Serveur d'exploration sur la Chanson de Roland

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The Spiritual and the Profane: the Pilgrimage To Santiago De Compostela

Identifieur interne : 000305 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000304; suivant : 000306

The Spiritual and the Profane: the Pilgrimage To Santiago De Compostela

Auteurs : Brian Graham ; Michael Murray

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:4DBE63100CD7868F92DAE36EF5F98BCE871ED7DC

English descriptors


Url:
DOI: 10.1177/147447409700400402

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:4DBE63100CD7868F92DAE36EF5F98BCE871ED7DC

Le document en format XML

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<meta-value>389 The Spiritual and the Profane: the Pilgrimage To Santiago De Compostela SAGE Publications, Inc.1997DOI: 10.1177/147447409700400402 BrianGraham School of Environmental Studies University of Ulster at Coleraine MichaelMurray School of Public Policy, Economics and Law University of Ulster at Jordanstown Introduction T he general objective of this paper rests in its discussion of the diversity of JL overlapping perceptions and meanings characteristic of past and present pilgrimage to the shrine of St ,James the Greater, located in the furthest north- western corner of Europe at the Galician city of Santiago de Compostela. Ostensibly, pilgrimage is a religious phenomenon in which an individual - or group - sets forth on a journey to a particular cult location to seek the intercession of God and the saints of that place in an array of concerns.' But, as is characteristic of all manifestations of knowledge, pilgrimage is a social construction and, inevitably, a cultural product. The sacred too is 'imagined, defined and articulated within cultural practice'.' Equally, this particular form of cultural production will be linked to the specific social, political and historical contexts in which it originally occurred. As Turner has argued, the 'epoch of genesis' is a critical factor in determining the specific development of a particular pilgrimage.3 Equally crucial, however, is the continuous transformation of the cultural representations of any pilgrimage as the contexts in which it is framed themselves alter. Consequently, any journey to a cult location - in whatever epoch - represents a resolution of conflicting ideals, both spiritual and profane. The discussion in this paper, which is more concerned with the journey to Compostela than its shrine, is informed by the ideas of John Eade and Michael Sallnow, who argue for a pluralist model of pilgrimage in which the phenomenon is seen, not merely as a field of social relations, but as a realm of competing religious and secular discourses vying for supremacy in the cult.' This conceptualization specifically rejects Turner's hypothesis that pilgrimage is a liminal phenomenon, which stands beyond - indeed, involves an abrogation of - secular social structure. Instead, Eade and Sallnow argue that a recurrent theme in pilgrimage is the 22390 reinforcement of social boundaries and distinctions, rather than their attenuation or dissolution. In advocating the 'essential heterogeneity of the process', they contend that the meanings of any pilgrimage will be characterized by contradictions that reflect the differing perceptions projected by official and non-official discourses, which in turn invoke renditions of consensus and communitas and counter-representations of separateness and division. In addressing the general argument that the heterogeneity of pilgrimage lies in the contested meanings and motivations attached to the process, the paper has two particular aims. In the first instance, we examine something of the complex historical representations of the pilgrimage to Santiago, elaborating upon its continuous redefinition in response to ever-changing political and social contexts and power relationships. Secondly, we discuss the ways in which the contemporary pilgrimage has become an arena of competing products and discourses, a realm of contested social relations and distinctions in which a diversity of official and non-official representations compete for supremacy of the cult of St James, not least through claims to authenticity and 'truth'. If pilgrimage is defined as a journey to the sacred, then the even now relatively isolated location of Santiago de Compostela underscores the personal commitment of the individual pilgrim. Early medieval tradition held that St James the Apostle was the first Christian evangelizer of Spain. Martyred on returning to the Holy Land, his body was miraculously transported back to Galicia to remain undiscovered until the end of the eighth century. Virtually all Iberia had by then fallen to the forces of Islam, following the Moorish invasions which began in 711. Only the northernmost Atlantic fringe of the peninsula remained nominally Christian, and it was in Asturias that opposition to Islam first began. It is unlikely that the rediscovery of the tomb of Sant'lago was disconnected from these events. By c. 1100 a whole network of pilgrimage roads led across northern Spain to Santiago de Compostela. The principal routes once lay north of the Cordillera Cantabrica, and it was only in the eleventh century that they were transferred to the plains to the south. Gradually codified into four specifically Jacobean routes, all beginning in France (Figure 1) - and each supported by a pilgrimage infrastructure of hospices, churches, bridges and hostels - these roads were first described in the Liber Sancti Jacobi or Codex Calixtinus, a twelfth-century compilation of five books with a preface attributed to Pope Calixtus II ( 1119-24) .5 5 The fifth book (widely regarded as having been written by a French cleric, Aimery Picaud, from Parthenay-le-Vieux) is a guide for pilgrims, notable for its xenophobic warnings against the bestiality and avarice of the inhabitants of northern Spain and the dangers of their environment - including the water. The three roads, which originated in Paris, the Magdalenian shrine of V6zelay in Burgundy and Le Puy in the Auvergne respectively, all met close to St Jean- Pied-de-Port in south-west Gascony. There pilgrims were faced with the barrier of the Pyrenees, lower at this, their western extremity, but still a substantial obstacle. Beyond the mountains, at the foot of the Col de Ibaneta, lay the great Augustinian pilgrimage church of Roncesvalles, almost 800 km from Santiago de Compostela itself. The fourth road, which began near the mouth of the 23391 Figure 1 ~ The medieval pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela Rh6ne at Arles, led to Toulouse and the shrine of St Sernin, following which pilgrims crossed the Pyrenees by the Col du Somport. Passing through Jaca, this route joined the principal Via Francigena near the Navarrese town of Puente le Reina. From there, the latter often followed the old Roman road through Leon to Astorga and the west, Santo Domingo de la Calzada pushing the western portion of the road even further south so that it passed through Burgos. The importance of the pilgrimage persisted into the fifteenth and even sixteenth centuries before a period of indifference and decline, extending into the nineteenth century. More recently, however, there has been a marked renaissance of interest in the pilgrimage route - the Camino de Santiago - the cult of James and the city and shrine of Santiago de Compostela itself. The Franco regime (1936-75) vigorously exploited the Sant'lago legend while, more recently, the Council of Europe has designated the Camino as a European cultural route and symbol of common European identity.' The medieval pilgrimage The journey to Santiago ranked, with those to Rome and Jerusalem, among the great pilgrimages of the medieval European church. It is claimed that, by the thirteenth century, perhaps as many as 500 000 pilgrims a year travelled to Galicia. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries many journeyed by sea, 24392 particularly from Britain and Ireland, an often uncomfortable voyage across the Bay of Biscay to El Ferrol or La Coruna. Others sailed to ports such as Bordeaux or Bayonne and walked the remaining distance. While a few possessed sufficient means to ride the Camino on horseback, many pilgrims walked the entire route from their homes to Santiago (and back again), the four great roads being served by a complex of subsidiary routes which, ultimately, connected Galicia to the remotest corners of northern and eastern Europe.7 Although St James was at the centre of the most popular pilgrim cult associated with the northern European countries during the Middle Ages, it is difficult to do more than glimpse the personal motivations of those who travelled to his shrine. If 'for centuries a whole army was permanently on the move across Europe',' documentary sources remain relatively sparse, while the various extant accounts of journeys to Santiago often contain little more than descriptions of the routes followed.'' In general terms in an uncertain medieval world, characterized by plague, war and disease, pilgrimage was about penitence, expiation of sins and thanksgiving. As was the case with an English pilgrim, Robert Langton, who made an arduous overland pilgrimage to Santiago and onwards to Italy, possibly in the early sixteenth century, pilgrims were concerned with amassing indulgences and seeking remission of their sins." However, although the spiritual virtues of medieval pilgrimage were supposedly conditional on personal privation - fasting, eating no meat, staying only one night in any one place, leaving hair and nails uncut, not having a warm bath and not sleeping in a comfortable bed" - there were other largely profane motivations. Melczer suggests that pilgrimage was a great adventure in the feudal world of locality, as people travelled in groups buoyed by the communality of music, song and storytelling.l2 As Smith observes, while the term pilgrim still commonly connotes someone embarking on a religious journey, its Latin derivation from peregrinus suggests something broader - foreigner, wanderer, exile and traveller - as well as new- comer or stranger.13 The evidence of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales and the often rumbustious pilgrim music scores that survive in Santiago's cathedral library, also point to the function of pilgrimage as an adventure transcending the constraints of everyday life. 14 Medieval pilgrims to Santiago often travelled in groups, and while their music may recount the miracles of the Virgin and St James, there are also marching songs, love songs and laments, some of which echo French troubadour music. But above all the music was entertainment, instilling camaraderie and helping offset the privations of the physical journey. 15 Tuan con- ceptualizes this in terms of 'in place' and 'out of place', medieval pilgrimage being the most powerful expression of a spiritual unrest in which the fixity of everyday life was exchanged for the exhilaration and freedom of the road.16 Indeed, contemporary obsessions with the metaphorical connotations of 'the road' are readily apparent in much of the literature on the Camino de Santiago, leading 'ever westwards towards the setting sun' and Finisterre.17 The route was also once known as the Via Lactea, the direction of Santiago shown in the heavens by the Milky Way (an iconography used ironically in Luis Bunuel's 1968 film La Voie Lactée, which attacks, allegorically, the central mysteries of Catholic doctrine) . 25393 If, however, the medieval cult of St James is located within its own cultural and political milieu, a reading emerges that points to myriad non-official, personal motivations being shaped by and subsumed within official representations of the pilgrimage that emerged from the appropriation of the phenomenon by powerful institutions engaged in wider contestations of society. Although a diversity of overlapping and competing manifestations of this relationship can be identified, two in particular stand out. The first concerns the linkages between pilgrimage to the shrine of St James and the Reconquista, the Christian reconquest of Iberia from the Moors. Secondly, the political and economic circumstances of the Christian states of northern Spain - Asturias, L6on and Navarra - determined the nature and defining characteristics of the medieval pilgrimage (Figure 2). Fletcher argues that the pre-twelfth-century representations of St James have probably more to do with their politics - and particularly the region's ultramontane collaboration with France - than with the Reconquista itself.ls Moreover, the eleventh-century Gregorian reforms of the church, orchestrated through the network of dependencies of the great Burgundian abbey of Cluny, ensured the integration of the pilgrimage into the wider power politics of the medieval Roman church, the importation of Cluniac reforms being one of the principal repercussions of the alliance between France and the northern Spanish Kingdoms. It was Cluny which defined and marked the Via Francigena. Figure 2 - Medieval Spain. From R. King, L. Proudfoot and B. Smith, eds., The Mediterranean environment and society (London, Arnold, 19997), p. 81; after G. Holmes, ed~, The Oxford illustrated history of medieval Europe (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 204. - 26394 The cult of St James and the Reconquista The cult of St James is central to a nationalist narrative which depicts a Spain forged through the campaigns to free Iberia from Moorish domination. The rhetoric and artistic iconography of such representations picture the Reconquista as a Holy War or crusade, a Christian equivalent to jihad. It must be acknowledged, nevertheless, that the representation of a state forged by five centuries of warfare against the infidel, culminating symbolically in the final capitulation of Granada in 1492, is fundamentally the product of an orthodox construct of Spanish nationalism. In this discourse, one much exploited by Franco and the Falange, Aragon and Castile are rendered as the 'twin pillars' of Spanish history, 19 the tomb of their Catholic monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, in the triumphal surroundings of Granada Cathedral's Capilla Real, a shrine of national unity matched only by the Escorial. With the fall of Granada, the cult of St James reached its apogee, powerfully symbolized by Ferdinand and Isabella's endowment of the splendid Hostal de los Reyes Católicos close to Santiago Cathedral. Revisionist history, however, partly but not entirely post-Franco, renders a less Catholic and conspicuously pluralist representation of medieval Spain in which the barrier between Moor and Christian is depicted in very much more porous terms. Incorporating an imagery of Christian, Islamic and Jewish multiculturalism, this discourse integrates Spain much more coherently within the wider medieval European experiences of colonization of marches, urbanization and state formation.20 Again, it is difficult to conceive that the Reconquista was of central concern for many medieval pilgrims travelling to Santiago de Compostela. By the peak of the pilgrimage's importance between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries, the frontier zone was well to the south, while the political initiative had passed to Castile, following the conquest of Toledo in 1085 (Figure 2). 21 Furthermore, revisionist history suggests that the Reconquista may not have been all that important to either the Asturian or Le6nese kings. None the less, as is vividly demonstrated by the dramatic duality of Jacobean iconography, the association of his cult and the Reconquista was still of fundamental importance to medieval Spain. On one hand is Sanctus Jacobus or Santiago Pelegrino, often portrayed wearing the characteristic pilgrim garb of cloak and broad-brimmed hat, carrying a staff and adorned with the cockleshell emblem of his pilgrimage (Figure 3). On the other is the extraordinary representation of Santiago Caballem or Santiago Mataynoros - St James the Moorslayer - riding a white charger through the skies above the Reconquista, battlefields, wielding a bloody, dripping sword and surrounded by decapitated infidels (Figure 4). This manifestation in particular has attracted an enormous - albeit largely Spanish - and much debated literature Although traditional accounts allege that the first appearance of ,Santiago Matamoros was at the - equally dubious - Battle of Calvijo in 844, there is now some agreement that this imagery was twelfth-century in origin, part of the ideological and actual warfare against Islam. 23 As lfmérico Castro remarks, however, there was nothing illusory about the battles fought under the banner of Santiago Matamoros, his very name converted into the national war-cry, 'Santiago y cierra Espana'.24 Some centuries later, the same 27395 11 t !3 !3 'N S ~J l -~ VI h ~4 ~t -Q 8 v z U z cn 0 S 28396 iconography crossed the Atlantic as the Conquistadores strove to subjugate Central and South America under the banner of Santiago Caballero. The French connection If the saint's depiction as Matamoros constituted the principal manifestation of his cult inside medieval Spain and later in South America, the gentle, self-effacing pilgrim imagery of Sanctus Jacobus was very much the dominant representation beyond the Pyrenees. As Melczer remarks, this too is a little curious, the saint being depicted as a pilgrim journeying to his own tomb. He suggests that the iconography is meant to suggest James's unusually altruistic and self-effacing identification with his devotees. 15 There is now some consensus that this dual iconography was a product of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, its emergence as much to do with the waxing and waning of French influence on the development of the pilgrimage as with the Reconquista. Fletcher argues that the reassessment of Spanish medieval history not only questions the Catholic-nationalist orthodoxy, but - as we have observed - also seeks to integrate Spain within the context of social, economic and political change in other parts of Europe, most notably France.2() In particular, interpretations that locate the particularity of medieval Spain within, rather than apart from, the emergence of the European West emphasize the importance of the early medieval transformation of the Asturo-Pyrenean mountain zone for the emergence of the cult of St James. Collins contends that the northern kingdoms were little more than Moorish dependencies and believes that the saint's first manifestations signified Galicia's self-assertion, not least towards the Asturian kingdom to which it was subject.27 Before the eleventh century, the cult of San 1ago was primarily a Galician affair. Later, however, although well before the probable twelfth-century materialization of Matamoros, James had also become the patron saint of Asturian and L6onese kings, increasingly aware that their hopes of resisting Islam was dependent on ultramontane collaboration and support. The massive burgeoning of the cult's popularity seems to have occurred in the first half of the eleventh century, part of the complex shift in power relationships which saw the emergence of the new kingdoms of Aragon and Castile and the fragmentation of Islamic Spain that followed the self-destruction of the Umayyad dynasty in C6rdoba. As the Reconquista frontier advanced intermittently southward, French influences in northern Spain became more marked, manifested not least by military assistance and political marriage. French settlers followed as the Reconquista was succeeded by the Repoblación, the resettlement of land, villages and towns. At least in its initial stages, the pilgrimage route functioned as a transverse axis of town foundation and relative commercial stability in this latter process of colonization. 2' Above all, however, the advent of French influence brought with it the power of Cluny, northern Spain providing an ideal sphere of influence in its continual efforts to offset the hierarchical pre-eminence of Rome." In stark contrast to the brutally triumphal and often remarkably gory Catholic iconography of southern Spain, the Cluniac sponsorship of the cult of St James and the infrastructure of 29397 the Camino Frances ensured that its architecture and art were far more expressive of relatively restrained medieval French forms and tastes. Romanesque styles predominated - as in the now largely destroyed Cluniac monastery at Sahagun and the spectacular Portico de la Gloria in Santiago's cathedral itself." By the twelfth century, however, Cluniac power was waning. In northern Spain, Diego Gelmirez, consecrated as bishop in 1101, sought to establish the pre-eminence of Santiago de Compostela within the reformed Gregorian church. Many elements of the French representation of the medieval pilgrimage can be attributed to Cluny's attempts to perpetuate its hegemony in the face of this challenge. For example, Fletcher believes that Diego was not among the architects of the idea of St James as patron of the Reconquista. Rather, he sees this 'crusade-idea' as a further alien importation, which took root in Spain only in the second half of the twelfth century when Pope Calixtus II made it clear that he regarded the Spanish wars to be crusades.31 As Castro remarks, for Cluny, northern Spain was a second Holy Land.12 Again, the Liber Sancti Jacobi - which defined the roads to Santiago - was also part of the attempt to compensate for the more general decline of Cluniac power." While its provenance may remain disputed, internal evidence does point towards Cluny as the text's origin; indeed, Cluny is the very last word in Book Five, the Pilgrim's Guide. The French representation of the Camino was also bolstered by the broadly contemporaneous Chanson de Roland, the epic chanson de geste, dating from c. I 100, which recounts Charlemagne's withdrawal across the Pyrenees at Valcarlos in 778, following a successful campaign against the Moors. Attacked unchivalrously by a superior force - supposedly Arabic - near Roncesvalles, Charlemagne's rearguard - led by Roland - fought heroically to the last man.34 Although the Basques - with some foundation - continue to claim this victory over the Franks to be theirs rather than the Moors, the legend of Roland became inextricably interwoven with that of the twelfth-century French representation of the Camino de Santiago. Roncesvalles was, of course, a key locale on the road, and the site of Roland's battle - and the graves in which he and his companions were later interred at Blaye-sur-Gironde - became points of pilgrim veneration. Meanwhile, according to Book IV of the Liber Sancti Jacobi, St James is also said to have appeared in a dream to Charlemagne, promising him possession of Galicia; Charlemagne 'sees a starry way on the sky and is told to follow it ... to get to the Saint's tomb'.3~ Somewhat bizarrely, therefore, in this twelfth-century French rendition of the legend of St James, Charlemagne becomes his first pilgrim. Thus, at its peak - as this necessarily brief discussion indicates - the meanings and indeed physical realities of the pilgrimage to Santiago have to be situated within the contested circumstances of its 'epoch of genesis'. The individual pilgrim, prompted by whatever mixture of spiritual and profane motivations, was also involved in a phenomenon more widely defined by - and implicated in - the power politics of the medieval West. By the twelfth century the cult of St James was part of the imposition of at least two separate if interrelated linear narratives - those of the Reconquista and Cluniac hegemony - upon the chaos of the medieval world. A different saint was required for each rendition. Although purporting to be of greater antiquity, many of the most significant 30398 legends of the Camino - whichever the narrative - appear to be high medieval in origin, their iconography being imposed on earlier, localized northern Spanish manifestations of the cult of Santiago. Following the ultimate victory over Islam in 1492, the long-drawn-out evolution of centralized states in Spain and France and the Reformation, the dual medieval manifestations of the cult of St James inevitably declined in importance. They no longer had a significant role to play - to put it simply, monarchs no longer went to Santiago de Compostela. By the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the saint as 'soldier incarnate' was ceasing to attract attention. However, partly as a response to his having been replaced as patron saint of Spain by Teresa de Avila, St James was reincarnated by Francisco de Quevedo (c. 1550) as an elder statesman and national patrician in which guise the `soldier incarnate' survived, geographically isolated in a remote corner of a Spanish state centred on Castile and Madrid, but never replaced in popular consciousness by Teresa's feminine, religious introversion.36 Something of the dualistic military element to his identity did resurface in the twentieth century as Falangist nationalism consciously invoked the imagery of the Reconquista and the imperialist rhetoric of Ferdinand and Isabella.s7 Santiago de Compostela again became a Holy City, but this time of Fascist Spain. The contemporary pilgrimage While the complexly interwoven and overlapping historical representations of the Way of St James reflect the idea of pilgrimage as an arena of contestation between powerful religious and secular discourses, the present revival of interest in the Camino allows us to elaborate more clearly on the ways in which the heterogeneous process of pilgrimage also enters the realm of competing social relations and distinctions. One axis of this manifestation of contestation is defined by the dichotomy between official and non-official appropriations of the pilgrimage, while a second relates to the unagreed criteria and social particularities that surround the definition of 'pilgrim' in an essentially secular age and serve above all to distinguish this figure from the tourist. The competing official and non-official discourses, however, retain a shared heritage in that past representations continue to shape the present Camino de Santiago. The Way itself - or at least one rendition of it - provides the theme of continuity. Outside Spain, it remains the Via Francigena, defined by its French patronage and marked by the Romanesque and later Gothic architectural and artistic styles of medieval France, each individual portion illustrating 'the universal significance of the pilgrimage' .38 Whereas in the eleventh century there would have been a whole network of routes through northern Spain, the contemporary Camino owes much to the road defined in Book V of the Codex Calixtinus, in itself - as we have seen - something of a reinvention to ensure that pilgrims were channelled through the major Cluniac shrines along the Way. If the actual alignment of the road itself has been subject to continual re- imaging, again the contemporary world beyond Spain has scant regard for the embarrassment of Santiago Matamoros, tainted by brutality, imperialism, the 31399 unsavoury legacy of the Conquistadores and the nationalistic rhetoric of the Falange. Santiago Matamoros - an incongruous and uneasy image for our times - persists only as a crudely right-wing symbol, closely analogous to the militaristic representations of Jeanne d'Arc employed in the iconography of the Action Franfalse in the early twentieth century and today by the Front National. The saintly narrative for our times is that of Sanctus Jacobus, clad in his humble pil- grim's garb, following the starry Via Láctea ever westward. Of ficial appropriations of the modern pilgrimage Although there are occasional residual issues of national identity - for example, the Basque claim to the legend of Charlemagne and Roland - three principal agencies largely define contemporary official renditions of the Camino de Santiago. First, the Catholic church, albeit declining in power and often very conservative, still remains a powerful global institution, socially sanctioning the behaviour of pilgrims to shrines such as Lourdes and Fatima as well as Santiago de Compostela.39 These cult centres are both historical and modern, but they share a common role in the Catholic church's continuing attempts to affirm papal authority and the ascendancy of the spiritual over the secular and rationalist values of the modern world.4° Thus, Pope John Paul II depicts contemporary pilgrimage to Santiago as a symbol of what he claims to be the new evangelization of Europe.41 Secondly, as observed above, in 1987 the Council of Europe designated the Camino as the continent's first 'cultural itinerary' or heritage trail. Symbolically, it is held to point towards the ideal of European integration, signifying an attitude of mind that encompasses an attentiveness towards others and a deeply felt commitment to the European experience.4z As a result, the route through Navarra, Castile, L6on and Galicia, which gradually evolved in the eleventh century, is now more clearly marked than was ever the case in the Middle Ages. From the Pyrenees to the holy city of Santiago de Compostela itself, the contemporary Camino is signposted by a motif depicting the cockleshell symbol of St James turned on its side and streamlined into a fan of lines meeting to the left. This represents the roads of Europe, symbolically joined and leading to Santiago, no longer a ceremonial centre of Spanish nationalism, but declared a European Capital of Culture in the year 2000 (Figure 5). Thirdly, contemporary presentations of the pilgrimage - and in particular the demarcation and marketing of the Camino by the governments of the regions through which it passes - can be regarded as one further manifestation of the economic commodification of heritage, an issue which we have discussed elsewhere .4' The original resource - itself the product of numerous contested and relative values - is again being transformed by diverse producers and consumers for a variety of reasons. As Ashworth and Dietvorst argue, this process embraces material practices as well as image production and interpretation, producers coding products to manipulate particular consumer markets.44 Landscapes and historical artefacts become tourist places through the meanings that are ascribed to them by visitors and promotional agencies, tourism and pilgrimage sharing 32400 Figure 5 - The contemporary Santiago de Compostela route motif the characteristic of being part of larger processes of cultural transformation and modes of production and consumption .15 Rather cynically, perhaps, the contemporary pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela can thus be visualized as a niche in a consumer market in which 'the leisure dreams [of the participants] become dependent on the logic of material reproduction But as it is, so it always was. As Richard Ford wrote in 1846, medieval Spanish roads were works of the clergy, traffic soon being 'combined with devotion, and the service of Mammon with that of God'. 41 In a more general context of employment creation, regional development and generation of foreign exchange earnings, the production of pedestrian and vehicular itineraries for the Camino represents one means of improving and diversifying the Spanish tourism product.48 Thus, the elaboration and exploitation of the definitive contemporary Camino de Santiago itineraries owes much to the promotion of cultural tourism by the regional authorities in Navarra, La Rioja, Castile y Leon and Galicia. For example, the government of Navarra, recognizing that there was 'no fixed and abiding road', invented a definitive itinerary through an act of 1988, which defines a route - three metres wide - that avoids 'main roads, built-up areas, agricultural land and rubbish tips' and is accessible only to walkers and those on horseback.49 Road routes are also well marked by the Council of Europe signifiers. Again, unsurprisingly, the concept of the roads of Europe, symbolically focusing on Santiago de Compostela, has been adopted enthusiastically by the Xunta de Galicia in its promotion of regional identity and tourism. The Holy Year of 1993 - Ano Jacobeo - was a Galician cultural spectacular, organized 'to capitalise on the reviving popularity of the pilgrimage The city and - by extension the Camino - can also be held to demonstrate the regionalization of the new Europe, Santiago being depicted as a Galician rather than Spanish city. 33401 Non-of ficial discourses: social relations, distinctions and the contested definition of 'pilgrim' If these official readings of the Camino point to something less than consensus, let us turn to the even more marked dichotomy that exists between such representations and the realm of contested social relations and distinctions that surround the definition and meaning of pilgrimage in a secular age. We are concerned here with the criteria involved in laying claim to a hegemonic definition of the true or genuine pilgrim. As Eade and Sallnow argue, pilgrimage is not set outside social structures; rather, the non-official contestation of the process is concerned with establishing exactly what constitutes an acceptable set of alternative social relations for pilgrims. In the first instance, however, there is the pressing need to distinguish pilgrims from tourists. In one effort to resolve this central tension, Smith has suggested a typology of the pilgrim-tourist in which a continuum, defined by the opposite poles of sacred and secular, encompasses a range of motivation from 'pious pilgrim' to 'secular tourist' (Figure 6).'1 While a useful device in classifying the various sub-markets of those undertaking contemporary pilgrimages, the difficulty with this scheme lies in the nature of piety and the multilayered meanings of pilgrimage in a secular age in which 'holy' and 'pious' no longer define the 'spiritual'. Thus the search for personal consciousness and meaning far transcends the realm of the religious, and pilgrimage becomes the product of a multiplicity of motivations, attitudes and behavioural mindsets. The contestation of the set of social parameters that define the genuine or 'true' pilgrim is a pervasive theme characterizing the very substantial body of recent literature describing the rebirth of the Camino de Santiago in an epoch in which many pilgrims no longer believe that the true bones of St James the Apostle rest beneath the high altar of Santiago Cathedral. 52 As one pilgrim puts it, 'the reality of Santiago's tomb may consist principally and essentially in the faith of those who walk there' .5' What values define a 'pious pilgrim', and how can that figure be distinguished from the 'secular tourist' at the other negative pole - Smith's scheme suggests - of a spiritual continuum? An involvement in the actual physical processes of pilgrimage is clearly implicated because of a Figure 6 - A pilgrim-tourist continuum, after V. Smith, 'The quest in guest', Annals of Tourism Research 19 ( 1992) , p. 4. 34402 general assumption that only the experience of walking (preferably) or cycling (very much second-best) the road itself that can lead to spiritual enlightenment. Thus one study, conducted in the 1980s, discovered that many pilgrims to Santiago were on individual quests for spiritual meaning in a secular world, and that it was during the prolonged rite of passage that they became pilgrims. 54 A further ethnographical analysis insists that although 'spiritual' involves 'profound personal experience of the holy', travellers on the modern Camino begin their spiritual journey in different guises. Some are pilgrims from the outset, others become so as they travel. A third group may complete the Way as tourists, only to become aware of an inner change later. They may be impelled to walk the Camino a second time, treating it as a spiritual journey.55 However, modern pilgrimage also appears to be a diverse and heterogenous phenomenon in which an insistence on the sanctity of the spiritual - while it may describe the experience of some pilgrims - seems unnecessarily restrictive. Even if it is only our present perception that the values of Christianity were paramount in the past and that the economic commodification of culture is a phenomenon of a contemporary materialistic age, it is still realistic to argue that the sacred is now even less likely to be defined by religious values than formerly. In such circumstances, history itself can become a substitute, many people seeking some form of inner contemplation through mental and physical pilgrimages to a rendition of the past that is inevitably defined by present values .56 Again, our contemporary cultures are increasingly oriented towards sensory experiences, typically expressed through the linkage between sport and tourism.57 (Indeed in this context, the contemporary 'sanctity' of excessive physical exercise can be regarded as analogous to the medieval religious dialectic between bodily suffering and spiritual restoration.) Nevertheless, all these readings are linked by the assumption that true pilgrimage is defined by a search for spiritual or internal enlightenment which derives, not necessarily from the shrine itself, but from the hardships, joys and self-discovery of the nature of the journey to that place. There is an explicit assumption here that the realization of such values does not occur to travellers by car or coach. Thus motive meshes with mode, and the physical hardship of walking - or cycling - the Camino de Santiago - becomes a (if not the) primary distinction of the pious or true pilgrim. Nowhere is this expressed more vehemently than in a recent account by an American pilgrim, Lee Hoinacki. To him, the Camino is not for people in cars, and he rails against the invasion of the Way by the 'latter-day Philistines - modern carpetbaggers' of UNESCO and the Council of Europe with their 'pretentious' signs. Instead, Hoinacki 'can enter the world of the Camino', only because he 'can walk into it' (his detestation of car-bound tourists only slightly exceeds his intolerance of cyclists) entering directly into the 'mystery of faith ... nothingness, weakness and darkness' that made up the world of past pilgrims. In so doing, he can free his faith from religion and seek instead 'the forms of faith proper to this age'. 58 In essence, and paralleling the medieval equation of faith with personal privation, the suffering of the physical Way becomes a metaphor of the search for the inner self, something that cannot be revealed in the car-borne tourist. 35403 Much the same perspective is to be found in David Lodge's 1995 novel Therapy, in which the true pilgrim on the Way to Santiago is defined as 'someone for whom it's an existential act of self-definition ... A leap into the absurd, in Kierkagaard's sense'.59 According to Kierkegaard, there are three stages of personal development - the aesthetic, the ethical and the religious. The aesthete (among whom Lodge must be numbered, judging by his 1994 BBC television programme on the Camino) is essentially a cultural tourist who simply wants to enjoy the landscape and cultural pleasures of the Way and does not pretend to be a true pilgrim. Ethical people see pilgrimage as a test of stamina and self-discipline, have strict notions of correct pilgrim behaviour and worry constantly about whether they are genuine pilgrims. In contrast, 'religious' defines the sense of absurdity in a belief system such as Christianity; if it were entirely rational, there would be no point in believing it. Thus, the true pilgrim walks but, more important, opts to believe without rational compulsion - 'you made a leap into the void and in the process chose yourself. Walking a thousand miles to the shrine of Santiago ... was such a leap.' 60 Difficult though it is to believe that many modern pilgrims have any greater awareness of Kierkegaard than their medieval predecessors had of ecclesiastical politics, Lodge's reading - if deficient in its failure to separate the 'existential act of self-definition' from a Christian context - coincides with Hoinacki's deeply personal discourse in agreeing that the pilgrim - as distinct from the tourist - must reconcile mode of travel with motivation. Walking itself becomes part of the mysticism of the Way. While walking was not obligatory for the medieval pilgrim, many of whom travelled to Santiago de Compostela by ship (the Camino Inglés stretches only from El Ferrol and La Coruna to Santiago), horseback or even carriage, activities that we perceive to be modern replications of the physical and mental hardships endured by medieval penitents appear necessary to define the meaning of contemporary pilgrimage. This stance is actively encouraged by the cathedral authorities in Santiago de Compostela, who issue a document - also known as a Compostela. - to those who can prove through verbal accounts, supported by the evidence of a 'passport' containing stamps collected along the road, that they have completed at least 150 km of the Camino on foot or 200 km by cycle. To some extent, these renditions of pilgrimage may appear evocative of Turner's hypothesis that the phenomenon is indeed a state of unmediated and egalitarian association between individuals, who have stepped outside the hierarchical social structure of everyday life. However, as Hoinacki's detestation of cyclists and Lodge's aesthetic, ethical and religious triad suggest, pilgrimage remains a field of social relations and a realm of competing individual discourses. Consequently, the genuine pilgrim is not merely a traveller to a ritual space but one who has experienced and endured, for whatever reason, the hardship of the trek to that destination. Moreover, if the modern journey has multiple, simultaneous manifestations - spiritual (however defined but clearly embracing more than the religious), cultural capital, sporting infrastructure, even economic commodity in urban and rural tourism promotion - its consumers are likely to be equally diverse. 36404 This leads us to the question as to how those who regard themselves as true pilgrims involved in that 'existential act of self-definition' should behave in terms of social relations. Given that the concept of a genuine pilgrim appears to embrace physical privation and the search for a higher - but not necessarily religious - purpose related along some dimension to the inner self, what constitutes an acceptable code of behaviour to represent these motivations and values to an external world, which may regard the pilgrim as no more than an actor in a tourism niche market? Attempts to resolve this dilemma have evoked a surrealistic and vigorously disputed set of non-official social distinctions, which often appear less concerned with acquiring a sense of inner contemplation than with contesting the relative degrees of physical suffering and exertion required of a true pilgrim. Hence, we can observe the erection of an alternative social structure, which in itself is essentially contested between Lodge's ethical (liberal) and religious (puritanical) categories. For example, puritanical pilgrim behaviour eschews hotels in favour of basic refugios (regarded as twentieth-century versions of medieval hostels). Although these offer cheap and often acceptable accommodation along the Camino, it is also apparent from many accounts that they are something of a rite of passage and critical to the construction of an alternative pilgrim social structure. Conversely, the luxurious Spanish government-owned paradores constitute the ultimate heresy in this regard. As one writer was warned by a true pilgrim: '[our] needs are simple. Paradores are too grand for us. We must have a clean place to eat and sleep and nothing to keep us from the road.'"' A convincing, if rather sardonic, attempt to clarify the standards and distinctions of pilgrim social relations is made by the American writer Jack Hitt in the account of his pilgrimage to the shrine of a modern James 'willing to wink at our ruses and praise our occasional virtue'. 62 Adapting his scheme somewhat, we can argue that the criteria which define acceptable behaviour for a genuine pilgrim are inevitably unagreed, reflecting - as they must - wider constructions and debates in society (Table 1). As religious belief is no longer a sufficient explanatory motivation, there must be new standards of behaviour that define inclusion, transformed forms of faith in which one polarity is defined by the values of a contemporary Western cultural neo-puritanism that stresses exclusivity, the virtues of physical pain - without necessarily the recompense of redemption - and the achievements of one's goal at all costs. These signifiers, which can be regarded as cultural equivalencies to the equally puritanical and individualistic ethos of neo-liberal economics, would define some (if by no means all) of Lodge's 'religious' pilgrims. At the opposing extreme is the alternative behavioural perspective of those edging towards ethical values of inclusiveness, humanism and liberalism. They perceive the fraility of human motivations but seek to recognize that virtue also lies in trying. Almost the only common ground between the two poles is provided by wine, plentiful quantities being consumed in virtually all contemporary accounts of the Camino, whatever their perspective on the social relations and distinctions that characterize the contestation of authenticity in the modern pilgrimage. 37405 Table 1 ~ To be a true pilgrim? criteria for inclusion Conclusions The discussion has emphasized the heterogeneous and contested nature of the pilgrimage process. Both past and contemporary manifestations of the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela are linked by the identical trait of the competing perceptions and meanings which attend them. They also share the mixture of spiritual and profane and the notion of 'the road' - out of place - as a metaphor for freedom. The Way itself, its saint and his shrine have been continuously transformed and reinvented through time in response to competing religious and secular demands, formerly shaped by politics and war, latterly perhaps by the grail of individual salvation in a godless world. The pilgrimage to Santiago has thus always been a heterogeneous phenomenon, the journey as much as its shrine the nexus of a multiplicity of intentions, both sacred and secular. It is a resource, endlessly transformed: as Hitt puts it succinctly, 'the road has been manhandled by everyone from Charlemagne to Archbishop Gelmir6z to Queen Isabella to the generalissimo! '63 Historically, the cult of St James was appropriated to help validate particular ideological hegemonies through the construction of legitimizing linear narra- 38406 tives, a duality reflected in the extraordinary schizophrenic nature of the saint's iconography. Politically, the medieval James was a Janus figure, on one hand the dramatic, nationalist stereotype of Santiago Matamoros, on the other the humble and self-effacing Sanctus Jacobus, guide to the inner self. None the less, while medieval representations of the cult were very much contested between these opposing poles, untold millions of ordinary pilgrims journeyed to Santiago de Compostela, largely ignorant of the manipulations of medieval power politics and their role in the representations of the pilgrims encountered. It is our present perceptions of these predecessors, glimpsed only tangentially through their music and the xenophobic fears and prejudices of the Codex Calixtinus, which help shape modern attitudes and contribute to the contested nature of precisely who constitutes a true pilgrim on the contemporary Camino de Santiago. Revisionist history in its depiction of a more plural multicultural Spain, sharing in the social and political domain of the wider European West, requires the ascendancy of Sanctus Jacobus. It also ensures that the contemporary Way is the Camino Frances. Santiago Matamoros - like his Falangist supporters - has been consigned to an unsavoury past, causing only bemusement at some of the bloody and (in our terms) un-Christian iconography still to be found in the churches along the Camino. For some, Sanctus Jacobus - an imagery accentuated by his pilgrim's clothing, staff and entirely peaceful cockleshell emblem - is the saint for late twentieth-century Europe, to the liberal pilgrim symbolizing peace, humility, attentiveness to others and the search for the inner self. To others, any saint is irrelevant, the physical privations of the Way being sufficient in themselves. To say that the spiritual realm must embrace a wider domain than the strictly religious is not to diminish it or to demean the sincerity of those who undertake what is an arduous physical and mental journey for what they perceive to be the most honourable of motives. Nevertheless, the non-official discourses of pilgrim authenticity, and the contested social boundaries created by their competing codes of behaviour, point to contemporary pilgrimage, not as something ethereal or removed from everyday life, but as a phenomenon situated within wider social structures. In vying for supremacy in the definition of 'pilgrim', alternative contemporary discourses have erected and reinforced complex social boundaries and distinctions that reflect wider constructions of society. Official and non-official discourses - and their consumers - seek to delineate their exclusive claim to the Way of St James. In the end, however, there are many parallel Ways, a pluralist pilgrimage for a postmodernist epoch, marrying renditions of the past, physical exertion and the search for meaning and inner peace in a secular world increasingly bereft of guiding principles. We do not worship a medieval God, and if we seek to emulate the penitential hardships, dangers and privations which past pilgrims were forced to endure to win forgiveness and grace, that does not define us as true pilgrims. Rather, it demonstrates only the conditional nature of tradition and the contested, multifaceted meaning of the Camino de Santiago, past and present. 39407 Acknowledgements We are indebted to Marion Marples, Secretary of the Confraternity of St James, for her help in locating material. Two anonymous referees helped us clarify the argument, while we are also very grateful to Denis Cosgrove for a number of relevant and pertinent criticisms. Notes 1 M. L. Nolan and S. Nolan, Christian pilgrimage in modern Western Europe (London, Chapel Hill, 1989), p. 36; for a comprehensive recent review, see C. C. Park, Sacred worlds: an introduction to geography and religion (London, Routledge, 1994), pp. 258-84. 2 G. Bowman, 'Christian ideology and the role of a holy land: the place of Jerusalem pilgrimages in the various Christianities', in J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, eds, Contesting the sacred: the anthropology of Christian pilgrimage (London, Routledge, 1991), p. 120. 3 V. Turner and E. Turner, Image and pilgrimage in Christian culture: anthropological per spectives (Oxford, Blackwell, 1978), p. 19. 4 J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, 'Introduction', in Eade and Sallnow, Contesting the sacred, pp. 1-19. 5 W. Melczer, The pilgrim's guide to Santiago de Compostel (New York, Italica, 1993). 6 I. Mieck, 'Kontinuität im wandel: politsche und soziale aspekte der Santiago', Geschichte und Gesellschaft 3 (1977), pp. 299-328; see also Council of Europe, 'The Santiago de Compostela pilgrimage routes', Architectural Reports and Studies 16 (Strasburg, Council of Europe, 1989). 7 A useful contextual account is J. Sumption, Pilgrimage: an image of medieval religion (London, Faber & Faber, 1975). 8 C. Nooteboom, Roads to Santiago: detours and riddles in the lands and history of Spain (London, Harvill Press, 1997), p. 200. 9 See e.g. C. M. Storrs, Jacobean pilgrims from England to St James of Compostella (Santiago de Compostela, Xunta de Galicia, 1994). 10 R. B. Tate and T. Turville-Petre, Two pilgrim itineraries of the later Middle Ages. (Santiago de Compostela, Xunta de Galicia, 1995). 11 N. Ohler, The medieval traveller (Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 1989), p. 187. 12 Melczer, Pilgrim's guide, pp. 39-43. 13 V. L. Smith, 'The quest in guest', Annals of Tourism Research 19 (1992), pp. 1-17. 14 Park, Sacred worlds, p. 249. 15 For a good example, hear the New London Consort, conducted by Philip Pickett, 'The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela', Decca double CD (1991) 433 148-2. 16 Y-F. Tuan, 'In place, out of place', Geoscience and Man 24 (1984), pp. 3-10. 17 C. Tóibín, The sign of the cross: travels in Catholic Europe (London, Jonathan Cape, 1994), p. 140. 18 R. Fletcher, St James's catapult: the life and times of Diego Gelmirez of Santiago de Compostela (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984). 19 A. Hopkins, Spanish journeys: a portrait of Spain (London, Viking, 1992), p. 41. 20 See in particular R. Collins, Early medieval Spain: unity in diversity, 400-1000 (London, Macmillan, 1983); T. F. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages: com parative perspectives on social and cultural formation (Princeton, NJ, Princeton University 40408Press, 1979); A. MacKay, Spain in the Middle Ages: from frontier to empire, 1000-1500 (London, Macmillan, 1977); R. Bartlett and A. MacKay, eds, Medieval frontier societies (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989). 21 D. Lomax, The reconquest of Spain (London, Macmillan, 1978); M. G. Jiménez, 'Frontier and settlement in the Kingdom of Castile (1085-1350)', in Bartlett and MacKay, Medieval frontier societies, pp. 49-74. 22 M. Dunn and L. K. Davidson, The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela: a comprehensive, annotated bibliography (New York and London, Garland, 1994). 23 Fletcher, St James's catapult, pp. 293-300; as part of a critical response to A. Castro, The Spaniards: an introduction to their history (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1971), which proposes an very early origin for Santiago Matamoros, C. Sanchez- Albernoz, España: un enigma histórico (2nd edn, Buenos Aires, Sudamericana, 1971) supports the idea that Sant'Iago was a relatively late invention to link Spain to Christianity and the West. 24 Castro, The Spainiards, p. 419. 25 Melczer, Pilgrim's guide, pp. 66-7. 26 Fletcher, St James's catapult. 27 Collins, Early medieval Spain, pp. 236-8. 28 MacKay, Spain in the Middle Ages, pp. 51-2; T. N. Bisson, The medieval crown of Aragon (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 13. 29 Melczer, Pilgrim's guide, pp. 17-20; Castro, The Spaniards, pp. 420-45. 30 Nooteboom, Roads to Santiago provides a fascinating and moving account of Spain's Romanesque heritage. 31 Fletcher, St James's catapult, pp. 297-8. 32 Castro, The Spaniard.s, p. 425. 33 Ibid., p. 445. 34 G. Burgess, ed., The song of Roland (London, Penguin Classics, 1990). 35 Melczer, Pilgrim's guide, p. 20. 36 Castro, The Spaniards, pp. 456-63. 37 P. Preston, Franco: a biography (London, HarperCollins, 1993), p. 289. 38 W. Starkie, The road to Santiago (London, John Murray, 1957), p. 157. 39 J. Eade, 'Pilgrimage and tourism at Lourdes, France', Annals of Tourism Research 19 (1992), pp. 18-32. 40 Eade and Sallnow, 'Introduction', p. 2. 41 John Paul II, Crossing the threshold of hope (London, Jonathan Cape, 1994), pp. 115-16. 42 Council of Europe, 'Santiago de Compostela pilgrimage routes'. 43 M. R. Murray and B. Graham, 'Exploring the dialectics of route-based tourism: the Camino de Santiago', Tourism Management 19 (in press). 44 G. J. Ashworth and A. G. J. Dietvorst, eds, Tourism and spatial transformations (Wallingford, CAB International, 1995), pp. 2-10. 45 S. J. Squire, 'Accounting for cultural meanings: the interface between geography and tourism studies re-examined', Progress in Human Geography 18 (1994), pp. 1-16. 46 Ashworth and Dietvorst, Tourism and spatial transformations, p. 10. 47 R. Ford, Gatherings from Spain (originally 1846, repr. London, Dent, 1970), p. 53. 48 M. Valenzuela, 'Spain: the phenomenon of mass tourism', in A. M. Williams and G. Shaw, eds. Tourism and economic development: Western European experiences (London, Belhaven, 1991), p. 58. 49 Gobierno de Navarra, The pilgrimage route to Santiago (Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra, n.d.), pp. 5-6. 50 J. Hooper, The new Spaniards (rev. edn, London, Penguin, 1995), p. 419. 41409 51 Smith, 'Quest in guest'. 52 See esp. J. Hitt, Off the road: a modern-day walk down the pilgrim's route into Spain (New York, Simon & Schuster, 1994). 53 L. Hoinacki, El Camino: walking to Santiago de Compostela (University Park, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), p. 135. 54 E. O. Feinberg, cited in Smith, 'Quest in guest', p. 12. 55 B. Haab, 'The Way as an inward journey: an anthropological enquiry into the spiri tuality of present-day pilgrims to Santiago', pt. 1, Bulletin of the Confraternity of St James 55 (Dec. 1995), pp. 16-32; pt. 2, Bulletin of the Confraternity of St James 56 (May 1996), pp. 17-36. 56 D. Lowenthal, The past is a foreign country (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986). 57 Ashworth and Dietvorst, Tourism and spatial transformations, p. 8. 58 Hoinacki, El Camino, pp. 59, 107, 135, 141. 59 D. Lodge, Therapy (London, Martin Secker & Warburg, 1995), p. 304. 60 Ibid., pp. 304-5. 61 B. Slader, Pilgrim's footsteps: a walk along the ancient pilgrim road to Santiago de Compostela (Newcastle, Quest Books, 1989), p. 45. 62 Hitt, Off the road, pp. 190-1, 237. 63 Ibid., p. 218.</meta-value>
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<p>1 M. L. Nolan and S. Nolan,
<italic>Christian pilgrimage in modern Western Europe</italic>
(London, Chapel Hill, 1989), p. 36; for a comprehensive recent review, see C. C. Park,
<italic> Sacred worlds: an introduction to geography and religion</italic>
(London, Routledge, 1994), pp. 258-84.</p>
<p>2 G. Bowman, 'Christian ideology and the role of a holy land: the place of Jerusalem pilgrimages in the various Christianities', in J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, eds,
<italic>Contesting the sacred: the anthropology of Christian pilgrimage</italic>
(London, Routledge, 1991), p. 120.</p>
<p>3 V. Turner and E. Turner,
<italic>Image and pilgrimage in Christian culture: anthropological per spectives</italic>
(Oxford, Blackwell, 1978), p. 19.</p>
<p>4 J. Eade and M. J. Sallnow, 'Introduction', in Eade and Sallnow,
<italic>Contesting the sacred,</italic>
pp. 1-19.</p>
<p>5 W. Melczer,
<italic> The pilgrim's guide to Santiago de Compostel</italic>
(New York, Italica, 1993).</p>
<p>6 I. Mieck, 'Kontinuität im wandel: politsche und soziale aspekte der Santiago',
<italic>Geschichte und Gesellschaft</italic>
<bold>3</bold>
(1977), pp. 299-328; see also Council of Europe, 'The Santiago de Compostela pilgrimage routes',
<italic>Architectural Reports and Studies</italic>
<bold>16</bold>
(Strasburg, Council of Europe, 1989).</p>
<p>7 A useful contextual account is J. Sumption,
<italic>Pilgrimage: an image of medieval religion</italic>
(London, Faber & Faber, 1975).</p>
<p>8 C. Nooteboom,
<italic> Roads to Santiago: detours and riddles in the lands and history of Spain</italic>
(London, Harvill Press, 1997), p. 200.</p>
<p>9 See e.g. C. M. Storrs,
<italic>Jacobean pilgrims from England to St James of Compostella</italic>
(Santiago de Compostela,
<italic>Xunta</italic>
de Galicia, 1994).</p>
<p>10 R. B. Tate and T. Turville-Petre,
<italic>Two pilgrim itineraries of the later Middle Ages.</italic>
(Santiago de Compostela,
<italic>Xunta</italic>
de Galicia, 1995).</p>
<p>11 N. Ohler,
<italic> The medieval traveller</italic>
(Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 1989), p. 187.</p>
<p>12 Melczer,
<italic> Pilgrim's</italic>
guide, pp. 39-43.</p>
<p>13 V. L. Smith, 'The quest in guest',
<italic>Annals of Tourism Research</italic>
<bold>19</bold>
(1992), pp. 1-17.</p>
<p>14 Park,
<italic> Sacred worlds,</italic>
p. 249.</p>
<p>15 For a good example, hear the New London Consort, conducted by Philip Pickett, 'The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela', Decca double CD (1991) 433 148-2.</p>
<p>16 Y-F. Tuan, 'In place, out of place',
<italic>Geoscience and Man</italic>
<bold>24</bold>
(1984), pp. 3-10.</p>
<p>17 C. Tóibín,
<italic> The sign of the cross: travels in Catholic Europe</italic>
(London, Jonathan Cape, 1994), p. 140.</p>
<p>18 R. Fletcher,
<italic> St James's catapult: the life and times of Diego Gelmirez of Santiago de Compostela</italic>
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1984).</p>
<p>19 A. Hopkins,
<italic> Spanish journeys: a portrait of Spain</italic>
(London, Viking, 1992), p. 41.</p>
<p>20 See in particular R. Collins,
<italic>Early medieval Spain: unity in diversity, 400-1000</italic>
(London, Macmillan, 1983); T. F. Glick,
<italic>Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages: com parative perspectives on social and cultural formation</italic>
(Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979); A. MacKay,
<italic>Spain in the Middle Ages: from frontier to empire, 1000-1500</italic>
(London, Macmillan, 1977); R. Bartlett and A. MacKay, eds,
<italic>Medieval frontier societies</italic>
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989).</p>
<p>21 D. Lomax,
<italic> The reconquest of Spain</italic>
(London, Macmillan, 1978); M. G. Jiménez, 'Frontier and settlement in the Kingdom of Castile (1085-1350)', in Bartlett and MacKay,
<italic>Medieval frontier societies,</italic>
pp. 49-74.</p>
<p>22 M. Dunn and L. K. Davidson,
<italic> The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela: a comprehensive, annotated bibliography</italic>
(New York and London, Garland, 1994).</p>
<p>23 Fletcher,
<italic> St James's catapult,</italic>
pp. 293-300; as part of a critical response to A. Castro,
<italic>The Spaniards: an introduction to their history</italic>
(Berkeley, University of California Press, 1971), which proposes an very early origin for
<italic>Santiago Matamoros,</italic>
C. Sanchez- Albernoz,
<italic>España: un enigma histórico</italic>
(2nd edn, Buenos Aires, Sudamericana, 1971) supports the idea that
<italic>Sant'Iago</italic>
was a relatively late invention to link Spain to Christianity and the West.</p>
<p>24 Castro,
<italic> The Spainiards,</italic>
p. 419.</p>
<p>25 Melczer,
<italic>Pilgrim's guide,</italic>
pp. 66-7.</p>
<p>26 Fletcher,
<italic> St James's catapult.</italic>
</p>
<p>27 Collins,
<italic> Early medieval Spain,</italic>
pp. 236-8.</p>
<p>28 MacKay,
<italic> Spain in the Middle Ages,</italic>
pp. 51-2; T. N. Bisson,
<italic>The medieval crown of Aragon</italic>
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 13.</p>
<p>29 Melczer,
<italic>Pilgrim's guide,</italic>
pp. 17-20; Castro,
<italic>The Spaniards,</italic>
pp. 420-45.</p>
<p>30 Nooteboom,
<italic> Roads to Santiago</italic>
provides a fascinating and moving account of Spain's Romanesque heritage.</p>
<p>31 Fletcher,
<italic>St James's catapult,</italic>
pp. 297-8.</p>
<p>32 Castro,
<italic>The Spaniard.s,</italic>
p. 425.</p>
<p>33
<italic>Ibid.,</italic>
p. 445.</p>
<p>34 G. Burgess, ed.,
<italic> The song of Roland</italic>
(London, Penguin Classics, 1990).</p>
<p>35 Melczer,
<italic>Pilgrim's guide,</italic>
p. 20.</p>
<p>36 Castro,
<italic> The Spaniards,</italic>
pp. 456-63.</p>
<p>37 P. Preston,
<italic> Franco: a biography</italic>
(London, HarperCollins, 1993), p. 289.</p>
<p>38 W. Starkie,
<italic> The road to Santiago</italic>
(London, John Murray, 1957), p. 157.</p>
<p>39 J. Eade, 'Pilgrimage and tourism at Lourdes, France',
<italic>Annals of Tourism Research</italic>
<bold>19</bold>
(1992), pp. 18-32.</p>
<p>40 Eade and Sallnow, 'Introduction', p. 2.</p>
<p>41 John Paul II,
<italic>Crossing the threshold of hope</italic>
(London, Jonathan Cape, 1994), pp. 115-16.</p>
<p>42 Council of Europe, 'Santiago de Compostela pilgrimage routes'.</p>
<p>43 M. R. Murray and B. Graham, 'Exploring the dialectics of route-based tourism: the
<italic> Camino de Santiago', Tourism Management</italic>
<bold>19</bold>
(in press).</p>
<p>44 G. J. Ashworth and A. G. J. Dietvorst, eds,
<italic>Tourism and spatial transformations</italic>
(Wallingford, CAB International, 1995), pp. 2-10.</p>
<p>45 S. J. Squire, 'Accounting for cultural meanings: the interface between geography and tourism studies re-examined',
<italic>Progress in Human Geography</italic>
<bold>18</bold>
(1994), pp. 1-16.</p>
<p>46 Ashworth and Dietvorst,
<italic>Tourism and spatial transformations,</italic>
p. 10.</p>
<p>47 R. Ford,
<italic>Gatherings from Spain</italic>
(originally 1846, repr. London, Dent, 1970), p. 53.</p>
<p>48 M. Valenzuela, 'Spain: the phenomenon of mass tourism', in A. M. Williams and G. Shaw, eds.
<italic> Tourism and economic development: Western European experiences</italic>
(London, Belhaven, 1991), p. 58.</p>
<p>49 Gobierno de Navarra,
<italic>The pilgrimage route to Santiago</italic>
(Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra, n.d.), pp. 5-6.</p>
<p>50 J. Hooper,
<italic> The new Spaniards</italic>
(rev. edn, London, Penguin, 1995), p. 419.</p>
<p>51 Smith, 'Quest in guest'.</p>
<p>52 See esp. J. Hitt,
<italic>Off the road: a modern-day walk down the pilgrim's route into Spain</italic>
(New York, Simon & Schuster, 1994).</p>
<p>53 L. Hoinacki,
<italic> El Camino: walking to Santiago de Compostela</italic>
(University Park, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), p. 135.</p>
<p>54 E. O. Feinberg, cited in Smith, 'Quest in guest', p. 12.</p>
<p>55 B. Haab, 'The Way as an inward journey: an anthropological enquiry into the spiri tuality of present-day pilgrims to Santiago', pt. 1,
<italic> Bulletin of the Confraternity of St James</italic>
55 (Dec. 1995), pp. 16-32; pt. 2,
<italic>Bulletin of the Confraternity of St James</italic>
<bold>56</bold>
(May 1996), pp. 17-36.</p>
<p>56 D. Lowenthal,
<italic> The past is a foreign country</italic>
(Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986).</p>
<p>57 Ashworth and Dietvorst,
<italic>Tourism and spatial transformations,</italic>
p. 8.</p>
<p>58 Hoinacki,
<italic> El Camino,</italic>
pp. 59, 107, 135, 141.</p>
<p>59 D. Lodge,
<italic>Therapy</italic>
(London, Martin Secker & Warburg, 1995), p. 304.</p>
<p>60
<italic>Ibid.,</italic>
pp. 304-5.</p>
<p>61 B. Slader,
<italic> Pilgrim's footsteps:</italic>
a
<italic>walk</italic>
along the
<italic>ancient pilgrim road to Santiago de Compostela</italic>
(Newcastle, Quest Books, 1989), p. 45.</p>
<p>62 Hitt,
<italic> Off the road,</italic>
pp. 190-1, 237.</p>
<p>63
<italic>Ibid.,</italic>
p. 218.</p>
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