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Why does Gargantua fight the Dutch and the Irish ? by John Lewis

Identifieur interne : 000C93 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000C92; suivant : 000C94

Why does Gargantua fight the Dutch and the Irish ? by John Lewis

Auteurs : Enrique Harguindey Banet ; Katia Campbell ; Jack E. G. Dixon ; Hope H. Glidden ; George Hoffman ; Enny E. Kraaijveld ; John Lewis ; Alain Niderst ; Paul J. Smith ; B. J. Sokol ; Janusz Tazbir

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RBID : ISTEX:27509BFC0AA4C0FDD50382EEEB40EF3C8997575B
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ISTEX:27509BFC0AA4C0FDD50382EEEB40EF3C8997575B

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<title type="main">Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance</title>
<title type="num">CCLIII</title>
<title type="sub">Etudes rabelaisiennes</title>
<title type="sub-num">XXV</title>
<idno type="ISSN">0082-6081</idno>
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<p>John LEWIS, Pantagruel Reconsidered: Rabelais's First Fictional Chronicle as Paradigm; John LEWIS, Why Does Gargantua Fight the Dutch and the Irish?; Alain NIDERST, les Clefs de Gargantua et l'Abbaye de Thélème; Hope H. GLIDDEN, Rabelais, Panurge, and the Anti-Courtly Body; J.E.G. DIXON, The Treatment of morbus gallicus in Rabelais; George HOFFMANN, "Neither One nor the Other and Both Together"; Enrique HARGUINDEY BANET, Achille avait-il la teigne?; Katia CAMPBELL, Note sur l'hébreu de Rabelais: la rencontre avec Panurge (Pantagruel, ch. 9); Paul J. SMITH, Rabelais aux Pays-Bas: A propos de la New Rabelais Bibliography; Janusz TAZBIR, La Fortune de Rabelais en Pologne; Enny E. KRAAIJVELD, Les premiers traducteurs de Gargantua: Urquhart lecteur de Fischart; B.J. SOKOL, Holofernes in Rabelais and Shakespeare, and Some Manuscript Verses of Thomas Harriot.</p>
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<p>John LEWIS, Pantagruel Reconsidered: Rabelais's First Fictional Chronicle as Paradigm; John LEWIS, Why Does Gargantua Fight the Dutch and the Irish?; Alain NIDERST, les Clefs de Gargantua et l'Abbaye de Thélème; Hope H. GLIDDEN, Rabelais, Panurge, and the Anti-Courtly Body; J.E.G. DIXON, The Treatment of morbus gallicus in Rabelais; George HOFFMANN, "Neither One nor the Other and Both Together"; Enrique HARGUINDEY BANET, Achille avait-il la teigne?; Katia CAMPBELL, Note sur l'hébreu de Rabelais: la rencontre avec Panurge (Pantagruel, ch. 9); Paul J. SMITH, Rabelais aux Pays-Bas: A propos de la New Rabelais Bibliography; Janusz TAZBIR, La Fortune de Rabelais en Pologne; Enny E. KRAAIJVELD, Les premiers traducteurs de Gargantua: Urquhart lecteur de Fischart; B.J. SOKOL, Holofernes in Rabelais and Shakespeare, and Some Manuscript Verses of Thomas Harriot.</p>
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Why does Gargantua fight the Dutch and the Irish ?
<lb></lb>
by John Lewis</head>
<p>One of the longest episodes in the
<hi rend="i">Chroniques duttuines</hi>
concerns the war which Gargantua fights on behalf of King Arthur against his tributaries « les Irlandoys and Holendoys » : it takes up one quarter of the available space (C2v°-D2v°) in
<hi rend="i">Les grandes et inestimables Cronicques du grant and enorme geant Gargantua</hi>
(Lyons, 1532), the work which furnishes the
<hi rend="i">texte de base</hi>
for six of the seven extant Chronicles
<note n="1" place="foot" xml:id="N23-1">
<p>The exception is the enigmatic
<hi rend="i">La grande et merveilleuse vie du trespuissant and redouté Roy de Gargantua</hi>
(s.l.n.d.), which belongs to a completely different tradition and contains no Arthurian material to speak of. — In this article references are to the text of
<hi rend="i">Les grandes et inestimables Cronicque du grant et enorme geant Gargantua</hi>
, extant in the following four copies : Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale (Res. Y2 2124) ; Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Rar. 54m) ; Toulouse, Bibliotheque Municipale (Res. D. xvi. 403) ; Tours, Bibliotheque Municipale (Res. 3536).</p>
</note>
. It is also one of the most curious episodes, principally because there appears to be no reason for the arbitrary alliance of Ireland and Holland ; and the only reason given in the text for the outbreak of war against Arthur is their wish to be treated as two independent countries, and the refusal to pay the five years’ tribute which Arthur demands.</p>
<p>This episode has never aroused the curiosity of past critics, who have, by and large, preferred to view the
<hi rend="i">Chroniques gargantuines</hi>
in the context of a
<hi rend="i">bilan folklorique</hi>
 ; in such a context each text is seen simply as a compilation of originally oral tales about the gigantic hero, gathered about or tacked onto a basic textual framework. Episodes can therefore be slipped into or taken out of any part of that framework. Such a theory by definition denies any real importance to chronology, to authorship, or to examination of literary or historical sources. But that is presicely where this theory is weakest : for these small texts do have identifiable literary sources
<note n="2" place="foot" xml:id="N23-2">
<p>Verdun Saulnier successfully countered what he termed « l’offensive des folkloristes » — whose chief advocate was Marcel Françon — in « Dix années d’études sur Rabelais (1939-1948) »,
<hi rend="i">BHR</hi>
, 11 (1949), 105-127 ; see especially the section entitled « L’offensive des folkloristes » (pp. 107-116), where Saulnier denies categorically that literary texts simply come into being :</p>
<quote>
<p>La légende [de Gargantua] n’a pas d’auteur : mais l’œuvre écrite ne naît pas de l’écho des grands bois. Elle naît sous une plume, qui invente ou qui rédige (p. 114).</p>
</quote>
<p>In the same vein, Saulnier insists on the critic’s duty to pursue all bibliographical and literary information which might shed light upon the authors and the origins of the series of texts.</p>
</note>
. Some episodes, like Merlin’s
<pb facs="pages/9782600031646_p0024.tif" n="24" xml:id="op24"></pb>
invention of the marvellous ship which can travel on land and sea (A1v°)
<note n="3" place="foot" xml:id="N24-1">
<p>See S. Thompson,
<hi rend="i">Motif-Index of folk-literature : a classification of narrative elements in folktales, ballads, myths, fables, mediaeval romances, exempla, fabliaux, jest-books and local legends</hi>
, 6 vols (Helsinki, 1932-1936) ; for marvellous ships, see D. 15331. 1. 1. See also E. Cosquin,
<hi rend="i">Les contes indiens et l’Occident</hi>
(Paris, 1922), pp. 452-471 and J. Campbell,
<hi rend="i">Popular tales of the West Highlands</hi>
(Edinburgh, 1860), n° 16.</p>
</note>
or the creation of Grant Gosier and Galemelle, Gargantua’s parents, from the blood of Lancelot and the nail parings of Guinevere (A2r°-v°)
<note n="4" place="foot" xml:id="N24-2">
<p>For blood as a life token, see Thompson,
<hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>
, K. 761. 1 ; for blood as a magic drink, see D. 1641. For the importance of nail parings in primitive societies, see Sir J.G. Frazer,
<hi rend="i">The Golden Bough : astudy in magic and religion</hi>
, 12 vols (3rd édition, London, 1911-1917), III, 194, 267, 274, 276-281, 283-287.</p>
</note>
, are
<hi rend="i">topoi</hi>
easily recongnisable from a common stock of folktale. Others can be directly traced to earlier Arthurian literature (but not exclusively to French Arthurian literature).</p>
<p>In this small article, then, I wish to suggest that Gargantua’s war against the Dutch and the Irish may have its own literary sources, themselves dependent upon historical events which took place hundreds of years previously.</p>
<ab rend="center" type="ornament">*</ab>
<p>The events which may lie at the origin of this apparently arbitrary enmity against Arthur took place in 881
<note n="5" place="foot" xml:id="N24-3">
<p>For much of this information I am indebted to P. Rickard’s
<hi rend="i">Britain in Mediæval French Literature 1100-1500</hi>
(Cambridge, 1956), especially pp. 58-63.</p>
</note>
. In the first half of the ninth century, the Vikings had first pillaged then settled the coast of northern and Western Ireland. From about 834 they began to ravage the coasts of France. In 880 they sailed from Fulham, moved down the mouth of the Somme and attacked the abbeys of St Riquier and St Valery. Louis III finally won a victory at Saucourt and drove them back to Ghent. Louis died as a result of an accident shortly after the battle
<note n="6" place="foot" xml:id="N24-4">
<p>See R. Zenker,
<hi rend="i">Das Epos von Isembard und Gormund</hi>
(Halle, 1896), pp. 65-67.</p>
</note>
. The Viking chieftain in this battle has been identified as one Guthrum, although the
<hi rend="i">Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</hi>
carefully distinguishes between Guthrum’s army and the one which sailed from Fulham : it states for the year 879 that Guthrum was converted to Christianity, took the name of Athelstan and received East Anglia as a fief. If we accept what the
<hi rend="i">Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</hi>
unmistakeably states, namely that Guthrum was not the
<pb facs="pages/9782600031646_p0025.tif" n="25" xml:id="op25"></pb>
Viking leader at Saucourt
<note n="7" place="foot" xml:id="N25-1">
<p>
<hi rend="i">The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</hi>
, translated by J. Ingram (London, 1923), p. 67.</p>
</note>
, then who can that leader have been ? Rickard and Zenker suggest that</p>
<quote>
<p>The Dane Guthrum (Gurmundus, Gormont) who had no part in the battle at Saucourt, was later confused with a Viking chief called Worm, who probably had. « Wurm » is the second element of Guthrum’s name… and the latinized form « Vurmo », « Vurmonem » could have given «  Gormon » in Old French
<note n="8" place="foot" xml:id="N25-2">
<p>Richard,
<hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>
, p. 59 following Zenker,
<hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>
, pp. 98-100.</p>
</note>
.</p>
</quote>
<p>In the epic poem
<hi rend="i">Gormont et Isembart</hi>
— of which only 661 lines survive, though the whole story is known from Philippe Mouskés’
<hi rend="i">Chronique rimée</hi>
<note n="9" place="foot" xml:id="N25-3">
<p>P. Mouskés,
<hi rend="i">La Chronique rimée</hi>
, édition F. Reiffenberg, 2 vols (Brussels, 1836), 11. 14069-14296.</p>
</note>
and from Wace’s
<hi rend="i">Roman de Brut</hi>
<note n="10" place="foot" xml:id="N25-4">
<p>R. Wace,
<hi rend="i">Le Roman de Brut</hi>
, édition I. Arnold and M. Pelan (Paris, 1962), 11. 13379-13658.</p>
</note>
— the author describes a battle between the renegade French prince Isembart and his ally Gormont (here an African prince who is said to have conquered Ireland) on the one hand and Louis III on the other. There can be little doubt that this fictional battle between the French and the Saracens really describes the battle which took place in 881 between Louis and the Vikings. The African origin of Gormont is a demonstrably late feature of his character. Rickard (p. 60) suggests that this Africanisation might have come about in the following way :</p>
<list type="ordered">
<item>
<p>
<label>(a)</label>
In the Welsh story
<hi rend="i">Culhwch ac Olwen</hi>
, one of the tales from the
<hi rend="i">Mabinogion</hi>
, a character appears called Gormont ap Rica («  Gormont the son of Rica »), who is probably to be identified with an Icelandic King, Gudmondr enn Rike Eyolffson.</p>
</item>
<item>
<p>
<label>(b)</label>
Once this character had appeared in Welsh folklore as Gormont ap Rica, his name was then misunderstood or deliberately adapted by Geoffrey of Monmouth by association of « ap Rica » with « Africa ».</p>
</item>
</list>
<p>So Gormont, originally an Icelandic chieftain, became African and a Saracen
<note n="11" place="foot" xml:id="N25-5">
<p>See E.C. Southward, « Gormont, Roi d’Afrique »,
<hi rend="i">Romania</hi>
, 69 (1946-1947), 103-112.</p>
</note>
.</p>
<p>Other considerations may have helped this confusion of Saracen and Scandanavian, and later the confusion of Saracen, Scandanavian and Irish. The Saracens were pagans, as were the Vikings. The change of enmity according to the needs of the moment is not a rare occurence in literature : the legend of Horn substitutes Saracens for Vikings, and the Basques of the
<hi rend="i">Vita Caroli Magni</hi>
become the Saracens of the
<hi rend="i">Chanson de Roland</hi>
. At a time when the northern pagans no longer posed any threat to France, nothing could be
<pb facs="pages/9782600031646_p0026.tif" n="26" xml:id="op26"></pb>
more natural than to substitute for these a southern pagan who did pose a threat ; oral tradition changes the enemy according to topicality
<note n="12" place="foot" xml:id="N26-1">
<p>E. Faral, « Gormond et Isembart »,
<hi rend="i">Romania</hi>
, 51 (1925), 481-510 (p. 507).</p>
</note>
.</p>
<p>And what of the role of the Irish in this story ? In
<hi rend="i">Gormont et Isembart</hi>
<note n="13" place="foot" xml:id="N26-2">
<p>11. 100, 282, 610.</p>
</note>
and other « chansons de geste »
<note n="14" place="foot" xml:id="N26-3">
<p>For example,
<hi rend="i">Le Roman de Foulque de Candie</hi>
, edition P. Tarbé (Reims, 1860), pp. 18, 54 ;
<hi rend="i">La Chevalerie d’Ogier le Danois</hi>
, edition J. Barrois, 2 vols (Paris, 1842), 11. 795-796 ;
<hi rend="i">La Chanson deHuon et Calisse</hi>
, édition H. Schafer (Marburg, 1882), p. 41,11. 95ff. Joseph Bédier supplements this list in
<hi rend="i">Les Ugendes épiques : recherches sur la formulation des chansons de geste</hi>
, 4 vols (Paris, 1908-1913), IV, pp. 46-48, and quotes from the
<hi rend="i">Chanson des Saisnes</hi>
, the
<hi rend="i">Chanson de Roland</hi>
and
<hi rend="i">Elie de Saint-Gilles</hi>
in support of his contention.</p>
</note>
a confusion exists between Vikings and Irish
<note n="15" place="foot" xml:id="N26-4">
<p>Cf. the fourteenth-century epic
<hi rend="i">Baudoin de Sebourc</hi>
, which introduces heathen Irish led by King Marcus, in a war against Norway.</p>
</note>
 ; this confusion occurs too frequently for it to be classed simply as a literary accident. Joseph Bedier has suggested
<note n="16" place="foot" xml:id="N26-5">
<p>Bédier,
<hi rend="i">op. cit.</hi>
, pp. 46-47 :</p>
<quote>
<p>« On peut faire remarquer d’abord que d’autres chansons de geste appliquent le nom d’Irlandais à des Sarrasins qui n’ont visiblement rien à faire avec les principautés des Vikings en Irlande. »</p>
</quote>
</note>
that references to the Irish in the « chansons de geste » were made for the sake of variety, or through vague and haphazard memories of Irish paganism. But in
<hi rend="i">Gormont et Isembart</hi>
the term « Irois », used for at least some of Gormonfs men, simply means « Vikings » : they are indistinguishable from the other pagan « Sarrazins », « Turcz » and « Persanz ». In the light of the events related in the
<hi rend="i">Chroniques gargantuines</hi>
, it is important that this confusion of Irish and Scandanavian pagans should be noted. There may well have been Irish warriors in the original army which lost to Louis at Saucourt. And it is more than possible that some French writers confused the original inhabitants of Ireland with later Viking settlers. In the eleventh century there would certainly have been Irish monks at the Abbey of St Riquier who might have had an interest in preserving a record of the events that had taken place nearby two hundred years preciously.</p>
<p>In the
<hi rend="i">Chroniques gargantuines</hi>
, the Dutch and the Irish are allied. Even granted that with the benefit of historical hindsight readers would have been able to separate Vikings and Irish, the alliance still remains curious ; no contemporary treaties existed between Ireland and Holland ; no contemporary hostilities existed to oppose Ireland and France. As a general rule, it is clear that when we deal with episodes in the Chronicles we must not attach too much contemporary political significance, or even logic, to them. And yet how snugly the events related by the fragmentary « chanson de geste » fit the scheme and tradition represented by the
<hi rend="i">Chroniques gargantuines</hi>
. « Vague memories of Irish paganism » and the tradition of the heathen Irish,
<pb facs="pages/9782600031646_p0027.tif" n="27" xml:id="op27"></pb>
indistinguishabke from the Vikings with whom they make common cause against the French, versus Arthur and Gargantua, champions of Christian chivalry.</p>
<p>It is true that Holland does not mean Scandanavia here, yet the parallels between
<hi rend="i">Gormont et Isembart</hi>
and the later comic Chronicle are surely too close to be misleading. Scandanavia, home of the Vikings, and Holland, home of Arthur’s enemies, might have been associated in the following ways :</p>
<list type="ordered">
<item>
<p>
<label>(a)</label>
Holland is often called « Zelande » in the
<hi rend="i">Chroniques gargantuines</hi>
, a term whose application is wider and more vague than the actual geographical boundaries of Holland ; for example, « Zelande » may refer to parts of Denmark, from where parties of Viking raiders certainly did set sail.</p>
</item>
<item>
<p>
<label>(b)</label>
As related by the
<hi rend="i">Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</hi>
, the original Viking party set out from Fulham in 880 and sat for a year at « Ghent in Frankland » before moving up the mouth of the Somme. Ghent is naturally close enough to Holland for this country to have been thought of a having harboured the invading Vikings for a year.</p>
</item>
<item>
<p>
<label>(c)</label>
Confusion may have arisen between « Frisia » and « Phrygia », both of which were written in Old French as « Frise ». The confusion may have been strong enough to cause the French to associate the Frisians with Phrygians (i.e. Saracens and pagans). From there it is but a short step to confuse one set of heathens (Saracens) with another (Vikings).</p>
</item>
</list>
<p>This is, admittedly, a rather complicated explanation of the origins of just one of a number of enigmatic episodes. Yet the vengeance exacted by Arthur and Gargantua upon the Dutch / Irish (Viking / Saracen) may have caused some readers of the comic Chronicle to smile wryly at the pseudo-historical basis of the war. I make no claim here that this theory should be regarded as anything more than a working hypothesis ; but it should remain the duty of critics to extract the
<hi rend="i">Chroniques gargantuines</hi>
, as far as is possible, from the folk « limbo » in which they have languished, and to replace them in their proper literary perspective.</p>
<p>Queen’s University, Belfast.</p>
<p>
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<abstract lang="fr">John LEWIS, Pantagruel Reconsidered: Rabelais's First Fictional Chronicle as Paradigm; John LEWIS, Why Does Gargantua Fight the Dutch and the Irish?; Alain NIDERST, les Clefs de Gargantua et l'Abbaye de Thélème; Hope H. GLIDDEN, Rabelais, Panurge, and the Anti-Courtly Body; J.E.G. DIXON, The Treatment of morbus gallicus in Rabelais; George HOFFMANN, "Neither One nor the Other and Both Together"; Enrique HARGUINDEY BANET, Achille avait-il la teigne?; Katia CAMPBELL, Note sur l'hébreu de Rabelais: la rencontre avec Panurge (Pantagruel, ch. 9); Paul J. SMITH, Rabelais aux Pays-Bas: A propos de la New Rabelais Bibliography; Janusz TAZBIR, La Fortune de Rabelais en Pologne; Enny E. KRAAIJVELD, Les premiers traducteurs de Gargantua: Urquhart lecteur de Fischart; B.J. SOKOL, Holofernes in Rabelais and Shakespeare, and Some Manuscript Verses of Thomas Harriot.</abstract>
<abstract lang="en">John LEWIS, Pantagruel Reconsidered: Rabelais's First Fictional Chronicle as Paradigm; John LEWIS, Why Does Gargantua Fight the Dutch and the Irish?; Alain NIDERST, les Clefs de Gargantua et l'Abbaye de Thélème; Hope H. GLIDDEN, Rabelais, Panurge, and the Anti-Courtly Body; J.E.G. DIXON, The Treatment of morbus gallicus in Rabelais; George HOFFMANN, "Neither One nor the Other and Both Together"; Enrique HARGUINDEY BANET, Achille avait-il la teigne?; Katia CAMPBELL, Note sur l'hébreu de Rabelais: la rencontre avec Panurge (Pantagruel, ch. 9); Paul J. SMITH, Rabelais aux Pays-Bas: A propos de la New Rabelais Bibliography; Janusz TAZBIR, La Fortune de Rabelais en Pologne; Enny E. KRAAIJVELD, Les premiers traducteurs de Gargantua: Urquhart lecteur de Fischart; B.J. SOKOL, Holofernes in Rabelais and Shakespeare, and Some Manuscript Verses of Thomas Harriot.</abstract>
<identifier type="ISBN-10">2-600-03164-2</identifier>
<identifier type="ISBN-13">978-2-600-03164-6</identifier>
<identifier type="ISBN">9782600031646</identifier>
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<part>
<date>1991</date>
<detail type="vol">
<caption>tome</caption>
<number>XXV</number>
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<extent unit="pages">
<start>23</start>
<end>28</end>
</extent>
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<titleInfo>
<title>Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance</title>
<subTitle>Etudes rabelaisiennes</subTitle>
</titleInfo>
<identifier type="ISSN">0082-6081</identifier>
<part>
<detail type="issue">
<caption>no.</caption>
<number>CCLIII</number>
</detail>
<detail type="sub-issue">
<caption>tome</caption>
<number>XXV</number>
</detail>
</part>
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<identifier type="nom_pdf">9782600031646_body-2.pdf</identifier>
<accessCondition type="use and reproduction" contentType="copyright">Copyright 2018 Librairie Droz S.A.</accessCondition>
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