The Spiritual and the Profane: the Pilgrimage To Santiago De Compostela
Identifieur interne : 000305 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000304; suivant : 000306The Spiritual and the Profane: the Pilgrimage To Santiago De Compostela
Auteurs : Brian Graham ; Michael MurraySource :
- Cultural Geographies (formerly Ecumene) [ 1474-4740 ] ; 1997-10.
English descriptors
- Entity :
- geog : Asturo-Pyrenean, San.
- org : Council of Europe, Environmental Studies University of Ulster, Law University, Princeton University, Spain and France and the Reformation, Spain, Diego Gelmirez, Spain, the Cluniac.
- pers : A. Castro, A. G. J. Dietvorst, A. Hopkins, A. M. Williams, Aimery Picaud, B. Graham, B. Haab, B. Smith, B. Tate, C. C. Park, C. M. Storrs, C. SanchezAlbernoz, Cluniac, Collins, D. Lodge, D. Lomax, D. Lowenthal, David Lodge, Denis Cosgrove, Diego Gelmirez, E. O. Feinberg, E. Turner, El Camino, El Ferrol, El Hoinacki, Ford, Francisco de Quevedo, G. Bowman, G. Holmes, G. J. Ashworth, G. Shaw, J. Eade, J. Hitt, J. Sumption, John Eade, John Paul, L. Hoinacki, L. K. Davidson, L. Proudfoot, La Coruna, La Rioja, La Voie, Lee Hoinacki, Liber Sancti, London Consort, Luis Bunuel, M. Dunn, M. G. Jim, M. J. Sallnow, M. R. Murray, M. Valenzuela, Marion Marples, Melczer, Michael Murray, Michael Sallnow, Philip Pickett, Queen Isabella, R. Bartlett, R. Collins, R. Ford, R. King, Robert Langton, S. J. Squire, S. Nolan, Santiago, Santiago Caballero, Santiago Cathedral, Santiago de Compostel, Smith, T. F. Glick, T. N. Bisson, T. Turville-Petre, Teresa de Avila, V. Smith, Via Francigena, Via Lactea, Via Láctea.
- place : America, Bayonne, Berkeley, Blaye-sur-Gironde, Buenos Aires, Burgos, Cluny, Europe, France, Granada, Holy City, Ireland, Italy, Jaca, Jerusalem, Kingdom of Castile, Lourdes, MacKay, Madrid, Pamplona, Paris, Rome, Santiago, Santiago Caballem, Santiago Matamoros, Santiago Mataynoros, Santiago Pelegrino, Santiago de Compostela, Santo Domingo, Spain, St James, St Sernin, Toulouse, York.
- Teeft :
- Camino, Camino france, Castile, Castro remark, Christian pilgrimage, Clarendon press, Cluniac, Codex calixtinus, Compostela, Compostela pilgrimage route, Contemporary camino, Contemporary pilgrimage, Diego gelmirez, Eade, Early medieval spain, Economic commodification, Eleventh century, Everyday life, First instance, French influence, French representation, Galicia, Genuine pilgrim, Holy city, Holy land, Iconography, In contemplation, In self, Individual pilgrim, Jonathan cape, Liber sancti jacobi, Little more, Many pilgrim, Matamoros, Medieval frontier society, Medieval pilgrim, Medieval pilgrimage, Medieval spain, Melczer, Middle age, Modern pilgrimage, Northern spain, Past pilgrim, Patron saint, Physical privation, Pilgrim, Pilgrimage, Pilgrimage route, Pious pilgrim, Pope calixtus, Power relationship, Present perception, Profane motivation, Reconquista, Rendition, Revisionist history, Sacred world, Sallnow, Sanctus jacobus, Santiago, Santiago cathedral, Santiago matamoros, Secular discourse, Secular tourist, Secular world, Social boundary, Social relation, Soldier incarnate, Spain, Spanish nationalism, Spatial transformation, Tourism, Tourism research, True pilgrim, Twelfth century, Ultramontane collaboration, Whole network, Wider construction.
Url:
DOI: 10.1177/147447409700400402
Links to Exploration step
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The
Spiritual and the Profane: the Pilgrimage To Santiago De Compostela
SAGE Publications, Inc.1997DOI: 10.1177/147447409700400402
BrianGraham
School of Environmental Studies University of Ulster
at Coleraine
MichaelMurray
School of Public Policy, Economics and Law University
of Ulster at Jordanstown
Introduction
T he general objective of this paper rests in its discussion of the diversity
of JL overlapping perceptions and meanings characteristic of past and present
pilgrimage to the shrine of St ,James the Greater, located in the furthest
north- western corner of Europe at the Galician city of Santiago de Compostela.
Ostensibly, pilgrimage is a religious phenomenon in which an individual -
or group - sets forth on a journey to a particular cult location to seek the
intercession of God and the saints of that place in an array of concerns.'
But, as is characteristic of all manifestations of knowledge, pilgrimage is
a social construction and, inevitably, a cultural product. The sacred too
is 'imagined, defined and articulated within cultural practice'.' Equally,
this particular form of cultural production will be linked to the specific
social, political and historical contexts in which it originally occurred.
As Turner has argued, the 'epoch of genesis' is a critical factor in determining
the specific development of a particular pilgrimage.3 Equally crucial, however,
is the continuous transformation of the cultural representations of any pilgrimage
as the contexts in which it is framed themselves alter. Consequently, any
journey to a cult location - in whatever epoch - represents a resolution of
conflicting ideals, both spiritual and profane. The discussion in this paper,
which is more concerned with the journey to Compostela than its shrine, is
informed by the ideas of John Eade and Michael Sallnow, who argue for a pluralist
model of pilgrimage in which the phenomenon is seen, not merely as a field
of social relations, but as a realm of competing religious and secular discourses
vying for supremacy in the cult.' This conceptualization specifically rejects
Turner's hypothesis that pilgrimage is a liminal phenomenon, which stands
beyond - indeed, involves an abrogation of - secular social structure. Instead,
Eade and Sallnow argue that a recurrent theme in pilgrimage is the
22390
reinforcement
of social boundaries and distinctions, rather than their attenuation or dissolution.
In advocating the 'essential heterogeneity of the process', they contend that
the meanings of any pilgrimage will be characterized by contradictions that
reflect the differing perceptions projected by official and non-official discourses,
which in turn invoke renditions of consensus and communitas and counter-representations
of separateness and division. In addressing the general argument that the
heterogeneity of pilgrimage lies in the contested meanings and motivations
attached to the process, the paper has two particular aims. In the first instance,
we examine something of the complex historical representations of the pilgrimage
to Santiago, elaborating upon its continuous redefinition in response to ever-changing
political and social contexts and power relationships. Secondly, we discuss
the ways in which the contemporary pilgrimage has become an arena of competing
products and discourses, a realm of contested social relations and distinctions
in which a diversity of official and non-official representations compete
for supremacy of the cult of St James, not least through claims to authenticity
and 'truth'. If pilgrimage is defined as a journey to the sacred, then the
even now relatively isolated location of Santiago de Compostela underscores
the personal commitment of the individual pilgrim. Early medieval tradition
held that St James the Apostle was the first Christian evangelizer of Spain.
Martyred on returning to the Holy Land, his body was miraculously transported
back to Galicia to remain undiscovered until the end of the eighth century.
Virtually all Iberia had by then fallen to the forces of Islam, following
the Moorish invasions which began in 711. Only the northernmost Atlantic fringe
of the peninsula remained nominally Christian, and it was in Asturias that
opposition to Islam first began. It is unlikely that the rediscovery of the
tomb of Sant'lago was disconnected from these events. By c. 1100 a whole network
of pilgrimage roads led across northern Spain to Santiago de Compostela. The
principal routes once lay north of the Cordillera Cantabrica, and it was only
in the eleventh century that they were transferred to the plains to the south.
Gradually codified into four specifically Jacobean routes, all beginning in
France (Figure 1) - and each supported by a pilgrimage infrastructure of hospices,
churches, bridges and hostels - these roads were first described in the Liber
Sancti Jacobi or Codex Calixtinus, a twelfth-century compilation of five books
with a preface attributed to Pope Calixtus II ( 1119-24) .5 5 The fifth book
(widely regarded as having been written by a French cleric, Aimery Picaud,
from Parthenay-le-Vieux) is a guide for pilgrims, notable for its xenophobic
warnings against the bestiality and avarice of the inhabitants of northern
Spain and the dangers of their environment - including the water. The three
roads, which originated in Paris, the Magdalenian shrine of V6zelay in Burgundy
and Le Puy in the Auvergne respectively, all met close to St Jean- Pied-de-Port
in south-west Gascony. There pilgrims were faced with the barrier of the Pyrenees,
lower at this, their western extremity, but still a substantial obstacle.
Beyond the mountains, at the foot of the Col de Ibaneta, lay the great Augustinian
pilgrimage church of Roncesvalles, almost 800 km from Santiago de Compostela
itself. The fourth road, which began near the mouth of the
23391
Figure
1 ~ The medieval pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela Rh6ne at Arles,
led to Toulouse and the shrine of St Sernin, following which pilgrims crossed
the Pyrenees by the Col du Somport. Passing through Jaca, this route joined
the principal Via Francigena near the Navarrese town of Puente le Reina. From
there, the latter often followed the old Roman road through Leon to Astorga
and the west, Santo Domingo de la Calzada pushing the western portion of the
road even further south so that it passed through Burgos. The importance of
the pilgrimage persisted into the fifteenth and even sixteenth centuries before
a period of indifference and decline, extending into the nineteenth century.
More recently, however, there has been a marked renaissance of interest in
the pilgrimage route - the Camino de Santiago - the cult of James and the
city and shrine of Santiago de Compostela itself. The Franco regime (1936-75)
vigorously exploited the Sant'lago legend while, more recently, the Council
of Europe has designated the Camino as a European cultural route and symbol
of common European identity.' The medieval pilgrimage The journey to Santiago
ranked, with those to Rome and Jerusalem, among the great pilgrimages of the
medieval European church. It is claimed that, by the thirteenth century, perhaps
as many as 500 000 pilgrims a year travelled to Galicia. In the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries many journeyed by sea,
24392
particularly
from Britain and Ireland, an often uncomfortable voyage across the Bay of
Biscay to El Ferrol or La Coruna. Others sailed to ports such as Bordeaux
or Bayonne and walked the remaining distance. While a few possessed sufficient
means to ride the Camino on horseback, many pilgrims walked the entire route
from their homes to Santiago (and back again), the four great roads being
served by a complex of subsidiary routes which, ultimately, connected Galicia
to the remotest corners of northern and eastern Europe.7 Although St James
was at the centre of the most popular pilgrim cult associated with the northern
European countries during the Middle Ages, it is difficult to do more than
glimpse the personal motivations of those who travelled to his shrine. If
'for centuries a whole army was permanently on the move across Europe',' documentary
sources remain relatively sparse, while the various extant accounts of journeys
to Santiago often contain little more than descriptions of the routes followed.''
In general terms in an uncertain medieval world, characterized by plague,
war and disease, pilgrimage was about penitence, expiation of sins and thanksgiving.
As was the case with an English pilgrim, Robert Langton, who made an arduous
overland pilgrimage to Santiago and onwards to Italy, possibly in the early
sixteenth century, pilgrims were concerned with amassing indulgences and seeking
remission of their sins." However, although the spiritual virtues of medieval
pilgrimage were supposedly conditional on personal privation - fasting, eating
no meat, staying only one night in any one place, leaving hair and nails uncut,
not having a warm bath and not sleeping in a comfortable bed" - there were
other largely profane motivations. Melczer suggests that pilgrimage was a
great adventure in the feudal world of locality, as people travelled in groups
buoyed by the communality of music, song and storytelling.l2 As Smith observes,
while the term pilgrim still commonly connotes someone embarking on a religious
journey, its Latin derivation from peregrinus suggests something broader -
foreigner, wanderer, exile and traveller - as well as new- comer or stranger.13
The evidence of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales and the often rumbustious pilgrim
music scores that survive in Santiago's cathedral library, also point to the
function of pilgrimage as an adventure transcending the constraints of everyday
life. 14 Medieval pilgrims to Santiago often travelled in groups, and while
their music may recount the miracles of the Virgin and St James, there are
also marching songs, love songs and laments, some of which echo French troubadour
music. But above all the music was entertainment, instilling camaraderie and
helping offset the privations of the physical journey. 15 Tuan con- ceptualizes
this in terms of 'in place' and 'out of place', medieval pilgrimage being
the most powerful expression of a spiritual unrest in which the fixity of
everyday life was exchanged for the exhilaration and freedom of the road.16
Indeed, contemporary obsessions with the metaphorical connotations of 'the
road' are readily apparent in much of the literature on the Camino de Santiago,
leading 'ever westwards towards the setting sun' and Finisterre.17 The route
was also once known as the Via Lactea, the direction of Santiago shown in
the heavens by the Milky Way (an iconography used ironically in Luis Bunuel's
1968 film La Voie Lactée, which attacks, allegorically, the central mysteries
of Catholic doctrine) .
25393
If,
however, the medieval cult of St James is located within its own cultural
and political milieu, a reading emerges that points to myriad non-official,
personal motivations being shaped by and subsumed within official representations
of the pilgrimage that emerged from the appropriation of the phenomenon by
powerful institutions engaged in wider contestations of society. Although
a diversity of overlapping and competing manifestations of this relationship
can be identified, two in particular stand out. The first concerns the linkages
between pilgrimage to the shrine of St James and the Reconquista, the Christian
reconquest of Iberia from the Moors. Secondly, the political and economic
circumstances of the Christian states of northern Spain - Asturias, L6on and
Navarra - determined the nature and defining characteristics of the medieval
pilgrimage (Figure 2). Fletcher argues that the pre-twelfth-century representations
of St James have probably more to do with their politics - and particularly
the region's ultramontane collaboration with France - than with the Reconquista
itself.ls Moreover, the eleventh-century Gregorian reforms of the church,
orchestrated through the network of dependencies of the great Burgundian abbey
of Cluny, ensured the integration of the pilgrimage into the wider power politics
of the medieval Roman church, the importation of Cluniac reforms being one
of the principal repercussions of the alliance between France and the northern
Spanish Kingdoms. It was Cluny which defined and marked the Via Francigena.
Figure
2 - Medieval Spain. From R. King, L. Proudfoot and B. Smith, eds., The Mediterranean
environment and society (London, Arnold, 19997), p. 81; after G. Holmes, ed~,
The Oxford illustrated history of medieval Europe (Oxford, Oxford University
Press, 1988), p. 204. -
26394
The
cult of St James and the Reconquista The cult of St James is central to a
nationalist narrative which depicts a Spain forged through the campaigns to
free Iberia from Moorish domination. The rhetoric and artistic iconography
of such representations picture the Reconquista as a Holy War or crusade,
a Christian equivalent to jihad. It must be acknowledged, nevertheless, that
the representation of a state forged by five centuries of warfare against
the infidel, culminating symbolically in the final capitulation of Granada
in 1492, is fundamentally the product of an orthodox construct of Spanish
nationalism. In this discourse, one much exploited by Franco and the Falange,
Aragon and Castile are rendered as the 'twin pillars' of Spanish history,
19 the tomb of their Catholic monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, in the triumphal
surroundings of Granada Cathedral's Capilla Real, a shrine of national unity
matched only by the Escorial. With the fall of Granada, the cult of St James
reached its apogee, powerfully symbolized by Ferdinand and Isabella's endowment
of the splendid Hostal de los Reyes Católicos close to Santiago Cathedral.
Revisionist history, however, partly but not entirely post-Franco, renders
a less Catholic and conspicuously pluralist representation of medieval Spain
in which the barrier between Moor and Christian is depicted in very much more
porous terms. Incorporating an imagery of Christian, Islamic and Jewish multiculturalism,
this discourse integrates Spain much more coherently within the wider medieval
European experiences of colonization of marches, urbanization and state formation.20
Again, it is difficult to conceive that the Reconquista was of central concern
for many medieval pilgrims travelling to Santiago de Compostela. By the peak
of the pilgrimage's importance between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries,
the frontier zone was well to the south, while the political initiative had
passed to Castile, following the conquest of Toledo in 1085 (Figure 2). 21
Furthermore, revisionist history suggests that the Reconquista may not have
been all that important to either the Asturian or Le6nese kings. None the
less, as is vividly demonstrated by the dramatic duality of Jacobean iconography,
the association of his cult and the Reconquista was still of fundamental importance
to medieval Spain. On one hand is Sanctus Jacobus or Santiago Pelegrino, often
portrayed wearing the characteristic pilgrim garb of cloak and broad-brimmed
hat, carrying a staff and adorned with the cockleshell emblem of his pilgrimage
(Figure 3). On the other is the extraordinary representation of Santiago Caballem
or Santiago Mataynoros - St James the Moorslayer - riding a white charger
through the skies above the Reconquista, battlefields, wielding a bloody,
dripping sword and surrounded by decapitated infidels (Figure 4). This manifestation
in particular has attracted an enormous - albeit largely Spanish - and much
debated literature Although traditional accounts allege that the first appearance
of ,Santiago Matamoros was at the - equally dubious - Battle of Calvijo in
844, there is now some agreement that this imagery was twelfth-century in
origin, part of the ideological and actual warfare against Islam. 23 As lfmérico
Castro remarks, however, there was nothing illusory about the battles fought
under the banner of Santiago Matamoros, his very name converted into the national
war-cry, 'Santiago y cierra Espana'.24 Some centuries later, the same
27395
11
t !3 !3 'N S ~J l -~ VI h ~4
~t
-Q 8 v z U z cn 0 S
28396
iconography
crossed the Atlantic as the Conquistadores strove to subjugate Central and
South America under the banner of Santiago Caballero. The French connection
If the saint's depiction as Matamoros constituted the principal manifestation
of his cult inside medieval Spain and later in South America, the gentle,
self-effacing pilgrim imagery of Sanctus Jacobus was very much the dominant
representation beyond the Pyrenees. As Melczer remarks, this too is a little
curious, the saint being depicted as a pilgrim journeying to his own tomb.
He suggests that the iconography is meant to suggest James's unusually altruistic
and self-effacing identification with his devotees. 15 There is now some consensus
that this dual iconography was a product of the eleventh and twelfth centuries,
its emergence as much to do with the waxing and waning of French influence
on the development of the pilgrimage as with the Reconquista. Fletcher argues
that the reassessment of Spanish medieval history not only questions the Catholic-nationalist
orthodoxy, but - as we have observed - also seeks to integrate Spain within
the context of social, economic and political change in other parts of Europe,
most notably France.2() In particular, interpretations that locate the particularity
of medieval Spain within, rather than apart from, the emergence of the European
West emphasize the importance of the early medieval transformation of the
Asturo-Pyrenean mountain zone for the emergence of the cult of St James. Collins
contends that the northern kingdoms were little more than Moorish dependencies
and believes that the saint's first manifestations signified Galicia's self-assertion,
not least towards the Asturian kingdom to which it was subject.27 Before the
eleventh century, the cult of San 1ago was primarily a Galician affair. Later,
however, although well before the probable twelfth-century materialization
of Matamoros, James had also become the patron saint of Asturian and L6onese
kings, increasingly aware that their hopes of resisting Islam was dependent
on ultramontane collaboration and support. The massive burgeoning of the cult's
popularity seems to have occurred in the first half of the eleventh century,
part of the complex shift in power relationships which saw the emergence of
the new kingdoms of Aragon and Castile and the fragmentation of Islamic Spain
that followed the self-destruction of the Umayyad dynasty in C6rdoba. As the
Reconquista frontier advanced intermittently southward, French influences
in northern Spain became more marked, manifested not least by military assistance
and political marriage. French settlers followed as the Reconquista was succeeded
by the Repoblación, the resettlement of land, villages and towns. At least
in its initial stages, the pilgrimage route functioned as a transverse axis
of town foundation and relative commercial stability in this latter process
of colonization. 2' Above all, however, the advent of French influence brought
with it the power of Cluny, northern Spain providing an ideal sphere of influence
in its continual efforts to offset the hierarchical pre-eminence of Rome."
In stark contrast to the brutally triumphal and often remarkably gory Catholic
iconography of southern Spain, the Cluniac sponsorship of the cult of St James
and the infrastructure of
29397
the
Camino Frances ensured that its architecture and art were far more expressive
of relatively restrained medieval French forms and tastes. Romanesque styles
predominated - as in the now largely destroyed Cluniac monastery at Sahagun
and the spectacular Portico de la Gloria in Santiago's cathedral itself."
By the twelfth century, however, Cluniac power was waning. In northern Spain,
Diego Gelmirez, consecrated as bishop in 1101, sought to establish the pre-eminence
of Santiago de Compostela within the reformed Gregorian church. Many elements
of the French representation of the medieval pilgrimage can be attributed
to Cluny's attempts to perpetuate its hegemony in the face of this challenge.
For example, Fletcher believes that Diego was not among the architects of
the idea of St James as patron of the Reconquista. Rather, he sees this 'crusade-idea'
as a further alien importation, which took root in Spain only in the second
half of the twelfth century when Pope Calixtus II made it clear that he regarded
the Spanish wars to be crusades.31 As Castro remarks, for Cluny, northern
Spain was a second Holy Land.12 Again, the Liber Sancti Jacobi - which defined
the roads to Santiago - was also part of the attempt to compensate for the
more general decline of Cluniac power." While its provenance may remain disputed,
internal evidence does point towards Cluny as the text's origin; indeed, Cluny
is the very last word in Book Five, the Pilgrim's Guide. The French representation
of the Camino was also bolstered by the broadly contemporaneous Chanson de
Roland, the epic chanson de geste, dating from c. I 100, which recounts Charlemagne's
withdrawal across the Pyrenees at Valcarlos in 778, following a successful
campaign against the Moors. Attacked unchivalrously by a superior force -
supposedly Arabic - near Roncesvalles, Charlemagne's rearguard - led by Roland
- fought heroically to the last man.34 Although the Basques - with some foundation
- continue to claim this victory over the Franks to be theirs rather than
the Moors, the legend of Roland became inextricably interwoven with that of
the twelfth-century French representation of the Camino de Santiago. Roncesvalles
was, of course, a key locale on the road, and the site of Roland's battle
- and the graves in which he and his companions were later interred at Blaye-sur-Gironde
- became points of pilgrim veneration. Meanwhile, according to Book IV of
the Liber Sancti Jacobi, St James is also said to have appeared in a dream
to Charlemagne, promising him possession of Galicia; Charlemagne 'sees a starry
way on the sky and is told to follow it ... to get to the Saint's tomb'.3~
Somewhat bizarrely, therefore, in this twelfth-century French rendition of
the legend of St James, Charlemagne becomes his first pilgrim. Thus, at its
peak - as this necessarily brief discussion indicates - the meanings and indeed
physical realities of the pilgrimage to Santiago have to be situated within
the contested circumstances of its 'epoch of genesis'. The individual pilgrim,
prompted by whatever mixture of spiritual and profane motivations, was also
involved in a phenomenon more widely defined by - and implicated in - the
power politics of the medieval West. By the twelfth century the cult of St
James was part of the imposition of at least two separate if interrelated
linear narratives - those of the Reconquista and Cluniac hegemony - upon the
chaos of the medieval world. A different saint was required for each rendition.
Although purporting to be of greater antiquity, many of the most significant
30398
legends
of the Camino - whichever the narrative - appear to be high medieval in origin,
their iconography being imposed on earlier, localized northern Spanish manifestations
of the cult of Santiago. Following the ultimate victory over Islam in 1492,
the long-drawn-out evolution of centralized states in Spain and France and
the Reformation, the dual medieval manifestations of the cult of St James
inevitably declined in importance. They no longer had a significant role to
play - to put it simply, monarchs no longer went to Santiago de Compostela.
By the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the saint as 'soldier incarnate'
was ceasing to attract attention. However, partly as a response to his having
been replaced as patron saint of Spain by Teresa de Avila, St James was reincarnated
by Francisco de Quevedo (c. 1550) as an elder statesman and national patrician
in which guise the `soldier incarnate' survived, geographically isolated in
a remote corner of a Spanish state centred on Castile and Madrid, but never
replaced in popular consciousness by Teresa's feminine, religious introversion.36
Something of the dualistic military element to his identity did resurface
in the twentieth century as Falangist nationalism consciously invoked the
imagery of the Reconquista and the imperialist rhetoric of Ferdinand and Isabella.s7
Santiago de Compostela again became a Holy City, but this time of Fascist
Spain. The contemporary pilgrimage While the complexly interwoven and overlapping
historical representations of the Way of St James reflect the idea of pilgrimage
as an arena of contestation between powerful religious and secular discourses,
the present revival of interest in the Camino allows us to elaborate more
clearly on the ways in which the heterogeneous process of pilgrimage also
enters the realm of competing social relations and distinctions. One axis
of this manifestation of contestation is defined by the dichotomy between
official and non-official appropriations of the pilgrimage, while a second
relates to the unagreed criteria and social particularities that surround
the definition of 'pilgrim' in an essentially secular age and serve above
all to distinguish this figure from the tourist. The competing official and
non-official discourses, however, retain a shared heritage in that past representations
continue to shape the present Camino de Santiago. The Way itself - or at least
one rendition of it - provides the theme of continuity. Outside Spain, it
remains the Via Francigena, defined by its French patronage and marked by
the Romanesque and later Gothic architectural and artistic styles of medieval
France, each individual portion illustrating 'the universal significance of
the pilgrimage' .38 Whereas in the eleventh century there would have been
a whole network of routes through northern Spain, the contemporary Camino
owes much to the road defined in Book V of the Codex Calixtinus, in itself
- as we have seen - something of a reinvention to ensure that pilgrims were
channelled through the major Cluniac shrines along the Way. If the actual
alignment of the road itself has been subject to continual re- imaging, again
the contemporary world beyond Spain has scant regard for the embarrassment
of Santiago Matamoros, tainted by brutality, imperialism, the
31399
unsavoury
legacy of the Conquistadores and the nationalistic rhetoric of the Falange.
Santiago Matamoros - an incongruous and uneasy image for our times - persists
only as a crudely right-wing symbol, closely analogous to the militaristic
representations of Jeanne d'Arc employed in the iconography of the Action
Franfalse in the early twentieth century and today by the Front National.
The saintly narrative for our times is that of Sanctus Jacobus, clad in his
humble pil- grim's garb, following the starry Via Láctea ever westward. Of
ficial appropriations of the modern pilgrimage Although there are occasional
residual issues of national identity - for example, the Basque claim to the
legend of Charlemagne and Roland - three principal agencies largely define
contemporary official renditions of the Camino de Santiago. First, the Catholic
church, albeit declining in power and often very conservative, still remains
a powerful global institution, socially sanctioning the behaviour of pilgrims
to shrines such as Lourdes and Fatima as well as Santiago de Compostela.39
These cult centres are both historical and modern, but they share a common
role in the Catholic church's continuing attempts to affirm papal authority
and the ascendancy of the spiritual over the secular and rationalist values
of the modern world.4° Thus, Pope John Paul II depicts contemporary pilgrimage
to Santiago as a symbol of what he claims to be the new evangelization of
Europe.41 Secondly, as observed above, in 1987 the Council of Europe designated
the Camino as the continent's first 'cultural itinerary' or heritage trail.
Symbolically, it is held to point towards the ideal of European integration,
signifying an attitude of mind that encompasses an attentiveness towards others
and a deeply felt commitment to the European experience.4z As a result, the
route through Navarra, Castile, L6on and Galicia, which gradually evolved
in the eleventh century, is now more clearly marked than was ever the case
in the Middle Ages. From the Pyrenees to the holy city of Santiago de Compostela
itself, the contemporary Camino is signposted by a motif depicting the cockleshell
symbol of St James turned on its side and streamlined into a fan of lines
meeting to the left. This represents the roads of Europe, symbolically joined
and leading to Santiago, no longer a ceremonial centre of Spanish nationalism,
but declared a European Capital of Culture in the year 2000 (Figure 5). Thirdly,
contemporary presentations of the pilgrimage - and in particular the demarcation
and marketing of the Camino by the governments of the regions through which
it passes - can be regarded as one further manifestation of the economic commodification
of heritage, an issue which we have discussed elsewhere .4' The original resource
- itself the product of numerous contested and relative values - is again
being transformed by diverse producers and consumers for a variety of reasons.
As Ashworth and Dietvorst argue, this process embraces material practices
as well as image production and interpretation, producers coding products
to manipulate particular consumer markets.44 Landscapes and historical artefacts
become tourist places through the meanings that are ascribed to them by visitors
and promotional agencies, tourism and pilgrimage sharing
32400
Figure
5 - The contemporary Santiago de Compostela route motif the characteristic
of being part of larger processes of cultural transformation and modes of
production and consumption .15 Rather cynically, perhaps, the contemporary
pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela can thus be visualized as a niche in
a consumer market in which 'the leisure dreams [of the participants] become
dependent on the logic of material reproduction But as it is, so it always
was. As Richard Ford wrote in 1846, medieval Spanish roads were works of the
clergy, traffic soon being 'combined with devotion, and the service of Mammon
with that of God'. 41 In a more general context of employment creation, regional
development and generation of foreign exchange earnings, the production of
pedestrian and vehicular itineraries for the Camino represents one means of
improving and diversifying the Spanish tourism product.48 Thus, the elaboration
and exploitation of the definitive contemporary Camino de Santiago itineraries
owes much to the promotion of cultural tourism by the regional authorities
in Navarra, La Rioja, Castile y Leon and Galicia. For example, the government
of Navarra, recognizing that there was 'no fixed and abiding road', invented
a definitive itinerary through an act of 1988, which defines a route - three
metres wide - that avoids 'main roads, built-up areas, agricultural land and
rubbish tips' and is accessible only to walkers and those on horseback.49
Road routes are also well marked by the Council of Europe signifiers. Again,
unsurprisingly, the concept of the roads of Europe, symbolically focusing
on Santiago de Compostela, has been adopted enthusiastically by the Xunta
de Galicia in its promotion of regional identity and tourism. The Holy Year
of 1993 - Ano Jacobeo - was a Galician cultural spectacular, organized 'to
capitalise on the reviving popularity of the pilgrimage The city and - by
extension the Camino - can also be held to demonstrate the regionalization
of the new Europe, Santiago being depicted as a Galician rather than Spanish
city.
33401
Non-of
ficial discourses: social relations, distinctions and the contested definition
of 'pilgrim' If these official readings of the Camino point to something less
than consensus, let us turn to the even more marked dichotomy that exists
between such representations and the realm of contested social relations and
distinctions that surround the definition and meaning of pilgrimage in a secular
age. We are concerned here with the criteria involved in laying claim to a
hegemonic definition of the true or genuine pilgrim. As Eade and Sallnow argue,
pilgrimage is not set outside social structures; rather, the non-official
contestation of the process is concerned with establishing exactly what constitutes
an acceptable set of alternative social relations for pilgrims. In the first
instance, however, there is the pressing need to distinguish pilgrims from
tourists. In one effort to resolve this central tension, Smith has suggested
a typology of the pilgrim-tourist in which a continuum, defined by the opposite
poles of sacred and secular, encompasses a range of motivation from 'pious
pilgrim' to 'secular tourist' (Figure 6).'1 While a useful device in classifying
the various sub-markets of those undertaking contemporary pilgrimages, the
difficulty with this scheme lies in the nature of piety and the multilayered
meanings of pilgrimage in a secular age in which 'holy' and 'pious' no longer
define the 'spiritual'. Thus the search for personal consciousness and meaning
far transcends the realm of the religious, and pilgrimage becomes the product
of a multiplicity of motivations, attitudes and behavioural mindsets. The
contestation of the set of social parameters that define the genuine or 'true'
pilgrim is a pervasive theme characterizing the very substantial body of recent
literature describing the rebirth of the Camino de Santiago in an epoch in
which many pilgrims no longer believe that the true bones of St James the
Apostle rest beneath the high altar of Santiago Cathedral. 52 As one pilgrim
puts it, 'the reality of Santiago's tomb may consist principally and essentially
in the faith of those who walk there' .5' What values define a 'pious pilgrim',
and how can that figure be distinguished from the 'secular tourist' at the
other negative pole - Smith's scheme suggests - of a spiritual continuum?
An involvement in the actual physical processes of pilgrimage is clearly implicated
because of a
Figure
6 - A pilgrim-tourist continuum, after V. Smith, 'The quest in guest', Annals
of Tourism Research 19 ( 1992) , p. 4.
34402
general
assumption that only the experience of walking (preferably) or cycling (very
much second-best) the road itself that can lead to spiritual enlightenment.
Thus one study, conducted in the 1980s, discovered that many pilgrims to Santiago
were on individual quests for spiritual meaning in a secular world, and that
it was during the prolonged rite of passage that they became pilgrims. 54
A further ethnographical analysis insists that although 'spiritual' involves
'profound personal experience of the holy', travellers on the modern Camino
begin their spiritual journey in different guises. Some are pilgrims from
the outset, others become so as they travel. A third group may complete the
Way as tourists, only to become aware of an inner change later. They may be
impelled to walk the Camino a second time, treating it as a spiritual journey.55
However, modern pilgrimage also appears to be a diverse and heterogenous phenomenon
in which an insistence on the sanctity of the spiritual - while it may describe
the experience of some pilgrims - seems unnecessarily restrictive. Even if
it is only our present perception that the values of Christianity were paramount
in the past and that the economic commodification of culture is a phenomenon
of a contemporary materialistic age, it is still realistic to argue that the
sacred is now even less likely to be defined by religious values than formerly.
In such circumstances, history itself can become a substitute, many people
seeking some form of inner contemplation through mental and physical pilgrimages
to a rendition of the past that is inevitably defined by present values .56
Again, our contemporary cultures are increasingly oriented towards sensory
experiences, typically expressed through the linkage between sport and tourism.57
(Indeed in this context, the contemporary 'sanctity' of excessive physical
exercise can be regarded as analogous to the medieval religious dialectic
between bodily suffering and spiritual restoration.) Nevertheless, all these
readings are linked by the assumption that true pilgrimage is defined by a
search for spiritual or internal enlightenment which derives, not necessarily
from the shrine itself, but from the hardships, joys and self-discovery of
the nature of the journey to that place. There is an explicit assumption here
that the realization of such values does not occur to travellers by car or
coach. Thus motive meshes with mode, and the physical hardship of walking
- or cycling - the Camino de Santiago - becomes a (if not the) primary distinction
of the pious or true pilgrim. Nowhere is this expressed more vehemently than
in a recent account by an American pilgrim, Lee Hoinacki. To him, the Camino
is not for people in cars, and he rails against the invasion of the Way by
the 'latter-day Philistines - modern carpetbaggers' of UNESCO and the Council
of Europe with their 'pretentious' signs. Instead, Hoinacki 'can enter the
world of the Camino', only because he 'can walk into it' (his detestation
of car-bound tourists only slightly exceeds his intolerance of cyclists) entering
directly into the 'mystery of faith ... nothingness, weakness and darkness'
that made up the world of past pilgrims. In so doing, he can free his faith
from religion and seek instead 'the forms of faith proper to this age'. 58
In essence, and paralleling the medieval equation of faith with personal privation,
the suffering of the physical Way becomes a metaphor of the search for the
inner self, something that cannot be revealed in the car-borne tourist.
35403
Much
the same perspective is to be found in David Lodge's 1995 novel Therapy, in
which the true pilgrim on the Way to Santiago is defined as 'someone for whom
it's an existential act of self-definition ... A leap into the absurd, in
Kierkagaard's sense'.59 According to Kierkegaard, there are three stages of
personal development - the aesthetic, the ethical and the religious. The aesthete
(among whom Lodge must be numbered, judging by his 1994 BBC television programme
on the Camino) is essentially a cultural tourist who simply wants to enjoy
the landscape and cultural pleasures of the Way and does not pretend to be
a true pilgrim. Ethical people see pilgrimage as a test of stamina and self-discipline,
have strict notions of correct pilgrim behaviour and worry constantly about
whether they are genuine pilgrims. In contrast, 'religious' defines the sense
of absurdity in a belief system such as Christianity; if it were entirely
rational, there would be no point in believing it. Thus, the true pilgrim
walks but, more important, opts to believe without rational compulsion - 'you
made a leap into the void and in the process chose yourself. Walking a thousand
miles to the shrine of Santiago ... was such a leap.' 60 Difficult though
it is to believe that many modern pilgrims have any greater awareness of Kierkegaard
than their medieval predecessors had of ecclesiastical politics, Lodge's reading
- if deficient in its failure to separate the 'existential act of self-definition'
from a Christian context - coincides with Hoinacki's deeply personal discourse
in agreeing that the pilgrim - as distinct from the tourist - must reconcile
mode of travel with motivation. Walking itself becomes part of the mysticism
of the Way. While walking was not obligatory for the medieval pilgrim, many
of whom travelled to Santiago de Compostela by ship (the Camino Inglés stretches
only from El Ferrol and La Coruna to Santiago), horseback or even carriage,
activities that we perceive to be modern replications of the physical and
mental hardships endured by medieval penitents appear necessary to define
the meaning of contemporary pilgrimage. This stance is actively encouraged
by the cathedral authorities in Santiago de Compostela, who issue a document
- also known as a Compostela. - to those who can prove through verbal accounts,
supported by the evidence of a 'passport' containing stamps collected along
the road, that they have completed at least 150 km of the Camino on foot or
200 km by cycle. To some extent, these renditions of pilgrimage may appear
evocative of Turner's hypothesis that the phenomenon is indeed a state of
unmediated and egalitarian association between individuals, who have stepped
outside the hierarchical social structure of everyday life. However, as Hoinacki's
detestation of cyclists and Lodge's aesthetic, ethical and religious triad
suggest, pilgrimage remains a field of social relations and a realm of competing
individual discourses. Consequently, the genuine pilgrim is not merely a traveller
to a ritual space but one who has experienced and endured, for whatever reason,
the hardship of the trek to that destination. Moreover, if the modern journey
has multiple, simultaneous manifestations - spiritual (however defined but
clearly embracing more than the religious), cultural capital, sporting infrastructure,
even economic commodity in urban and rural tourism promotion - its consumers
are likely to be equally diverse.
36404
This
leads us to the question as to how those who regard themselves as true pilgrims
involved in that 'existential act of self-definition' should behave in terms
of social relations. Given that the concept of a genuine pilgrim appears to
embrace physical privation and the search for a higher - but not necessarily
religious - purpose related along some dimension to the inner self, what constitutes
an acceptable code of behaviour to represent these motivations and values
to an external world, which may regard the pilgrim as no more than an actor
in a tourism niche market? Attempts to resolve this dilemma have evoked a
surrealistic and vigorously disputed set of non-official social distinctions,
which often appear less concerned with acquiring a sense of inner contemplation
than with contesting the relative degrees of physical suffering and exertion
required of a true pilgrim. Hence, we can observe the erection of an alternative
social structure, which in itself is essentially contested between Lodge's
ethical (liberal) and religious (puritanical) categories. For example, puritanical
pilgrim behaviour eschews hotels in favour of basic refugios (regarded as
twentieth-century versions of medieval hostels). Although these offer cheap
and often acceptable accommodation along the Camino, it is also apparent from
many accounts that they are something of a rite of passage and critical to
the construction of an alternative pilgrim social structure. Conversely, the
luxurious Spanish government-owned paradores constitute the ultimate heresy
in this regard. As one writer was warned by a true pilgrim: '[our] needs are
simple. Paradores are too grand for us. We must have a clean place to eat
and sleep and nothing to keep us from the road.'"' A convincing, if rather
sardonic, attempt to clarify the standards and distinctions of pilgrim social
relations is made by the American writer Jack Hitt in the account of his pilgrimage
to the shrine of a modern James 'willing to wink at our ruses and praise our
occasional virtue'. 62 Adapting his scheme somewhat, we can argue that the
criteria which define acceptable behaviour for a genuine pilgrim are inevitably
unagreed, reflecting - as they must - wider constructions and debates in society
(Table 1). As religious belief is no longer a sufficient explanatory motivation,
there must be new standards of behaviour that define inclusion, transformed
forms of faith in which one polarity is defined by the values of a contemporary
Western cultural neo-puritanism that stresses exclusivity, the virtues of
physical pain - without necessarily the recompense of redemption - and the
achievements of one's goal at all costs. These signifiers, which can be regarded
as cultural equivalencies to the equally puritanical and individualistic ethos
of neo-liberal economics, would define some (if by no means all) of Lodge's
'religious' pilgrims. At the opposing extreme is the alternative behavioural
perspective of those edging towards ethical values of inclusiveness, humanism
and liberalism. They perceive the fraility of human motivations but seek to
recognize that virtue also lies in trying. Almost the only common ground between
the two poles is provided by wine, plentiful quantities being consumed in
virtually all contemporary accounts of the Camino, whatever their perspective
on the social relations and distinctions that characterize the contestation
of authenticity in the modern pilgrimage.
37405
Table
1 ~ To be a true pilgrim? criteria for inclusion
Conclusions
The discussion has emphasized the heterogeneous and contested nature of the
pilgrimage process. Both past and contemporary manifestations of the pilgrimage
to Santiago de Compostela are linked by the identical trait of the competing
perceptions and meanings which attend them. They also share the mixture of
spiritual and profane and the notion of 'the road' - out of place - as a metaphor
for freedom. The Way itself, its saint and his shrine have been continuously
transformed and reinvented through time in response to competing religious
and secular demands, formerly shaped by politics and war, latterly perhaps
by the grail of individual salvation in a godless world. The pilgrimage to
Santiago has thus always been a heterogeneous phenomenon, the journey as much
as its shrine the nexus of a multiplicity of intentions, both sacred and secular.
It is a resource, endlessly transformed: as Hitt puts it succinctly, 'the
road has been manhandled by everyone from Charlemagne to Archbishop Gelmir6z
to Queen Isabella to the generalissimo! '63 Historically, the cult of St James
was appropriated to help validate particular ideological hegemonies through
the construction of legitimizing linear narra-
38406
tives,
a duality reflected in the extraordinary schizophrenic nature of the saint's
iconography. Politically, the medieval James was a Janus figure, on one hand
the dramatic, nationalist stereotype of Santiago Matamoros, on the other the
humble and self-effacing Sanctus Jacobus, guide to the inner self. None the
less, while medieval representations of the cult were very much contested
between these opposing poles, untold millions of ordinary pilgrims journeyed
to Santiago de Compostela, largely ignorant of the manipulations of medieval
power politics and their role in the representations of the pilgrims encountered.
It is our present perceptions of these predecessors, glimpsed only tangentially
through their music and the xenophobic fears and prejudices of the Codex Calixtinus,
which help shape modern attitudes and contribute to the contested nature of
precisely who constitutes a true pilgrim on the contemporary Camino de Santiago.
Revisionist history in its depiction of a more plural multicultural Spain,
sharing in the social and political domain of the wider European West, requires
the ascendancy of Sanctus Jacobus. It also ensures that the contemporary Way
is the Camino Frances. Santiago Matamoros - like his Falangist supporters
- has been consigned to an unsavoury past, causing only bemusement at some
of the bloody and (in our terms) un-Christian iconography still to be found
in the churches along the Camino. For some, Sanctus Jacobus - an imagery accentuated
by his pilgrim's clothing, staff and entirely peaceful cockleshell emblem
- is the saint for late twentieth-century Europe, to the liberal pilgrim symbolizing
peace, humility, attentiveness to others and the search for the inner self.
To others, any saint is irrelevant, the physical privations of the Way being
sufficient in themselves. To say that the spiritual realm must embrace a wider
domain than the strictly religious is not to diminish it or to demean the
sincerity of those who undertake what is an arduous physical and mental journey
for what they perceive to be the most honourable of motives. Nevertheless,
the non-official discourses of pilgrim authenticity, and the contested social
boundaries created by their competing codes of behaviour, point to contemporary
pilgrimage, not as something ethereal or removed from everyday life, but as
a phenomenon situated within wider social structures. In vying for supremacy
in the definition of 'pilgrim', alternative contemporary discourses have erected
and reinforced complex social boundaries and distinctions that reflect wider
constructions of society. Official and non-official discourses - and their
consumers - seek to delineate their exclusive claim to the Way of St James.
In the end, however, there are many parallel Ways, a pluralist pilgrimage
for a postmodernist epoch, marrying renditions of the past, physical exertion
and the search for meaning and inner peace in a secular world increasingly
bereft of guiding principles. We do not worship a medieval God, and if we
seek to emulate the penitential hardships, dangers and privations which past
pilgrims were forced to endure to win forgiveness and grace, that does not
define us as true pilgrims. Rather, it demonstrates only the conditional nature
of tradition and the contested, multifaceted meaning of the Camino de Santiago,
past and present.
39407
Acknowledgements
We are indebted to Marion Marples, Secretary of the Confraternity of St James,
for her help in locating material. Two anonymous referees helped us clarify
the argument, while we are also very grateful to Denis Cosgrove for a number
of relevant and pertinent criticisms.
Notes
1 M. L. Nolan
and S. Nolan, Christian pilgrimage in modern Western Europe (London,
Chapel Hill, 1989), p. 36; for a comprehensive recent review, see C. C. Park,
Sacred worlds: an introduction to geography and religion (London,
Routledge, 1994), pp. 258-84.
2 G. Bowman, 'Christian
ideology and the role of a holy land: the place of Jerusalem pilgrimages
in the various Christianities', in J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, eds, Contesting
the sacred: the anthropology of Christian pilgrimage (London,
Routledge, 1991), p. 120.
3 V. Turner
and E. Turner, Image and pilgrimage in Christian culture: anthropological
per spectives (Oxford,
Blackwell, 1978), p. 19.
4 J. Eade and
M. J. Sallnow, 'Introduction', in Eade and Sallnow, Contesting the sacred,
pp. 1-19.
5 W. Melczer,
The pilgrim's guide to Santiago de Compostel (New York, Italica, 1993).
6 I. Mieck, 'Kontinuität
im wandel: politsche und soziale aspekte der Santiago', Geschichte und
Gesellschaft 3 (1977), pp. 299-328; see also Council of Europe,
'The Santiago de Compostela pilgrimage routes', Architectural Reports
and Studies 16 (Strasburg, Council of Europe, 1989).
7 A useful contextual
account is J. Sumption, Pilgrimage: an image of medieval religion
(London, Faber & Faber, 1975).
8 C. Nooteboom,
Roads to Santiago: detours and riddles in the lands and history of Spain
(London, Harvill Press, 1997), p. 200.
9 See e.g. C.
M. Storrs, Jacobean pilgrims from England to St James of Compostella
(Santiago de Compostela, Xunta de Galicia, 1994).
10 R. B. Tate
and T. Turville-Petre, Two pilgrim itineraries of the later Middle Ages.
(Santiago de Compostela, Xunta de Galicia, 1995).
11 N. Ohler,
The medieval traveller (Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 1989), p. 187.
12 Melczer,
Pilgrim's guide, pp. 39-43.
13 V. L. Smith,
'The quest in guest', Annals of Tourism Research 19 (1992),
pp. 1-17.
14 Park,
Sacred worlds, p. 249.
15 For a good
example, hear the New London Consort, conducted by Philip Pickett, 'The pilgrimage
to Santiago de Compostela', Decca double CD (1991) 433 148-2.
16 Y-F. Tuan,
'In place, out of place', Geoscience and Man 24 (1984), pp.
3-10.
17 C. Tóibín,
The sign of the cross: travels in Catholic Europe (London, Jonathan Cape,
1994), p. 140.
18 R. Fletcher,
St James's catapult: the life and times of Diego Gelmirez of Santiago de Compostela
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984).
19 A. Hopkins,
Spanish journeys: a portrait of Spain (London, Viking, 1992), p. 41.
20 See in particular
R. Collins, Early medieval Spain: unity in diversity, 400-1000 (London,
Macmillan, 1983); T. F. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the early
Middle Ages: com parative
perspectives on social and cultural formation (Princeton, NJ, Princeton
University 40408Press, 1979); A. MacKay, Spain in the Middle Ages: from frontier
to empire, 1000-1500 (London, Macmillan, 1977); R. Bartlett and A. MacKay,
eds, Medieval frontier societies (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989).
21 D. Lomax,
The reconquest of Spain (London, Macmillan, 1978); M. G. Jiménez, 'Frontier
and settlement in the Kingdom of Castile (1085-1350)', in Bartlett and MacKay,
Medieval frontier societies, pp. 49-74.
22 M. Dunn and L. K. Davidson,
The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela: a comprehensive, annotated
bibliography (New York and London, Garland, 1994).
23 Fletcher,
St James's catapult, pp. 293-300; as part of a critical response to A.
Castro, The Spaniards: an introduction to their history (Berkeley,
University of California Press, 1971), which proposes an very early origin
for Santiago Matamoros, C. Sanchez- Albernoz, España: un enigma histórico (2nd edn, Buenos Aires,
Sudamericana, 1971) supports the idea that Sant'Iago was a relatively
late invention to link Spain to Christianity and the West.
24 Castro,
The Spainiards, p. 419.
25 Melczer, Pilgrim's
guide, pp. 66-7.
26 Fletcher,
St James's catapult.
27 Collins,
Early medieval Spain, pp. 236-8.
28 MacKay,
Spain in the Middle Ages, pp. 51-2; T. N. Bisson, The medieval crown
of Aragon (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 13.
29 Melczer, Pilgrim's
guide, pp. 17-20; Castro, The Spaniards, pp. 420-45.
30 Nooteboom,
Roads to Santiago provides a fascinating and moving account of Spain's
Romanesque heritage.
31 Fletcher, St James's
catapult, pp. 297-8.
32 Castro, The Spaniard.s,
p. 425.
33 Ibid.,
p. 445.
34 G. Burgess, ed.,
The song of Roland (London, Penguin Classics, 1990).
35 Melczer, Pilgrim's
guide, p. 20.
36 Castro,
The Spaniards, pp. 456-63.
37 P. Preston,
Franco: a biography (London, HarperCollins, 1993), p. 289.
38 W. Starkie,
The road to Santiago (London, John Murray, 1957), p. 157.
39 J. Eade,
'Pilgrimage and tourism at Lourdes, France', Annals of Tourism Research
19 (1992), pp. 18-32.
40 Eade and
Sallnow, 'Introduction', p. 2.
41 John Paul
II, Crossing the threshold of hope (London, Jonathan Cape, 1994), pp.
115-16.
42 Council of Europe, 'Santiago
de Compostela pilgrimage routes'.
43 M. R. Murray
and B. Graham, 'Exploring the dialectics of route-based tourism: the
Camino de Santiago', Tourism Management 19 (in press).
44 G. J. Ashworth
and A. G. J. Dietvorst, eds, Tourism and spatial transformations (Wallingford,
CAB International, 1995), pp. 2-10.
45 S. J. Squire,
'Accounting for cultural meanings: the interface between geography and tourism
studies re-examined', Progress in Human Geography 18 (1994),
pp. 1-16.
46 Ashworth
and Dietvorst, Tourism and spatial transformations, p. 10.
47 R. Ford, Gatherings
from Spain (originally 1846, repr. London, Dent, 1970), p. 53.
48 M. Valenzuela,
'Spain: the phenomenon of mass tourism', in A. M. Williams and G. Shaw, eds.
Tourism and economic development: Western European experiences (London,
Belhaven, 1991), p. 58.
49 Gobierno
de Navarra, The pilgrimage route to Santiago (Pamplona, Gobierno de
Navarra, n.d.), pp. 5-6.
50 J. Hooper,
The new Spaniards (rev. edn, London, Penguin, 1995), p. 419.
41409
51 Smith, 'Quest
in guest'.
52 See esp. J.
Hitt, Off the road: a modern-day walk down the pilgrim's route into Spain
(New York, Simon & Schuster, 1994).
53 L. Hoinacki,
El Camino: walking to Santiago de Compostela (University Park, Pennsylvania
State University Press, 1996), p. 135.
54 E. O. Feinberg,
cited in Smith, 'Quest in guest', p. 12.
55 B. Haab, 'The Way as an
inward journey: an anthropological enquiry into the spiri tuality of present-day pilgrims to Santiago', pt. 1,
Bulletin of the Confraternity of St James 55 (Dec. 1995), pp. 16-32; pt. 2, Bulletin of the Confraternity of St James 56 (May 1996),
pp. 17-36.
56 D. Lowenthal,
The past is a foreign country (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,
1986).
57 Ashworth
and Dietvorst, Tourism and spatial transformations, p. 8.
58 Hoinacki,
El Camino, pp. 59, 107, 135, 141.
59 D. Lodge, Therapy
(London, Martin Secker & Warburg, 1995), p. 304.
60 Ibid.,
pp. 304-5.
61 B. Slader,
Pilgrim's footsteps: a walk along the ancient pilgrim road to
Santiago de Compostela (Newcastle, Quest Books, 1989), p. 45.
62 Hitt,
Off the road, pp. 190-1, 237.
63 Ibid.,
p. 218.</meta-value>
</custom-meta>
</custom-meta-wrap>
</article-meta>
</front>
<back><notes><p>1 M. L. Nolan and S. Nolan, <italic>Christian pilgrimage in modern Western Europe</italic>
(London, Chapel Hill, 1989), p. 36; for a comprehensive recent review, see C. C. Park, <italic> Sacred
worlds: an introduction to geography and religion</italic>
(London, Routledge, 1994), pp. 258-84.</p>
<p>2 G. Bowman, 'Christian ideology and the role of a holy land: the place of Jerusalem pilgrimages in the various Christianities', in J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, eds, <italic>Contesting
the sacred: the anthropology of Christian pilgrimage</italic>
(London, Routledge, 1991), p. 120.</p>
<p>3 V. Turner and E. Turner, <italic>Image and pilgrimage in Christian culture: anthropological per
spectives</italic>
(Oxford, Blackwell, 1978), p. 19.</p>
<p>4 J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, 'Introduction', in Eade and Sallnow, <italic>Contesting the sacred,</italic>
pp. 1-19.</p>
<p>5 W. Melczer, <italic> The pilgrim's guide to Santiago de Compostel</italic>
(New York, Italica, 1993).</p>
<p>6 I. Mieck, 'Kontinuität im wandel: politsche und soziale aspekte der Santiago', <italic>Geschichte und Gesellschaft</italic>
<bold>3</bold>
(1977), pp. 299-328; see also Council of Europe, 'The Santiago de Compostela pilgrimage routes', <italic>Architectural Reports and Studies</italic>
<bold>16</bold>
(Strasburg, Council of Europe, 1989).</p>
<p>7 A useful contextual account is J. Sumption, <italic>Pilgrimage: an image of medieval religion</italic>
(London, Faber & Faber, 1975).</p>
<p>8 C. Nooteboom, <italic> Roads to Santiago: detours and riddles in the lands and history of Spain</italic>
(London, Harvill Press, 1997), p. 200.</p>
<p>9 See e.g. C. M. Storrs, <italic>Jacobean pilgrims from England to St James of Compostella</italic>
(Santiago de Compostela, <italic>Xunta</italic>
de Galicia, 1994).</p>
<p>10 R. B. Tate and T. Turville-Petre, <italic>Two pilgrim itineraries of the later Middle Ages.</italic>
(Santiago de Compostela, <italic>Xunta</italic>
de Galicia, 1995).</p>
<p>11 N. Ohler, <italic> The medieval traveller</italic>
(Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 1989), p. 187.</p>
<p>12 Melczer, <italic> Pilgrim's</italic>
guide, pp. 39-43.</p>
<p>13 V. L. Smith, 'The quest in guest', <italic>Annals of Tourism Research</italic>
<bold>19</bold>
(1992), pp. 1-17.</p>
<p>14 Park, <italic> Sacred worlds,</italic>
p. 249.</p>
<p>15 For a good example, hear the New London Consort, conducted by Philip Pickett, 'The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela', Decca double CD (1991) 433 148-2.</p>
<p>16 Y-F. Tuan, 'In place, out of place', <italic>Geoscience and Man</italic>
<bold>24</bold>
(1984), pp. 3-10.</p>
<p>17 C. Tóibín, <italic> The sign of the cross: travels in Catholic Europe</italic>
(London, Jonathan Cape, 1994), p. 140.</p>
<p>18 R. Fletcher, <italic> St James's catapult: the life and times of Diego Gelmirez of Santiago de Compostela</italic>
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984).</p>
<p>19 A. Hopkins, <italic> Spanish journeys: a portrait of Spain</italic>
(London, Viking, 1992), p. 41.</p>
<p>20 See in particular R. Collins, <italic>Early medieval Spain: unity in diversity, 400-1000</italic>
(London, Macmillan, 1983); T. F. Glick, <italic>Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages: com
parative perspectives on social and cultural formation</italic>
(Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979); A. MacKay, <italic>Spain in the Middle Ages: from frontier to empire, 1000-1500</italic>
(London, Macmillan, 1977); R. Bartlett and A. MacKay, eds, <italic>Medieval frontier societies</italic>
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989).</p>
<p>21 D. Lomax, <italic> The reconquest of Spain</italic>
(London, Macmillan, 1978); M. G. Jiménez, 'Frontier and settlement in the Kingdom of Castile (1085-1350)', in Bartlett and MacKay, <italic>Medieval frontier societies,</italic>
pp. 49-74.</p>
<p>22 M. Dunn and L. K. Davidson, <italic> The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela: a comprehensive,
annotated bibliography</italic>
(New York and London, Garland, 1994).</p>
<p>23 Fletcher, <italic> St James's catapult,</italic>
pp. 293-300; as part of a critical response to A. Castro, <italic>The Spaniards: an introduction to their history</italic>
(Berkeley, University of California Press, 1971), which proposes an very early origin for <italic>Santiago Matamoros,</italic>
C. Sanchez- Albernoz, <italic>España: un enigma histórico</italic>
(2nd edn, Buenos Aires, Sudamericana, 1971) supports the idea that <italic>Sant'Iago</italic>
was a relatively late invention to link Spain to Christianity and the West.</p>
<p>24 Castro, <italic> The Spainiards,</italic>
p. 419.</p>
<p>25 Melczer, <italic>Pilgrim's guide,</italic>
pp. 66-7.</p>
<p>26 Fletcher, <italic> St James's catapult.</italic>
</p>
<p>27 Collins, <italic> Early medieval Spain,</italic>
pp. 236-8.</p>
<p>28 MacKay, <italic> Spain in the Middle Ages,</italic>
pp. 51-2; T. N. Bisson, <italic>The medieval crown of Aragon</italic>
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 13.</p>
<p>29 Melczer, <italic>Pilgrim's guide,</italic>
pp. 17-20; Castro, <italic>The Spaniards,</italic>
pp. 420-45.</p>
<p>30 Nooteboom, <italic> Roads to Santiago</italic>
provides a fascinating and moving account of Spain's Romanesque heritage.</p>
<p>31 Fletcher, <italic>St James's catapult,</italic>
pp. 297-8.</p>
<p>32 Castro, <italic>The Spaniard.s,</italic>
p. 425.</p>
<p>33 <italic>Ibid.,</italic>
p. 445.</p>
<p>34 G. Burgess, ed., <italic> The song of Roland</italic>
(London, Penguin Classics, 1990).</p>
<p>35 Melczer, <italic>Pilgrim's guide,</italic>
p. 20.</p>
<p>36 Castro, <italic> The Spaniards,</italic>
pp. 456-63.</p>
<p>37 P. Preston, <italic> Franco: a biography</italic>
(London, HarperCollins, 1993), p. 289.</p>
<p>38 W. Starkie, <italic> The road to Santiago</italic>
(London, John Murray, 1957), p. 157.</p>
<p>39 J. Eade, 'Pilgrimage and tourism at Lourdes, France', <italic>Annals of Tourism Research</italic>
<bold>19</bold>
(1992), pp. 18-32.</p>
<p>40 Eade and Sallnow, 'Introduction', p. 2.</p>
<p>41 John Paul II, <italic>Crossing the threshold of hope</italic>
(London, Jonathan Cape, 1994), pp. 115-16.</p>
<p>42 Council of Europe, 'Santiago de Compostela pilgrimage routes'.</p>
<p>43 M. R. Murray and B. Graham, 'Exploring the dialectics of route-based tourism: the <italic> Camino de Santiago', Tourism Management</italic>
<bold>19</bold>
(in press).</p>
<p>44 G. J. Ashworth and A. G. J. Dietvorst, eds, <italic>Tourism and spatial transformations</italic>
(Wallingford, CAB International, 1995), pp. 2-10.</p>
<p>45 S. J. Squire, 'Accounting for cultural meanings: the interface between geography and tourism studies re-examined', <italic>Progress in Human Geography</italic>
<bold>18</bold>
(1994), pp. 1-16.</p>
<p>46 Ashworth and Dietvorst, <italic>Tourism and spatial transformations,</italic>
p. 10.</p>
<p>47 R. Ford, <italic>Gatherings from Spain</italic>
(originally 1846, repr. London, Dent, 1970), p. 53.</p>
<p>48 M. Valenzuela, 'Spain: the phenomenon of mass tourism', in A. M. Williams and G. Shaw, eds. <italic> Tourism and economic development: Western European experiences</italic>
(London, Belhaven, 1991), p. 58.</p>
<p>49 Gobierno de Navarra, <italic>The pilgrimage route to Santiago</italic>
(Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra, n.d.), pp. 5-6.</p>
<p>50 J. Hooper, <italic> The new Spaniards</italic>
(rev. edn, London, Penguin, 1995), p. 419.</p>
<p>51 Smith, 'Quest in guest'.</p>
<p>52 See esp. J. Hitt, <italic>Off the road: a modern-day walk down the pilgrim's route into Spain</italic>
(New York, Simon & Schuster, 1994).</p>
<p>53 L. Hoinacki, <italic> El Camino: walking to Santiago de Compostela</italic>
(University Park, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), p. 135.</p>
<p>54 E. O. Feinberg, cited in Smith, 'Quest in guest', p. 12.</p>
<p>55 B. Haab, 'The Way as an inward journey: an anthropological enquiry into the spiri tuality of present-day pilgrims to Santiago', pt. 1, <italic> Bulletin of the Confraternity of St James</italic>
55 (Dec. 1995), pp. 16-32; pt. 2, <italic>Bulletin of the Confraternity of St James</italic>
<bold>56</bold>
(May 1996), pp. 17-36.</p>
<p>56 D. Lowenthal, <italic> The past is a foreign country</italic>
(Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986).</p>
<p>57 Ashworth and Dietvorst, <italic>Tourism and spatial transformations,</italic>
p. 8.</p>
<p>58 Hoinacki, <italic> El Camino,</italic>
pp. 59, 107, 135, 141.</p>
<p>59 D. Lodge, <italic>Therapy</italic>
(London, Martin Secker & Warburg, 1995), p. 304.</p>
<p>60 <italic>Ibid.,</italic>
pp. 304-5.</p>
<p>61 B. Slader, <italic> Pilgrim's footsteps:</italic>
a <italic>walk</italic>
along the <italic>ancient pilgrim road to Santiago de Compostela</italic>
(Newcastle, Quest Books, 1989), p. 45.</p>
<p>62 Hitt, <italic> Off the road,</italic>
pp. 190-1, 237.</p>
<p>63 <italic>Ibid.,</italic>
p. 218.</p>
</notes>
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