopolitical culture of the United States (where the movie was made) at that time. The emphases of the movie, then, are on concerns of democracy as understood in the United States and on reactions to European imperialism and fascism. Background The movie Juárez was released in 1939 by Warner Brothers pictures and was directed by William Dieterle (1939). The setting of the movie is México from 1862 to 1867, and it deals with Benito Juárez, Maximilian of Austria and his wife Carlota, and Napoleon III. Maximilian was put on the "unsteady Aztec throne" (Burns, 1986, p. 102) by the French army at the in- vitation of the Mexican conservatives after a series of reforms initiated by the liberals (Skidmore & Smith, 1984, pp. 229-230). The liberal reforms in México emerged as a reaction to the rule of Santa Anna and his renunciation of the liberal and antichurch reforms of Valentin Gomez Farías in 1833 (Burns, 1986, p. 109). The Plan of Ayutla, issued in 1854, called for the ouster of Santa Anna and a new constitution. A year later the liberals came to power and initiated religious reforms with the Ley Juárez, which limited the jurisdiction of military and ecclesiastical courts in purely civil cases. In 1856 the Ley Lerdo, which required all corporations to sell their lands, was imple- mented (Burns, 1986, p. 109; see also Cockcroft, 1989, p. 81). As Burns 334 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education / October 2005 (1986) says, "The intention of this law was to divest the Church of all its property not strictly devoted to religious purposes" (p. 109). The reaction of conservatives and the Church was predictable; Pope Pius condemned the laws and the new constitution. The military and the clergy united and at- tacked the liberals starting the War of Reform, from 1858 to 1861. The vic- torious liberals loosed a host of anticlerical laws including civil marriage, nationalization of all church property, and separation of church and state. As Burns (1986) states, Defeated on the battlefields, the conservatives resolved to seek foreign inter- vention rather than accept the triumph of Juárez. They persuaded the ambitious Napoleon III to intervene in their favor in 1862 by supporting the restitution of the monarchy in the person of Archduke Maximilian, who arrived in 1864. (p. 110) Unfortunately for the conservatives, Maximilian supported the reli- gious reforms. However, the liberals did not want French intervention or a monarch and took up arms again (Skidmore & Smith, 1984, p. 230). To help maintain Maximilian on the throne, Napoleon committed 34,000 troops to México. This only prolonged the inevitable collapse of Maximilian. When the French withdrew their troops in 1866 under pressure from the United States (which had just concluded its own civil war; see Schulzinger, 1994, p. 52), the liberals captured Maximilian and executed him in 1867 despite the pleas of European leaders (Cockcroft, 1989, p. 81). Thus ended the reign of Maximilian of Austria. The struggle between the liberals and the conservatives was clearly reli- gious (and economic). There was little discussion of or concern about de- mocracy during the struggle. The movie is reasonably faithful to the events described above. Yet when viewing the movie Juárez, one gets the distinct impression that democracy is uppermost in the minds of Juárez and all of his followers. In fact, the movie is less about the events in México from 1861 to 1865 than it is about domestic and international policies of the United States during that time. Analysis of Juárez Juárez has several themes that point out the U.S. bias in viewing Juárez's struggle against Maximilian. The portrayal of Benito Juárez, the portrayal of the Mexicans in general, and discussions of democracy and fas- cism in the movie all have a distinctly U.S. flavor to them. All of these themes reflect the policy interests of the United States while ignoring the so- cioeconomic context of México in the 1860s. No one is more mythologized in México than Benito Juárez. He thus be- comes an ideal subject for exploration of the movie as myth and social ex- Dittloff 335 ploration. He is an icon and is used as such in the movie. First, one should note that Paul Muni as Juárez is practically unrecognizable because of the heavy makeup he wears. That may be the reason why he is so implacable in the film. It may also be that Dieterlie and Muni developed this Juárez as an icon. His first appearance looks like a painting, and never once in the film does he smile or even frown. He never raises his voice or expresses either delight or despair. Juárez seems barely human; he's much more of an idea than a flesh and blood person. This is not to say that Benito Juárez is portrayed unsympathetically in the movie. He is seen as a very honorable and intelligent man. However, Juárez never does anything honorable without some reference to Abraham Lincoln. In fact, Juárez sounds like a clone of Lincoln when he speaks. One gets the impression that the movie could just as easily have been about Lin- coln. Juárez is probably most sad in the movie when he learns of Lincoln's assassination. Lincoln looms over this film. In nearly every shot taken inside of Juárez' office, his portrait is in the frame, frequently centered, while Juárez is shunted to the side. His paternalistic concern for México, during the height of the Civil War, is mentioned early (the portrait is delivered then with a letter from Lincoln pledging support when the American Civil War is over), and there are two separate parodies of the Gettysburg Address, one given by Louis Napoleon just after the battle has been fought and a second given by Juárez when he says that "the cause of democracy has not, will not perish." In the United States, few people are as symbolic of freedom and democ- racy as Abraham Lincoln. By linking Juárez to Lincoln, the movie conveys a significant amount of material about freedom and democracy without hav- ing to spend a great deal of dialog explaining them. Moviegoers can easily make the connection between the action in the movie and freedom and de- mocracy simply by drawing on the tremendous iconographic storehouse embodied in the image of Abraham Lincoln. Juárez even looks like Lincoln in the movie. The resemblance between Lincoln and Juárez draws the ico- nography of Lincoln even more fully into the movie. Even when Lincoln's picture or references to him are not in the story, the image of Lincoln still persists in the movie in the guise of Benito Juárez. The iconographic nature of both Juárez and Lincoln in the film point to the very American interpretation of liberty and democracy. The emphasis is on American symbols and ideals that replace the Mexican principles. Another reflection of U.S. attitudes toward Latin America in general is the portrayal of the Mexicans themselves. Although for the most part they are treated sympathetically, they are presented as being both ignorant and simplistic. With the exception of Juárez, Mexicans are seen as being child- like. They cannot be trusted to know what to do with democracy without the divine inspiration of the United States and the spirit of Abraham Lincoln. 336 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education / October 2005 They need guidance because they are not mature enough to govern themselves. The scene where the plebiscite takes place shows hundreds of peones milling around and signing what appear to be the voting lists. In fact when they sign their names (or mark an X, for many of them cannot read or write), they are actually participating (unknowingly) in the plebiscite. They are thus easily tricked into voting for the reintroduction of the monarchy. In another scene, Pepe (no last name), the son of one of Juárez's assis- tants, in response to Juárez's question about shepherding, describes how his dogs fought off a wolf who was killing his sheep. The son, who appears to be a teenager, speaks in a manner befitting a 5- or 6-year-old not a teenager. The inflections, the wording, and the mannerisms of Pepe are all very juvenile. The father stands aside with obvious and simplistic pride in his off- spring. He introduces his son to Juárez with the clipped phrase, "This is Pepe," as if no other explanation were necessary. In listening to Pepe, Juárez takes on the mannerisms of a grandfather humoring a young grandson who has presented him with a barely recognizable picture and convinces the child that it is an artistic masterpiece. The whole scene paints a picture of an uned- ucated (bordering on mentally retarded) yet gentle and subservient Mexican lower class. A later scene shows one person reading a posted decree from Maximilian to many others (who apparently cannot read), implying that he can barely read himself. His reading is slow and labored, and he is obviously translating the decree into words that he and others can understand. By contrast, Maximilian is well versed in the detail of the pomp and cir- cumstance of office. In preparing for his coronation, Maximilian instructs his Mexican advisors and tailor in the proper way to construct his robe. He tells the tailor to extend the ermine border another 8 inches and to make the miniver tails 6 inches apart rather than the 12 inches apart that the tailor had made them. This would distinguish a monarch from an archduke, he tells them. They beg his forgiveness for being so ignorant of the finer points of the court, and he graciously absolves them. The Europeans, as embodied in Maximilian and his entourage, are seen as much more refined than the Mexicans. When Maximilian eats, it looks like a feast; there are table linens, candles, wine goblets, and refined discus- sions. Maximilian and Samuel Basch (his doctor) even discuss the character of the wine they are drinking (which we learn is the last of Maximilian's Austrian supply) and why the wine is cloudy. Basch says that the "vines are blooming in Austria and that wine is a living thing." This is a very upper- class observation. Compare this to the portrayals of the Mexicans dining. In one scene Juárez eats rice and beans out of a wooden bowl with a crude wooden spoon in the back of his carriage. In another scene Porfirio Díaz eats his dinner of corn on the cob with his hands while sitting on his bed in Dittloff 337 prison. His beverage is water that he drinks from a ladle. There is no feast for the poor Mexicans. This picture of the Mexicans is a clear reflection of the (Woodrow) Wilsonian philosophy toward Latin America. Wilson did not feel that Latin Americans had the political maturity to support democracy, therefore he stated that he was going to teach the South American republics to elect good men. Wilson felt that "by cleansing a country's internal politics, revolution could be avoided. No better way existed to cleanse those politics and create a legitimate government, he reasoned, than democratic elections" (LeFeber, 1994, p. 277). However, Wilson's "paternalistic belief in the inferiority and immaturity of the Latin Americans led Wilson to emphasize constitu- tionalism and electoralism rather than participatory mass self-government. He promoted democracy for the people rather than by the people" (Drake, 1991, p. 14). The emphasis on constitutionalism is made by Juárez at several points in the movie. His vice president, Alejandro Uradi, on two different occa- sions--once to limit concerns over Juárez's Indian heritage and another time because Juárez's term of office had expired--asks Juárez to step down so that he can take his place. Juárez declines to step down in both instances, claiming that he must put the interests of the people and the constitution first. Again toward the end of the movie, Juárez shows support for the idea of constitutionalism when he refuses to commute Maximilian's execution sen- tence. He argues that to stay the execution would be to make a mockery of the constitution and break faith with the citizens of México. He therefore does not order a stay of the execution, and Maximilian is summarily shot. Only Juárez himself, personifying Lincoln in the movie, has the ability to fully understand the true meaning of democracy (in the Wilsonian sense) and to act on his convictions. Abraham Lincoln, the savior of democracy in the United States, is the perfect character for the director to highlight the supposed superiority of U.S. democracy over Latin American democracy. The implication is clear: Only the United States, or those divinely inspired by the United States, can implement and support democracy. The rest, even supporters of Juárez, can succumb to the evils of authoritarianism, as Juárez's vice president does in the movie when he rebels against Juárez and proclaims himself to be president. This patronizing attitude toward Mexican democracy is also manifested in the fact that Juárez resembles Lincoln but is smaller in stature. This not only reflects a historical fact (Juarez wore a top hat and a frock coat) but can also perhaps be interpreted as viewing Mexican democracy as not as big or fully developed as American democracy. México's struggle against Maximilian is also used as a parallel to the rise of fascism in Europe. Iconography is used in the portrayal of all Europe- ans as being imperialistic and hungry for power. The reestablishment of the empire in México under Maximilian is tied to European fascism. Although the struggle against Maximilian was a struggle against imperial rule, the 338 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education / October 2005 movie framed the struggle in terms of reimposing democracy. This becomes particularly evident when Maximilian and Carlotta step off the boat at Vera Cruz to strains of the German national anthem in the movie's soundtrack. Maximilian was Austrian not German, and the German national anthem in the soundtrack is an obvious reference to Hitler. This movie is about the threat from Hitler and Germany as much as it is about a historical incident in México 75 years earlier. Another reference to European fascism comes in Maximilian's discus- sion with the jailed Porfirio Díaz (hardly an icon of democracy) when he co- mes to visit him. Maximilian asks Díaz what Juárez wants, and he says that Juárez wants "to educate, to liberate, to uplift." Maximilian answers that he and Juárez are in accord. The only thing that separates them is a word--de- mocracy. Maximilian believes in the principles of democracy but is con- cerned that democracy can turn into rule by a rabble that change their minds on a whim. Monarchs, though, are above the temptations of power and wealth because they have everything they want. When Díaz asks if emperors can rule badly, Maximilian answers that it is monarchs' pride in their heredi- tary position that makes them rule wisely, humanely, and justly. Therefore, monarchs provide the best protection for the people. This is similar to the arguments used by the European fascists. Germany had become a rabble, and only Hitler could save them from themselves. But to do that he needed the necessary power. Germans were willing to grant Hitler that power and elected him chancellor. What followed is well known. Although such events as the oppression of the Jews and other racist activities were only beginning and were not yet widely known in 1939, the tide had turned against isolationism in the United States to opposition to Hitler be- cause of what he stood for--fascism and all of its worst excesses. After their discussion, Díaz is sent by Maximilian to ask Juárez to be prime minister. In their discussion, Juárez (with the portrait of Lincoln in full view) points out to Díaz that the word democracy means more than just bringing peace and justice because anyone can bring peace and justice. Hit- ler had certainly brought peace and stability to Germany (at least at first). What democracy really means, says Juárez, is the right to rule oneself. Juárez says, "You see, Porfirio, when a monarch misrules he changes the people; when a presidente misrules, the people change him." The movie is saying that without constant vigilance, another Hitler or Mussolini is not only possible but probable. This is where the real theme of the movie is made most clearly manifest. The movie ignores the real emphasis behind the fighting, which was a struggle between religious and anticlerical forces and a repudiation of European imperialism, and turns it into a comment on democracy versus fascism. At another point, Alejandro Uradi makes it a point to emphasize his Eu- ropean heritage when he discusses his desire to replace Juárez as president. He says that he is concerned about the fact that there is an Indian as president Dittloff 339 of México. He asks Juárez to step aside for someone of more noble lineage so that there will be more respect for the presidency. He responds that "there is no other drop of blood in my veins," in response to Juárez's question about his heritage. Once again, the European inclination toward imperialism is clearly implied. Louis Napoleon is the most iconographic European character in the film. Very early on in the movie, Napoleon with his ministers discusses a di- vided America and what they can achieve. He makes a disparaging reference to the Gettysburg Address by remarking about democracy that it is "govern- ment by the cattle, of the cattle, and for the cattle." He is also the mastermind behind sending Maximilian to take over México. In short, he is portrayed as an imperialistic, power-hungry dictator. In 1939 in the United States, there was a growing concern over events in Europe and a debate about whether the United States should become in- volved in the war. Juárez reflects that concern. There is little concern for the clerical versus anticlerical struggle and a strong emphasis on the repression of Maximilian. Maximilian is at first painted quite sympathetically in the movie. He is very proper and wants to do what is right for the country be- cause he is their king. He has no idea that he is being used by the imperialist Napoleon III (who identifies himself as an autocrat early on in the movie) for his own ends and almost abdicates when he finds out later in the movie that the plebiscite that supposedly asked for his ascension to the throne was fraudulent. However, after the liberals respond to his request for a ceasefire by blowing up the powder magazine at Chapultepec Castle during the intro- duction of his adopted son, Augustin Iturbide, he gladly goes along with a repressive decree to stifle the rebellion against his monarchy. There is a par- ticularly compelling shot during this part of the movie that parodies Goya's painting, The Shooting of the Third of May, a clear reference to the recently concluded Spanish Civil War and the dictator Francisco Franco. The impli- cation is again clear: Even though the original intent may be to bring stabil- ity to a country, authoritarianism will inevitably lead to repression. There- fore, one must always be on one's guard against any form of authoritarian rule. One last component of the movie that occurs over and over again is ref- erence to the Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny. The terms are uttered with disdain and contempt by the Europeans and with self-assuredness by the Americans. Maximilian even parodies Manifest Destiny when he dis- cusses with Carlotta that it was God's will that he should come to México to rule. Neither of these terms had much to do with México and can be inter- preted as comments about imperialism and European aggression. All of the main European characters have ambition and the desire to take over the country. The movie plainly uses Europeans as an icon for im- perialism, which reflects the American policy at the time. 340 Journal of Hispanic Higher Education / October 2005 Conclusion This article addressed four separate themes. One theme was the movie as myth. The characters, events, and dialog all contribute to tell an entertain- ing story while at the same time promoting a set of social and moral values that are alien to the actual historical events. A second theme was the histori- cal events in México from 1862 to 1867. Third, the accuracy of the portrayal was examined. This article showed that there are few references in Juárez to the religious and property struggles that were the heart of the civil war. Rather, the movie reflects the socioeconomic and policy interests of the United States at the time. The movie is not biographical as the advertise- ments suggest but is instead a revelation of the foreign policy of the United States toward Europe and Latin America. The movie enunciates very clearly the foreign policy of the United States at this time. Finally, this article exam- ined the interpretation of well-known cultural or political figures and events as icons. These icons represent a vast storehouse of information about the political culture of the United States during the late 1930s. The portrayal of these iconographic characters exhibits a great deal of latent information that pertains more to the makers of the film than to the subject of the film. Juárez provides the student of American history, politics, and culture with valuable insights into the attitudes of the United States toward Latin America. This article highlights the mythic nature of Juárez and identifies some of the more suggestive scenes and characters. This article adds to the extensive literature on film as interpreter of culture, politics, and history. References Burns, E. B. (1986). Latin America: A concise interpretive history (4th ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Cockcroft, J. D. (1989). Neighbors in turmoil: Latin America. New York: Harper and Row. Dieterle, W. (Director). (1939). Juárez [Motion picture]. United States: Warner Brothers. Drake, P. W. (1991). From good men to good neighbors: 1912-1932. In A. F. Lowenthal (Ed.), Exporting democracy: The United States and Latin America. Themes and issues (pp. 3-40). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Giannetti, L., & Eyman, S. (1996). Flashback: A brief history of film (3rd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. LeFeber, W. (1994). The American age: U.S. foreign policy at home and abroad 1750 to the present (2nd ed.). New York: Norton. Mico, T., Miller-Monzon, J., & Rubel, D. (Eds.). (1996). Past imperfect: History ac- cording to the movies. New York: Henry Holt. Rollins, P. C. (Ed.). (1983). Hollywood as historian. Lexington: University of Ken- tucky Press. Dittloff 341 Rosenstone, R. A. (1995). Revisioning history: Film and the construction of a new past. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Schulzinger, R. D. (1994). American diplomacy in the twentieth century (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. Skidmore, T. E., & Smith, P. H. (1984). Modern Latin America. 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<title>Juárez: The Reflection of U.S. Values in a Historical Drama</title>
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<abstract lang="en">This article is designed to survey mid-20th century American perceptions of Latin America through popular culture. It focuses on an analysis of the motion picture treatment of Latin America in the American film Juárez. The plot, characters, and cinematography have all been influenced by the social and political climate in the United States and Latin America and by relations between the two regions. The movie reflects the sociopolitical culture of the United States (where the movie was made) at that time.</abstract>
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<topic>Juárez</topic>
<topic>cinema studies</topic>
<topic>sociopolitical culture</topic>
<topic>popular culture</topic>
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