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California Civilization: Beyond the United States of America?

Identifieur interne : 000192 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 000191; suivant : 000193

California Civilization: Beyond the United States of America?

Auteurs : Josef Chytry

Source :

RBID : ISTEX:7B12E726025AC9C1CBAA6512A99AD835D840357E

English descriptors

Abstract

Although California is often regarded as a regional civilization within the United States of America, this article argues that California justifies being considered a major civilization in itself, indeed the only genuinely 21stcentury civilization, if only because of its top ranking among world economies. The article traces the varied facets of California natural and social history to show the overriding importance of biodiversity as a perennially unifying theme for an understanding of that civilization, and it confronts the varied challenges to this biodiversity that constitute more recent California history and politics.

Url:
DOI: 10.1177/0725513606062949

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:7B12E726025AC9C1CBAA6512A99AD835D840357E

Le document en format XML

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<meta-value> CALIFORNIA CIVILIZATION: BEYOND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA? Josef Chytry ABSTRACT Although California is often regarded as a regional civilization within the United States of America, this article argues that California justifies being considered a major civilization in itself, indeed the only genuinely 21st- century civilization, if only because of its top ranking among world econom- ies. The article traces the varied facets of California natural and social history to show the overriding importance of biodiversity as a perennially unifying theme for an understanding of that civilization, and it confronts the varied chal- lenges to this biodiversity that constitute more recent California history and politics. KEYWORDS biodiversity · civilization · modernism · nature · utopia · wealth-creation 1. Around the recent turn of the millennium an economic fact occurred that is worth noting. Passing the Republic of France, the American state of California became the fifth economic power in the world. Admittedly, as of the date of this article, that same Californian economy has undergone more challenging convolutions that only recently have shown signs of let-up, and as of 2003 estimates have dropped California to the seventh rank. Still, granted that Britain, France and Italy (nos. 4, 5, 6) are well within range, and that the number three power, Germany, is not all that significantly ahead, another great surge of the Californian economy, comparable to the last burst of the dotcom 1990s, could conceivably place California behind only two other world economic powers: Japan and, of course, the rest of the United States of America. Thesis Eleven, Number 85, May 2006: 8­36 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi) Copyright © 2006 SAGE Publications and Thesis Eleven Co-op Ltd DOI: 10.1177/0725513606062949 Naturally it could be argued that such surges, quite apart from the usual controversy over the validity of the indices used, whether GNP, GDP or GSP, are ephemeral. However, excepting the steady advance of another new economic power, China, into the Valhalla of economic preeminence, it is difficult to imagine future expansion by California's immediate rivals on a scale that would match California's own constantly increasing wealth, crucial Pacific location, strategic position in all the distinctly postmodern economic sectors from high tech and media to agribusiness and university research, not to speak of the growth of a multiethnic population that, were it to advance from the present 34 million to 50 million in the next quarter-century, a highly likely probability, would fuel further qualitative advances that could easily raise California to permanent status as the third most powerful economy in the world. At the same time, California has never been granted its deserved autonomy as a force to be reckoned with in world history. This myopia is often clouded by such pejorative references to Californian civilization as 'Lalaland', 'Dreamland' or 'the Great Extreme', even where these same refer- ences often enough carry the underlying concern that perhaps California is really here to stay ­ with, no doubt, deleterious effects on the rest of innocent humankind. Moreover, in cases of more favorable classifications, the best that such boosterism is able to articulate is the status of California as a 'regional civilization' rather than a civilization in itself.1 Contemporary students of world history need to question such provincial readings. The purpose of this article ­ which is primarily directed to such students ­ is, first, to claim the fact of a distinctly Californian civiliz- ation sufficiently different from (and, in time, possibly superior to) the United States of America; and, second, to indicate the contours of a history and character that students of 21st-century economics, politics and culture need increasingly to take into account if their reflections and predictions are not to grow at variance with firm facts of national and international reality. Those contours, far from being summed up solely by synonyms of material wealth which seem to be the conventional stance towards Californian uniqueness, require far more comprehensive terms of art. This article argues that, properly applied, such terms of art may help reveal that California is possibly the only major characteristically 21st-century civilization worth recording today.2 What single set of signifiers helps set off the unique characteristics of California? Once California had settled into American rule around the late 19th century, the first serious efforts to capture those characteristics by a host of Californian writers, thinkers, explorers and academics settled on the majesty and towering presence of Californian 'Nature' ­ along with the danger that human and social life would always sense its inadequacy before such natural greatness.3 Perhaps the most imposing such statement, certainly the most prestigious at the time, is the lecture given by Harvard philosopher George Santayana to the Berkeley Philosophical Union in 1911 in which Chytry: California Civilization 9 Santayana asked his California audience to pay more attention to the moun- tains and redwoods of their environment as stimuli to break what he called 'the genteel tradition' in American philosophy and inaugurate a California philosophy reflective of its natural grandeur. In the presence of such 'a virgin and prodigious world', Californians must sense 'a non-human beauty and peace' which should 'stir the sub-human depths and the superhuman possi- bilities of your own spirit', since 'everywhere is beauty and nowhere perma- nence, everywhere an incipient harmony, nowhere an intention, nor a responsibility, nor a plan'. In short, Californians must learn 'to salute the wild, indifferent, non-censorious infinity of nature', as a consequence of which they would be simultaneously inspired to 'speculation' (Santayana, 1967: 62­4). According to California's historian Kevin Starr, Santayana's suggestion may be read to claim that 'the true key to the success of California as a civilization' would be 'its interior life in relationship to its environment' (ACD, p. 423). Taking Santayana's cue as our starting-point then, let us flesh out the vagueness of this reference. Certainly, if California is something other than an economic statistic, it must reside in features discernible in its flora and fauna, its environment and ecosystem. First of all, California's ecosystem is unique. Even its geological basis is unique for originating tectonically from the subduction of the Pacific tectonic plate under the North American plate and thus producing what would eventu- ally become an 'island' of biodiversity.4 As a result, 'California has environ- mental diversity and richness unparalleled anywhere in the world'. Moreover, 'this astounding array of Californian vegetation exists in close juxtaposition' (Anderson et al., 1998: 12). Indeed, 'there is more climatic and topographic variation in California than in any region of comparable size in the United States' (Schoenherr, 1992: ix). Belonging to the Mediterranean climate group, California displays far greater variety in species and landscape than other similarly classified regions of the world. As a result, it has 11 of the world's major soil groups and 10% of all soil types in the United States, some of which are astonishingly old. Each vegetation group has its own habitat, soil and local climate, resulting in 50 types of vegetation, in a landscape that encompasses the highest as well as lowest points in the contiguous United States (Anderson et al., 1998; Bakker, 1971; Schoenherr, 1992). Second, with regard to the eventual human component to this ecosys- tem, it is noteworthy that California has been occupied for at least 15,000 years by native Californians who cared for it in a manner that shaped its appearance for the Spanish conquistadores who began its conquest from outside after 1535. This native Californian population formed the most populous native American region north of Mexico ­ possibly 310,000 at the time of the European intrusion ­ and lived in small groupings of 200 to 500 individuals 'in small well-defined territories under the tradition and author- ity of a leader who almost always was a male'. What is of even greater significance is that, as a result, 'California is one of the most linguistically 10 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) diverse areas in the world' with 'perhaps as many as one hundred mutually unintelligible languages' (Simmons, 1998: 56, 48). The argument of this article regarding Californian uniqueness begins with the juxtaposition of these natural and human indices. What gives 'Cali- fornia' its unity and constancy is the fact that historically its environmental diversity was matched by its human diversity down to the presence of a uniquely rich variety of languages. That native Californians related to their natural environment in small groupings and developed languages that repli- cated the diversity they experienced over a vast aeon of time is the key to understanding Californian history and destiny. Once the longevity of this uniqueness is grasped, it becomes no accident that contemporary California is presently interpreted as posing the challenge to world history of a 'new society of the new millennium' reflecting 'the state's growing diversity' ­ in short, the overall 'viability of a multicultural society' (Gutiérrez and Orsi, 1998: ix; Rawls and Bean, 2003: 552). If then there is an inner historical 'essence' to 'California' it would be nothing less than, in the fullest natural and human sense of the word, bio- diversity.5 2. To grasp the continuity of this thread from its beginnings, it is vital not to begin a history of California from its somewhat disgraceful absorption into the United States of America between 1848 and 1850, nor even to start with the arrival of the archetypal conquistador Hernán Cortés at La Paz, Baja California, on 3 May 1535, but with the 15,000 years of native Californian stewardship that established the matrices for humankind's affair with California. This wider context means, of course, that 'California' as a reality and event precedes the United States of America, as well as even New Spain (and Republic of Mexico) ­ the political entities that first baptized the ecosystem as 'California' ­ initiating European exploitation of this world, and therefore that there is no intrinsic logic why California might not supersede such cultural and political limitations in the future. Taking this 'native' California as our necessary point of departure, one important fact needs underscoring. The California ecosystem with which we are familiar was dramatically transformed after 1850 by European and American incursions. In contrast, the California that the conquistadores first encountered in 1535 and 1542, and then more sedentarily during the 1769­1823 period of the construction of the Alta California missions, reflected millennia of productive interchange between humans and wilderness: What is labeled as 'wilderness' in today's popular imagination and on current topographic maps actually harbored human gathering and hunting sites, burial grounds, work sites, sacred areas, trails, and village sites. Today's wilderness was then human homeland. (Anderson et al., 1998: 14)6 Chytry: California Civilization 11 By their constant allusions to natural spaces as gardens, parks or orchards, the earliest non-native Californian descriptions of this landscape confirm awareness that the environments had been already modified by humans. Judiciously tended by native Californians, the forests had been more like tended gardens ­ cultivated woodland ­ with clear open spaces allowing for remarkable vegetative, fruit and floral growth while at the same time facilitating a human way of life that was neither 'agriculturist' nor 'hunter- gathering', as conventional anthropology would have it, but true 'wildland management', transforming the ecosystem into a category 'between true wilderness and the domesticated garden' ­ a condition attested to by the earliest explorers' descriptions of California 'as unsurpassed in beauty and biological wealth'. In short, what native Californians proved, once and for all, for the fate of California civilization was the innate possibility 'for humans to tend and use wildland resources and coexist as part of sustainable and diverse ecosystems' (Anderson et al., 1998: 38, emphasis in original).7 Hence, when Hernán Cortés, the recent conqueror and destroyer of Mesoamerica's mightiest power, Tenochtitlán, baptized the land that his exploring fleets first discovered on 3 May 1535 in Baja California as 'Cali- fornia', the identification was propitious. Cortés was drawing very probably on the 'pulp fiction' of his day, the interminably long best-seller romance begun as Amadís de Gaula in the late 15th century and continued in 1510 by Garcí Rodriguez Ordóñez de Montalvo as Las sergas de Esplandián, which included a chapter on the miraculous, if 'infidel', island of California: 'Know ye that on the right hand of the Indies there is an island called California, very near the Terrestrial Paradise', ruled by the black 'infidel' Amazon queen Calafia and her female Amazon warriors and marked by plentiful gold and griffons. Since Bernal Díaz del Castillo, the intrepid recorder of Cortés' triumphs over the Mexica, had already compared the grand vision of the Aztecs' capital city, with its countless towers, pyramids and civic spaces, to the images in Amadís de Gaula,8 it is understandable that Cortés should apply the name of a mythical island recorded in Montalvo's sequel to what appeared to be an extensive island in reality. This misinterpretation of the Baja California peninsula was faithfully recorded in canonical maps of the subsequent two centuries characteristically displaying an 'Isle of California' west of the North American continent, notwithstanding practical confirma- tion of Baja's peninsular status as early as 1539, and required the official statement of the Spanish government as late as 1747 that 'California is not an island'.9 Yet the insular allusion would appear quite appropriate, whether or not the application, as differing interpretations contend, reflected admiration or irony over the land that had just been discovered by Cortés' original squadron. Montalvo located Queen Calafia and her Amazons on the infidel side of the Christian­Moorish spectrum. Eventually, she is defeated by Prince Esplandián and converted to Christianity, but her realm, at least for the 12 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) conquistadores, deeply bears the patina of the Islamic world, which had been roundly defeated by the conquest of Islamic Granada in 1492 as a partial counter to the Ottoman conquest of Christian Constantinople in 1453, the scene of the great struggles of the Amadís de Gaula pageantry. The very term 'conquistador' refers originally to the Spanish destroyers of the mag- nificant Islamic domain of al-Andalus (Andalusia), and its final conquest in 1492 released new energies, but also similar attitudes to Islamic grandeur, that the primarily Andalusian crews carried with them to the New World.10 However Montalvo came up with the word 'California', it had already appeared in such Christian epic texts as the Chanson de Roland as a domain within the Islamic world.11 Indeed, the most reliable theory of its underly- ing meaning is as an Old Persian word, Kar-i-farn, specifically meaning 'Mountain of Paradise' and linked in Persian mythology with the magical mountain of Qaf, beloved of Persian chivalry and Persian Sufi aspirations.12 All the more appropriate is it that the conquistadores, in later reflective works, recalled how deeply their quests and adventures had been driven from youth on by literature drawing on Greek romance and Persian chivalry.13 The bare word ('California', 'Kar-i-farn') itself, therefore, goes far in suggesting to us 'island' and 'paradise'. What is remarkably coincidental is that, as has been earlier noted, the ecosystem of native California already reveals itself as a 'paradise', if by paradise we understand the original Persian meaning of the word as a 'walled garden'.14 Moreover, the fact that this 'enclosure' itself ­ very close to the meaning of 'mountain' in Old Persian in terms of a sacred celestial space ­ is concretely an 'island' is confirmed by specific ecological facts. Studies of California, whether concerned with its human history or its ecology, willingly play with this notion of 'island' (e.g. Bakker, 1971; McWilliams, 1973; Polk, 1991) and, all things considered, the word captures something essential about the Californian ecosystem: 'there is ecological validity in thinking of California in insular terms'. Rela- tively 'isolated by sea, mountain range, and desert, this area has developed in its own way and at its own pace; evolutionary history here has woven numerous distinctive patterns of interaction between life form and the land'. In this sense, it 'is truly an "island called California", a singular piece of country with extremes unknown in more temperate or less diverse regions' (Bakker, 1971: xi, 309). Even though the colonial processes initiated by Columbus ­ which eventually disrupted all habitats in the New World ­ also reached California from the earliest conquistadorean presence, California's remoteness and 'its unique physical and cultural geography' delayed the process to well after its effects on the rest of the New World: 'California ­ because of its distance from the initial European colonial emphasis in the Caribbean and Mesoamerica ­ was spared for 277 years the ravages of change that accompanied the founding of missions, presidios, and pueblos' (Preston, 1998: 260). Eventually, it is true, invasive peoples, cultures, germs, plants and animals succeeded in forever changing the California ecosystem Chytry: California Civilization 13 that had prospered at the hands of native Californians, but the delay itself is part of the story of Californian uniqueness. Even in the late 19th century travelers encountering California for the first time saw fit to extol its relative climatic and topographic remoteness: The United States has here, then, a unique corner of the earth, without its like in its own vast territory, and unparalleled, so far as I know, in the world. . . . Except a tidal wave from Japan, nothing would seem to be able to affect or disturb it. (Warner, 1891: 5) 3. As with the rest of European colonization of the New World, the coming of Hispanic imperial priorities to California proved disastrous for the native population as well as habitat. In considering the three stages leading to Alta California eventually becoming part of the United States in 1848 and a US state in 1850, this process of natural and human depletion needs to be borne in mind. At the same time, the unprecedented acceleration of this process after 1848 will be seen to be of equal significance after we have surveyed these three preliminary stages as: (1) the period of Spanish 'benign neglect' from 1535 to 1769, (2) the activist period of Spanish colonization from 1769 to 1823, and (3) the establishment of the Republic of Mexico after 1821. From 1535 ­ or more specifically 1542 when the Spanish explorer Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo landed in what became San Diego harbor or 'Alta Cali- fornia' ­ to 1769 the Spanish government took minimal interest in its west- ernmost American province. Between 1769 and 1823, however, following on the building of missions in Baja California starting in 1697, the Bourbon regime, replicating patterns of increasing imperial efficiency by the European powers in the 18th century, constructed 21 missions establishing a concrete presence on Californian soil. If their primary aim was to forestall the potential incur- sion of French and Russian forces into this region, it also began the gradual process of assimilating the native Californians, bringing in the first fruits of an Hispanic Mediterranean economy, and producing in time a modest yet distinc- tive population that would eventually be known as the 'Californios'.15 In 1804 the Spanish government established separate administrations for Alta (Upper) and Baja (Lower) California, which is why the term Las Californias was often employed for the entire region. However, by 1821 the break-up of New Spain led to the creation of an independent Mexico, and in 1822 both Alta and Baja California were made part of a single Alta Cali- fornia within the Mexican republic. Both Spain, and subsequently Mexico, negotiated with the United States on border treaties, the American acquisition of the Louisiana Purchase from Napoleonic France in 1803 having established the USA as the predominant outside power bordering on Alta California. The 1819 US­Spanish Treaty ­ which included the sale of Florida to the USA ­ confirmed the line of the 42nd degree latitude, and these negotiations also 14 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) served in the 1828 US­Mexican Treaty for the international boundary to run from the Rocky Mountains along the Sabine River north to the 42nd degree all the way to the Pacific Ocean. When the USA crippled Mexico ­ in the 1846­8 Mexican­American War ­ these boundaries became the point of negotiation for the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo which conceded the entire Mexican northwest to the Americans. According to the official map used for negotiations, Alta and Baja California ('Las Californias') covered all of the present US state of California, plus Nevada and substantial portions of Utah and upper Arizona, as well as Baja California. US negotiators, although originally intending to include Baja California, dropped that claim, and the United States eventually carved a series of territories out of Alta California.16 Both Spanish and Mexican rules accelerated the process of displace- ment and diminution of native Californian culture. Particularly the Mexican period of secularization of the missions, which paradoxically abandoned native Californians formerly working on the missions to Californio exploita- tion, and the granting of huge tracts of land to what became a ranchero economy based on cattle caused serious depletion of the native population from around 300,000 to less than half that figure immediately prior to the American intrusion. Californios, a sparsely populated yet emphatically hier- archical society reflecting Hispanic class patterns, were quick to distinguish themselves as 'men of reason' (gente de razón) from native Californian 'savages' (gente sin razón), and did not hold back from sending out hunting parties to scatter and dissolve the native Californians. On the favorable side, these same Californios acquired an apparently deserved reputation among outsiders for the largesse of their hospitality and an elaborate code of ritual and festivity.17 The legacy of this reputation, especially to be found among visiting English speakers throughout the early 19th century, helped strengthen the later American myth of a lost Californio high culture. Mexican rule over California remained highly volatile, however. Not only did the Californios stay close to the coast in relatively small kin, social and communal groupings, thereby abandoning the hinterland of mountains and the Great California Valley to the growing invasion of American settlers crossing the American continent in search of the Pacific coast, but also guber- natorial rivalries among Alta California clans stimulated autonomist tenden- cies among Californio patriarchs that further unravelled Mexican control over its most outlying province. Around 1845 these variegated tendencies meshed on the eve of the Mexican­American War of 1846­8 to create a flurry of factional politics within Alta California that might well have led to a break- away Californio Republic. At the same time agents provocateurs sent in by the US government found allies among American settlers in the hinterland ready to dismantle Mexican rule by first declaring a 'Bear Flag Republic' and then helping to bring in direct US control through a series of political and military moves that culminated in the solid defeat and treaty surrender of Chytry: California Civilization 15 Mexican forces by early 1846. Two years later the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo transferred almost all of 'Greater California' to direct US rule. 4. In 1848 Alta California became part of the United States; in 1850 Congress accepted California as a US state. In between, American Californi- ans gathered in 1849 to frame a constitution among themselves, to decide upon what became the present boundaries of American California, and ­ in terms of the blazing dispute at that time between 'free' and 'slave' states in the American Union and the overall issue of secession ­ to resolve firmly to constitute a free state, with no barriers toward immigration by 'free negroes,' in their aim of becoming 'a model instrument of liberal and enlightened principles'.18 Although some members of Congress were indignant over the Californians' presumption in constituting themselves as a political organiz- ation without prior federal involvement, let alone guidance and control, important pressures that arose exactly at the same time led to the unprece- dented acceptance of California ­ without any intervening period as a federal territory ­ as the 31st US state (hence breaking the exact tie between the 15 'free' and 15 'slave' states). Those pressures stemmed from a unique event that occurred at exactly the same two-year period of transition from occupation to statehood: the discovery in January 1848 of gold in California. By the time the constitu- tional representatives had arrived in Washington, DC, California's population well exceeded the required number for statehood, and a massive economic transformation had been initiated through the flood of 'argonauts' in search of gold that transformed California overnight into a functional advanced economy ­ at least in comparison with any other territory west of the Missis- sippi River. In the singular words of Californian historian Carey McWilliams (1949: 25): 'in California the lights went on all at once, in a blaze, and they have never dimmed.' As thousands of argonauts, utilizing any available means of transport from overland caravans to sea passages around the tip of South America or through the Panama isthmus, poured into California, an infrastructure sprang up to support their countless needs and to serve the mining operations that overnight became necessary. These immigrants came from every part of the world, coincidentally including refugees from the recent European revolutions of 1848 as well as, in increasing numbers, the massive Chinese Taiping rebellion of the same period. Suddenly a new kind of multiethnic 'diversity' became part and parcel of Californian history. It came, however, at the fatal cost of another kind of diversity. The prior inhabitants ­ primarily the native Californians, who after a discrete period of attempting to benefit from the gold profits were forcefully driven out of their lands and increasingly fell victim to new strains of disease, and the Hispanic Californios, who notwithstanding international treaty assurances 16 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) were soon deprived of their property by cunning Yankee appropriation of land claims through court proceedings ­ found themselves relegated to subordinate minority status. Thus the transition to a new political order, which might have meant a less violent absorption of newcomer Americans into the more steady patterns of Californio rule and, however much atten- uated, native Californian handling of much of the ecosystem, became a signal for the entirely new mode of social, economic and political life that not only shocked California into the dramatic fast pace of development that has since marked it, but also jolted American society and, in turn, world history proper over the next half-century. On the pragmatic level, this change can be relatively easily recorded. A vast range of entrepreneurial activities were almost immediately launched in both manufacturing and service industries. Housing and mining industries took off as the rapidly growing population created a huge demand for food, clothing and shelter. California agriculture and farming expanded both in staple products and in efforts to develop consumer interest in an increasing variety of crops, vegetables and fruits. In turn, mining, business and agricul- ture stimulated the development of banks and financial institutions not only for California but also for adjoining territories. Eventually, by 1869, pressure developed for the alliance of government and railroads to connect California with the rest of the nation, thus propelling a further leap in the Californian economy as breadbasket for the USA and also enabling the USA itself to embark on a period of unprecedented industrial growth that by the end of the 19th century had raised the latter to its present status of a world economic superpower. These multiplier effects, it is not surprising to note, also affected economies in Latin America, Asia and Europe. Finally, the injection of Cali- fornia gold into circulation provided a worldwide boost to the liquidities of industrial capitalism. Small wonder then that an intrepid columnist for the New York Herald Tribune in the 1850s, one Karl Marx, attributed his most recent empirical reflections on capitalism to the stimulus of the Gold Rush beginning in California, and by 1880 Marx was even pinpointing California as the 'shameless' edge to the American capitalist experience (Marx and Engels, 1927­32: 34; Nash, 1998: 288­9). But the impact of the Gold Rush on both California and America also provokes broader speculation. If the United States had flirted with becoming a fully entrepreneurial society well before this historical stage, it is really only after the Gold Rush and its multiplier effects that, as at least one commentator has pointed out, the Puritan ideal of the 'City on a Hill' was permanently replaced by the entrepreneurial standard of 'El Dorado', an unabashed militancy on behalf of the 'pursuit of happiness' by a consumer society less concerned with merit and sin than riches acquired at (almost) any cost. This 'new dream' of 'instant wealth, won in a twinkling by audacity and good luck' as represented by the agonies of the argonauts, became the 'American Dream', of which the 'California Dream' would constitute its most Chytry: California Civilization 17 radical expression. To be sure, the 'no-fault ethos' of this 'new era of the entrepreneurial spirit' brought unprecedented wealth and comfort for many, indeed for much of the rest of the world in the next century and later; but it also meant wholly new forms of 'speculation, corruption, and consoli- dation on a scale unimaginable before' discovery of that first fatal gleaming nugget (Brands, 2002: 441­4).19 5. In California itself over the next half-century (1850­1900) such consoli- dation brought together railroad ownership, real estate monopoly, and exclusive water rights. Whether in the original urban areas of San Francisco developing and benefiting from the Gold Rush and such subsequent dis- coveries as the silver lode in Nevada or, somewhat delayed by the gradual rate of transportation links with San Francisco and the rest of the continent, in the southern Californian desert range that came up with that unique urban/conurban plant known as 'Los Angeles' or, more generally, 'Southern Cal', the great Californian captains of industry worked relentlessly toward maintaining a seamless system of control uniting business and government. Particularly the South Pacific Railroad (SP) has been aptly described as a 'Gilded Age plutocracy, California style', composed of the Big Four alliance of Leland Stanford (California governor and future founder of Stanford University), Mark Hopkins, Charles Crocker and Collis P. Huntington, all Gold Rush immigrants who then went into business, railroads, steamship enter- prises and land holdings abetted by friendly federal government grants, irri- gation projects, hotels and urban real estate (ID, pp. 200ff). Such massive concentration ensured that the more enlightened dreams for a California composed of middle-class farmers and citizens along Jeffersonian lines would be sabotaged at the outset of American rule. Perhaps the most imposing achievement of such massive collusion was the successful completion of the Owens Valley project in 1913 appropriately creating an Imperial Valley economy and bringing water to the desert expanses of southern California on a scale that would serve the greater area of a rapidly burgeoning Los Angeles. Against all pre-industrial probabilities the fantastic conurbation called Los Angeles exploded to become by 1930 the largest American city west of Chicago, the ultimate 'matrix city for the United States in the twenty-first Asian Pacific century', cunningly constructed by cooperation among city fathers and an apparently bottomless American appetite to seek out homes and bliss within this 'Southern California Raj' (MD, p. 392). What has been called an 'epic of real-estate development' from the 1880s on, pumped up and funneled by massive advertising campaigns to the rest of America, became a permanent feature of the Californian economy to the present day. At the very least, around 1930 one could legitimately refer to 'a golden age of California as a regional American civilization' (MD, p. 393). 18 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) At the other extreme, another dream for California reflecting strong skepticism toward such quantum economic leaps succeeded in becoming a permanent fixture of Californian civilization. The 'utopian' instinct to create new forms of individual and social life through experimentation, communes, cooperatives, general culture, and eventually the reformism of progressivist politics originally reflected respect for the unmatched diversity of the Cali- fornian ecosystem. If the Californian agricultural economy was first danger- ously narrowed to the production of wheat for a bursting population, this same diversity of Californian soils and climate was already being noted and exploited by a growing number of viticulturists and fruit growers. With five major regions for planting and its basically stable Mediterranean climate, rich and variegated soil, it is not surprising that the agribusiness represented by a 'handful of wheat barons' would be rejected as a monopolizing undertow of the mining industry well before the latter had begun its permanent decline by 1880. Moreover, the new availability of the American national market for foodstuffs after 1879 through transportation and refrigeration technology enabled Californian growers to transform American diet and drink between 1880 and 1920 in the direction of fresh fruits, vegetables and native wines. The earlier exponents of such innovations fed a spate of utopian ventures in California (see the account in Hine, 1966), but increasingly this new economy went hand-in-hand with more pressing capitalist priorities. Nonetheless, it also helped produce among its practitioners a mode of life that, reflecting the exigencies of such agriculture, emphasized, according to its more eloquent boosters, the priority of 'aesthetics' in the dramatically beautiful human and natural landscapes that emerged as the privileged focus of 'orange culture', a culture that was emblazoned elsewhere through orange crate illustrations of the image of fin de siècle California as 'the point most desirable to attain for the fullest joys of living' (Edward James Wickson, cited in ID, p. 139). Particularly in conjunction with the simultaneous praise of the Californian climate as the most salubrious for health, longevity and the cultivation of ultimate human bodily beauty, this image seemed a final confir- mation of the 'mountain of paradise' (Kar-i-farn) metaphor of California as the land of the Hesperides itself with its fabled Golden Age 'apples', the very concretion of a 'Mediterranean' civilization that not only drew together the more rhapsodic comparisons by 'Euro-Californians' of California with France, Italy, Greece and Spain, but also the Mediterranean of the Holy Lands and of Islamic al-Andalus and North Africa.20 Of course, this idyllic image hid facts of land monopoly and corpor- ate control that no less ensured that Californian civilization would remain dependent on further developments in industrial and capitalist cycles. The different ethnic elements making up farm labor supply ­ from Chinese, Japanese, Indian and Filipino to, most importantly, Latino workers ­ suffered modes of deprivation that only became Californian political issues during the Depression period of the 1930s before receiving national exposure in Chytry: California Civilization 19 such literary classics as John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath (1939). On the more urban level, however, monopolization had already awakened reformist concerns before 1900, and between 1910 and 1915 progressivist legislation and in some cases direct progressivist rule at the local and state levels fuelled important adjustments in the disparity of benefits from Californian natural wealth. Progressivism then received a far more important boost during the Depression period of the 1930s along with the tremendous stimulus to the Californian economy brought about by the outbreak of war in 1941 as Cali- fornia became the center for industrial and military activities in the Pacific theatre. As a result, by 1945­55 Californians could claim some of the most advanced legislation and benefits arising from the governmental sector at both state and federal levels.21 6. In terms of its direct entry into world history as a power in its own right, the story of contemporary California may be divided into two stages. In the first stage, more or less between 1920 and 1945, California rose to the status of a regional civilization, while in the second stage, mainly as a result of the Second World War, California began its entry into the ranks of the world's major civilizations. Between 1920 and 1945 California became a prominent regional civiliz- ation by developing for Californians themselves a new more casual style of life, from home design, clothing, diet, sports and 'outdoorsness' to a gener- alized commitment to the 'pursuit of pleasure' that placed it apart from the rest of the United States. These tendencies not only promoted fantasy, esotericism and utopianism that made California the most receptive culture for heterodox religiosities and communities. Such tendencies also came together in the pragmatic domains of art and technology to create one of the more enduring cultural industries of the 20th century: 'Hollywood'. That industry, generating wealth and subcultures connected with film, literature, and overall media production, turned into one of the greatest bonanzas for the California economy, diversifying itself over the rest of the century to link up with entertainment parks like Disneyland on the one hand and the computer economy of multimedia on the other. More than any other industry, Hollywood also benefited enormously from the unprecedented diaspora of Mitteleuropa refugees in the arts, phil- osophy and literature who fled European fascism and anti-Semitism in the 1930s to find homes and professional opportunities in the Southland. Even where they were not engaged in screenplays for the film industry, many such refugees produced some of their most vital and personal works in Cali- fornia, from Thomas Mann's Doctor Faustus (1948) to the second version of Bertold Brecht's Galileo (1952), first performed in Los Angeles following the English translation by Brecht's friend, Hollywood actor Charles Laughton, 20 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) and ­ perhaps most surprisingly ­ Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno's Dialectic of Enlightenment (1972 [1944]). These particular refugees eventually returned to Germany and central Europe, but in such cases as screenwriter Frederick Kohner, California proved sufficiently congenial for him to stay and compose that classic surf novel (and basis for surf films that turned surfing into yet another exemplar of the Californian life of pleasure): Gidget (1957). Based on the beach life of Kohner's teenage daughter, Gidget eventually helped provide a new icon for the 1960s: the 'California girl' (Kohner, 2001).22 At the same time, it is perhaps no accident that the real estate origi- nally called 'Hollywood' was owned by the Theosophical Society and served as the locus for a Pythagorean institute, 'Krotona', committed to the trans- formation of western civilization. Eventually, the Society moved to the valley of Ojai near Santa Barbara, which served to inspire the Indian meditative master J. Krishnamurti to a series of enlightenment experiences in the late 1920s (see Blau, 1995; Ross, 1989, 2004). Another branch of theosophy, led by the intrepid Katherine Tingley, managed to create an entire community, replete with temples and Greek open-air theatres, at Point Loma near San Diego (see Greenwalt, 1955). On a less esoteric yet still influential level, the founder of the 'Wizard of Oz' stories, Frank Baum, moved to southern Cali- fornia where he completed the body of writings of Oz, probably confident in the assumption that he now concretely dwelt in Oz proper. This 'Oz' strain in Californian civilization may be traced to the later efflorescence in the 1940s of a 'Berkeley­Big Sur bohemia' (following EDC, p. 212) associated with the name and presence of Henry Miller after the New York native moved from Europe to Big Sur, the 'Tibet' of California, and encouraged an ebullient mix of politics, sex and esotericism ­ supported by the theories of Wilhelm Reich and other transplanters of Freudian radicalism to California that would form the 'human potential' movement ­ that helped give birth to the later beat and hippie movements of the 1950s and 1960s. Somewhere between Hollywood and this Berkeley­Big Sur bohemian- ism, California also succeeded in producing exemplary academic standards of intellect in its great institutions.23 Such excellence was responsible not only for epochal discoveries in the pure sciences of astronomy and related astrophysical fields, but also for the more pragmatic sciences of jet propul- sion, atomic fission and the construction of both atomic and hydrogen bombs. It was in the southern California of George Ellery Hale's and Edwin Hubble's observations at Mount Wilson and Mount Palomar that the theory of a universe of galaxies and nebulae and of an endlessly expanding cosmos was first articulated and confirmed, while it was in the northern California of Robert Oppenheimer's Berkeley circle that atomic theory led to the Manhattan Project that was eventually realized on the sacred native land in Los Alamos, New Mexico, that had been personally recommended by Oppenheimer himself. What is perhaps less well known, and reflective of that esoteric dimension in the California imagination even in its most stringent Chytry: California Civilization 21 cerebral moments, is that Hale and his followers took themselves equally seriously as members of a scientific brotherhood committed to meditation and ritual redolent of ancient Egyptaic and Zoroastrian circles.24 The second stage began when such elements ­ the 'California' style of life, the willingness to risk new modes of living and esoteric communitari- anism, fantasy, scientific cosmic speculation, and the pragmatics of that designer of dreams, Hollywood ­ became American standards mainly through the effects of the Second World War and its immediate aftermath. After 1945, American society was largely shaped by the pragmatic transfer- ence to daily American life of the California style that had been founded in the 1920s and 1930s in California itself. By the same token, California had become all the more essential to Cold War considerations that dominated much of the American political scene between 1948 and 1989. A major recip- ient of defense expenditures from 1941 to 1950 and after, California spawned a huge body of aviation industries that continued to be central to its own and the US economy throughout the Cold War. More viscerally, California produced two of the most visible expressions of political alternatives for the next 20 years: on the one hand, its governor Earl Warren, who as Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court from 1953 brought the liberal progressivist message of California to US law and practice to the extent that the 'Warren Court' became the favorite whipping boy for American conservatives and reactionaries; and, on the other hand, Congressman Richard Nixon, whose Cold War politics, originally nurtured in Californian battles, brought the full brunt of what has been termed southern Californian 'plutocratic conser- vatism' to the American political landscape and facilitated the later conser- vative turn in American politics associated with former Californian Governor Ronald Reagan during the 1980s. As of 1962, then, the year in which California permanently surpassed New York as the most populous US state, the transference of Californian civilization to American daily life may be said to have been completed. From this stage on, California was more explicitly accepted as the vanguard of the American project, and over the next 40-odd years California has largely fulfilled such expectations. On the favorable side, Californians launched the protest movements of the 1960s, the ecology and environmental concerns of the 1970s, the spread of a computer society starting in Silicon Valley in the 1970s before becoming the PC force of the 1980s and the World Wide Web and dotcom phenomena of the 1990s. On the nether side, California also came to stand for seething forces of upheaval on the American scene, from the minority outbreaks of the 1960s led by such groups as the Black Panthers and the random violence of urban life in the 1980s and 1990s to citizen selfishness starting with Proposition 13 in 1978 to severely limit civic responsibilities toward the imposing social and material programs that had been achieved in the earlier part of the century. Relentlessly growing in population, power, and influence as the center of America's Pacific concerns, California has therefore made its way into the 22 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) world's major economic ranks while giving off an endless set of worries intermixed with film noir fixations of the meaninglessness of LA, the groundlessness of culture under the sun, and science-fiction fantasies of Armageddon (see, for example, Davis, 1990, 1998). Even today, national news magazines rush to publicize the apparent collapse of Californian civil society in the recent crisis of the state budget and the political recall movement (Newsweek, 2003). Still, at the very least, these same apocalyptic accounts recognize that if California 'goes', so may everything and everyone else in the American, and eventually world, economy. 7. Are there underlying patterns to this complex mosaic of events and intentions that make up Californian civilization? And, apart from concern with the heavy weight that the Californian economy brings to all aspects of global culture and globalization tendencies, are there strong reasons for non- Californians, including the rest of the United States, to care? In this section we venture the boldest reading of such patterns: Cali- fornia, we claim, represents 'paradise' in world history in the relatively testable sense that it has been built on millennia of biodiversity permeating ecosystem and human habitation and articulation. Modern Californian history is therefore the story of a dialectic between such biodiversity and attempts both to preserve and to undermine it. To argue exclusively that such biodi- versity has been irretrievably lost since the coming of the Europeans is to overlook the degree to which such challenges remain an extremely recent facet of Californian reality and, in any case, are being countered by contem- porary efforts to regain and protect such biodiversity. In support of this claim, we offer five literary examples: John Muir, Robinson Jeffers, Henry Miller, Jack Kerouac and Michael McClure. Of these five, perhaps the most symbolic is the body of works and both social and naturalist achievements attached to the name of John Muir. Muir is known as the remarkable naturalist and explorer who was funda- mental to the creation of the first national parks, environmental groups like the Sierra Club, and the evolution of an environmentalist consciousness and movement in the United States. While all this is true, and important, it is his remarkable body of writings that may well prove his greatest legacy. In a style half way between romantic elegy and naturalist precision, Muir succeeded, perhaps even more than Henry David Thoreau, in capturing and preserving the miracle of contemplating the Californian 'wilderness' before the great central valley of California was turned into the world's most successful agribusiness and the Yosemite Valley overrun by visitors. Above all, Muir pinpointed the sacred center of California as the towering Sierra Nevada mountain range guarding and nurturing the Californian landscape and, within it, the Yosemite Valley proper. Coming upon the mountains through a Central Valley landscape 'glowing golden in the sunshine' with its Chytry: California Civilization 23 multitudinous flowers and the sweetest honey, Muir was transfixed by their huge presence 'reposing like a smooth, cumulous cloud in the sunny sky, and so gloriously colored, and so luminous, it seems to be not clothed with light, but wholly composed of it, like the wall of some celestial city'. This brilliant vision Muir henceforth baptized the 'Range of Light', and, not surpris- ingly, once he had penetrated the heart of this 'celestial city' he then described the Yosemite Valley at its core ­ which became his home for some six years (1868­73) ­ as 'an immense hall or temple lighted from above', although 'no temple made with hands can compare with Yosemite' whose every rock 'seems to glow with life' (Muir, 1961: 2; 1962: 4). A quarter-century later a similarly dazzled explorer and author, the poet Robinson Jeffers, found the words to extol the Big Sur landscape connect- ing northern and southern California. In Jeffers' case, the landscape evoked a Hellenic quality that differed radically from the familiar orderliness of 'genteel' classical readings. Jeffers' philosophy of 'inhumanism' represents his attempt to express its primordiality: Erase the lines: I pray you not to love classifications: The thing is like a river, from source to sea-mouth One flowing life. We that have the honor and hardship of being human Are one flesh with the beasts, and the beasts with the plants One streaming sap, and certainly the plants and algae and the earth they spring from Are one flesh with the stars.25 In a 1941 lecture at the US Library of Congress, Jeffers explained that his position might be likened to 'pantheism', but it was more of a 'feeling' or 'certitude' that 'the world, the universe, is one being, a single organism, one great life that includes all life and all things; and is so beautiful that it must be loved and reverenced; and in moments of mystical vision we identify ourselves with it' (Jeffers, 1956: 23­4). In a further letter to a correspondent, Jeffers amplified his thoughts: 'This whole is in all its parts so beautiful, and is felt by me to be so intensely in earnest, that I am compelled to love it, and to think of it as divine'. Humans could contribute 'ever so slightly' to this overriding 'beauty of things' by making their own lives and environment beautiful, but such contributions were not overly important or necessary to the whole. Yet this beauty went hand-in-hand with the unquestioned cruelty and torture and suffering in things. The living wildness of Big Sur ­ its eagles, falcons, condors and cougars ­ penetrated the core of Jeffers himself; as one visitor described Jeffers at the time, 'something utterly wild . . . crept into his mind and marked his features'. This wildness enabled the poet to articulate the underlying female energy of the cosmos as shakti ­ possibly reflecting the more compassionate cult of the Madonna, 'la Conquistadora', in his home town of Carmel where he built his own tower to gaze like a hawk upon the thunderous seascape (cited in Karman, 1987: 70, 40, 92, 136).26 24 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) The case of Henry Miller and his particular infatuation with the Cali- fornian ecosystem indicates a further elaboration of this vision. After years of expatriate existence in Paris and a dazzling experience of Greece, Miller was forced to return to the United States during the Second World War. He set out to cross the United States by car, and in his ill-tempered account of that odyssey, The Air-Conditioned Nightmare (1965 [1945]), recorded what he considered to be the most frightful aspect of American society, namely its total disengagement from nature. Eventually, however, Miller ended up in Big Sur, and his paeans to the landscape and the life of its inhabitants took on a typically Millersque tone of mixed humor and awe: 'It was here at Big Sur that I first learned to say Amen!' Here, that is, Miller continued to live as the conflicted and farcical person his writings invariably reveal, without, however, the hard edge of the bad humor of underachievement of his earlier self. Like the hero of his title, Hieronymus Bosch, and the latter's associations with the Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit in which the millennium of paradise had been presumably attained, Miller confessed that, thanks to California, he now truly dwelt in a 'paradise' ­ albeit one which 'contains flaws (Paradisiacal flaws, if you like)' (Miller, 1957: 32, 25). Against these reconciliations may be contrasted the more tortured case of Jack Kerouac as the ultimate Beat literary antihero. Kerouac's On the Road (1991 [1957]) had already provided the classic Beat equivalent to Muir's walk across the continent to Yosemite Valley and Miller's wild drive from New York through the Old South to Los Angeles. In Big Sur (1962), however, recounting his stay of 1960, Kerouac revealed how far he had come to the end of his particular road of alcoholism and paranoia. Big Sur rewarded him at first with what he called 'marvelous insights': 'Don't call me eternity,' its blue sky told him, 'call me God if you like, all of you talkers are in paradise: the leaf is paradise, the tree stump is paradise, the paper bag is paradise, the man is paradise, the sand is paradise, the sea is paradise, the man is paradise, the fog is paradise.' Yet, though Kerouac 'spoke the language', he turned away from it even if his self-deceptions could not be hidden in this light and space: 'All my tricks laid bare, even the realization that they're laid bare itself laid bare as a lotta bunk' (1962: 29, 33, 178­200, 186). Eventually Kerouac seems to have undergone a complete breakdown, and the only fitting survivor of his ordeal is the closing onomatopoetic poem 'Sea: Sounds of the Pacific Ocean at Big Sur' (pp. 179­200): Sho, Shoosh, flut, ravad, tapavada pow, coof, loof, root, ­ No, no, no, no, no, no ­ Oh ya, ya, ya, ya, yo, yair ­ Shhh­ Finally, the body of writings and text gesticulations of Kerouac's colleague Michael McClure shows how far such gestures could be carried in Chytry: California Civilization 25 a more positive manner and developed into a proper philosophy. While McClure's own environmentalist explanation of the origins of Beat thought seems, at least historically, problematic, it is certainly applicable to his own considerable production (as well as to that of another environmentalist Beat poet and thinker Gary Snyder).27 McClure's 'meat' (e.g. McClure, 1963) approach toward the symbiosis of humans, animals and nature works partly because McClure's own poetic persona straddles the boundaries between cub lion, outlaw and dissident: THIS LIFE IS STAR LIFE: SISTER DEER AND I SEE STARS WITH STARS. Brother puma bites his lover's neck and she sees multidimensioned shapes of light. What is in space for roses and for berries is the life that's whirling there WITHIN ­ within the organelles of cells and the imagined time they took to crumple selves Into a racing thing that's standing in the rains and still beyond the reach of brains.28 8. These five examples are, to be sure, recordable testimonials to the Cali- fornia Nature. Even so, what does this particular 'California' with its 'range of light', Yosemite 'celestial temple', Greek primordiality of Big Sur, even its resonatings in Beat poetics, have to do with the 'lowlands' of the rest of California's material civilization? Henry Miller already provokes a suggestion with his emphasis on joy and release, and even Jack Kerouac agrees, however much Kerouac himself failed to incorporate the laughter and exhil- aration that stems from the encounter with Californian natural reality. True, these 'ecstatic' aspects to the California ambiance often enough lead down into a 'Hollywood Babylon',29 as well as into the recorded excesses of the human potential, Beat and hippie, and new age movements that have proved popular among a substantial minority of natives and outsiders. Yet, at the very least, it is such indefatigable 'pursuit of pleasure', whether physical or spiritual, that can be related not only to the particularly manic manner in which California entered an incipient American capitalist and industrial society, but also to more sophisticated responses to the California landscape. Seen in primarily socio-economic terms, this material society continues to offer one of the clearest images of both the potentials and contradictions of a remorselessly entrepreneurial society that nonetheless includes its 26 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) progressivist or social democratic punctuations. Seen rather in art history where something like a higher plastic reality is often the object of Californ- ian artists, architects and designers, such factors have enabled a remarkable set of aesthetic achievements that temptingly suggest possibilities, if not attainments, of a larger synthesis. From the earliest American period, Cali- fornian art linked up with European and American standards, and in such cases as the Art and Crafts movement it has been argued that California might even have served as the most imposing case of arts and crafts influ- ence throughout a wide variety of social sectors.30 Modernism and surreal- ism also had some of their finest articulations on the West Coast, and abstract expressionism may well have originated not so much in New York as in important features of certain Californian painters.31 One indication of such Californian efflorescence is the arts movement of Dynaton, a temporary coalescence of three artists, Wolfgang Paalen, Gordon Onslow-Ford and Lee Mullican, during the late 1940s and early 1950s in the San Francisco Bay area. A continuation of the art magazine Dyn begun by Paalen in Mexico during the early 1940s, Dynaton (from the Greek for 'possible') achieved a rare fusion of the painters' simultaneous concern with Amerindian cultures, Zen Buddhism and spiritualism, the new physics, extraterrestrial life, psychology meditation and, finally, 'the vital quiet in Cali- fornia nature'.32 In the words of Paalen (Dynaton Reviewed, 1977: 6), Dynaton meant: 'A limitless continuum in which all forms of reality are potentially implicit. Possibilities are a part of nature. Nature is what we can know of realized possibilities.' If Dynaton had no clear successors, it nonetheless provides a suggestive parameter of the level and quality of synthesis with which the California temper continues to flirt. Still, short of pursuing such lofty standards, Californian civilization does often enough express itself in darker tones of noir and even despair. Whether in the caustic novels of Nathaniel West (1962) or in the Hollywood film noir tradition, such as Double Indemnity and The Blue Dahlia (1946) screenwritten by Californian thriller author Raymond Chandler (the former script based on a book by Californian novelist James M. Cain), the individual invariably comes up hard against a frenzied and unstable background of atomistic forces in chaotic play.33 Sometimes a narrow suggestion of redemption is found precisely in the struttings of a lost idealism that does 'the right thing' while still 'playing all the angles,' such as the hero Rick in the classic Hollywood film, Casablanca (1943), or even in the alienated postures of the cinematic 'rebel without a cause' or motorcyclist 'wild one.'34 It is difficult to separate these gestures as responses either to the continued acceleration of an entre- preneurial society gone (almost) mad or to what California's more acute writers and poets have pointed out as the uncompromising truthfulness of its Nature. Yet this very question underscores the point that no answer can ignore the need not only to incorporate the cynical reading but also one that touches on the 'utopian other' in the California experience. Chytry: California Civilization 27 9. In the final analysis 'California' belongs to world history as a major civilization in itself ­ distinct from the 'United States of America' ­ because it is the most packed symbol of elements otherwise difficult to decipher in the unprecedented voyages of discovery and exploitation first launched by Europeans in the 15th century and forming the very beginnings of the globalization process. If California has been rightly labeled 'a questing sort of state' (McWilliams, 1973: 374), it may well be because California symbol- izes the ultimate object of that endless quest to the West, toward the 'Hesperia' sought by mythical Aeneas as Virgilian founder of ancient Rome that in the 15th century came to be associated with island-hopping from the coast of west Africa across the Atlantic Ocean in hopes of reaching the fabled 'Indies', themselves forming yet another body of islands from Zipangu (Japan) to Ceylon (Polk, 1991: 24­5).35 Even after discovery around 1500 of the huge size of the continent that became known as South America, it was still felt that Columbus' landfall among the Caribbean islands augured a further set of isles ­ rather than a North American 'continent' ­ eventually working its way to the Indies and 'Cathay' proper. Along that extensive thalassic highway, the 'Isle of California' became a fixture of imagination, and eventually of unrepentant ambition. As one commentator has noted, 'it is well known that islands excite the imagination of the maturing individual . . . the island image emerges as a significant symbol in evolving consciousness. The island is a controllable, perfectible world in miniature' (Polk, 1991: 27). In such terms, the Island of California, this veritable 'Mountain of Paradise', soars as a standing challenge not only to Californians proper, but also to the rest of the world presently caught up in the complications of a globalization process that first took off in the 15th and 16th centuries when it was first literally discovered that 'the salt seas of the world are connected; that all countries possessing sea coasts are mutually accessible by sea', and that 'eventually the existing networks' are 'embraced in a super-network, so to speak, of ocean routes encircling the world' (Parry, 1981: ix, xv) Of course, this challenge is intended for both Californians and non- Californians. Yet, unlike non-Californians, Californians proper remain indebted to the land, its ecosystem and its history that we have briefly traced, and these factors invariably transcend the priority of any discrete historical reading. For Californians proper, this deeper commitment means that what appears to be merely the academic topic of 'California civilization' is really the nature of their identification with the ramifications of that final deathbed message from the last native Californian, 'Ishi', to his latest 'fellow' Californians: 'You stay, I go' (Kroeber, 1961: 238).36 28 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) Josef Chytry is Adjunct Professor of Cultural History and Visual Criticism at the California College of the Arts and Managing Editor of Industrial and Corporate Change, Institute of Management, Innovation and Organization, Haas School of Business, University of California, Berkeley. He is author of The Aesthetic State: A Quest in Modern German Thought (1989) and Cytherica (2005). [email: chytry@haas. berkeley.edu] Acknowledgement An early version of this article was presented as an invited lecture at the Center for Theoretical Study, Czech Academy of Sciences and Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic, on 6 August 2003. I am grateful to the Center, and its director Dr Ivan Havel, for giving me the rare opportunity to discuss the role of California civilization with a primarily European audience, and to Michael Bielicky for arranging the process of collaboration. The original lecture is listed as Working Paper CTS-03­08 and may be procured online from the Center's website. I would also like to extend my thanks to the Faculty Grants Committee of the California College of the Arts for helping to finance my visit. Notes The following abbreviations are used throughout the article with reference to texts by Kevin Starr: ACD: Americans and the California Dream, 1850­1915. CD: Coast of Dreams: California on the Edge, 1990­2003. DE: The Dream Endures: California Enters the 1940s. EDC: Embattled Dreams: California in War and Peace 1940­1950. EDG: Endangered Dreams: The Great Depression in California. ID: Inventing the Dream: California through the Progressive Era. MD: Material Dreams: Southern California through the 1920s. 1. In the recent California History Sesquicentennial Series, the general preface launching the series by Michael McCone and Richard J. Orsi does state that 'it is incumbent on Californians to take stock of their civilization' (Gutiérrez and Orsi, 1998: ix). In his mammoth and crafted study of California up to 1950 (as well as 1990­2004, as of the date of this article), a work that I largely follow, Kevin Starr generally speaks of California as a 'regional civilization' or 'regional society'. See also DeWitt (1989), who is more direct in his references to 'Cali- fornia civilization' (p. vii). 2. A sensitive statistic to follow in the future relations between California and the United States may well be the balance of payments between California and the US federal treasury in terms of fiscal outflow to the federal government. Whereas until 1987 there was a net fiscal inflow from Washington, DC, since that period there has been a net outflow that, between 1994 and 2002, has been steadily increasing. In 2002 the imbalance set a record for any US state in its relation to the federal government (succeeding the 2001 record imbalance, also involving California). In short: 'As has been the case for more than a decade, California subsidizes the rest of the nation at unrivaled levels' (California Institute for Federal Policy Research, 2003: 8). Chytry: California Civilization 29 3. See the account in ACD (pp. 417­33), specifically drawing on George Santayana, Joseph Le Conte and Luther Burbank. Also see the excellent study of Californ- ian landscape and imagination in Wyatt (1986). 4. 'No other concept in geology is as important to understanding how California came to be so diverse than that of plate tectonics, plates sliding about on the surface of the earth' (Schoenherr, 1992: 58). See also Francis and Reimann (1999: 5­9) and McPhee (1993). My thanks to Colin Day for these references. 5. Notwithstanding their deep suspicion of the 'myth of Paradise' against which Raab and Jones direct their collection of recent essays on California archaeol- ogy, the authors nonetheless conclude: 'The state's coastal, desert, mountain, valley, and other environments provide perhaps the most diverse range of settings for prehistorical cultural development of any region in North America. The huge cultural-environment variability that existed in these settings during the 12,000 or more years of California prehistory offers the promise of a vast natural laboratory for comparative research' (Raab and Jones, 2004: 211, emphasis added). Perhaps one reason for the authors' inconsistency in this regard is that they remain victims of a commonplace Platonist reading of the word 'paradise' and its concept. 6. The following summary is based on the stimulating essay by Anderson et al. (1998). See also Fagan (2003). 7. See also the essay by William S. Simmons, pointing out 'how closely and responsibly California hunter-gatherers identified with the animals, plants, and physical terrains of their tribelet worlds' (1998: 72). 8. 'These great towers and cues and buildings rising from the water, all made of stone, seemed like an enchanted vision from the tale of Amadis' (Díaz del Castillo, 1963: 214). 9. Ferdinand VII issued a royal decree in 1747 that stated: 'California is not an island' (cited in Engstrand, 1998: 105, note 7). 10. See Thomas (1993: 293, 359); for statistics on the predominantly Andalusian contingent of New World explorers, see pp. 58, 652 (note 17). 11. In a list of oriental people arrayed against Charlemagne, the 11th-century poet of the Chanson de Roland includes 'E cil d'Affrike e cil de Califerne' (line 2924). 12. See Carnoy (1922: 227) and Polk (1991: 131), who describe this reading as 'the most interestingly plausible' (McWilliams, 1949: 3). In contrast, the 'official' account given in Appendix J of California's Legislature published by the State of California relies on an alternative account sanctioned by Hunt and Sánchez (1929: 36­7), which is based on Boissonnade (1923: 159­62) and Wilson and Ebbert (2000: 271­2). This account suggests that the 'Califerne' of the Chanson de Roland refers to the Arab-Berber combination of Kalaa (strong fortress) and Ifrène (a Maghreb or North African people) and may be pinned down as Beni Hammad, a great centre of civilization around the 9th­11th centuries and known by 'les Occidents' as 'la kalaa par excellence des Berbères', with the Ifrenes being their principal representatives. (Boissonnade, 1923: 161). Although aware of this alternative reading, Polk prefers the Persian origin. See also the speculations in Little (1987) and Sales Dasí (1998). Actually, these alternative explanations are largely compatible in that the Islamic Andalusian civilizations of southern Spain (particularly Córdoba) and northern Africa during the period of the composition of the Chanson de Roland were major transmitters of Persian themes and myths, 30 Thesis Eleven (Number 85 2006) given the high status of Persian culture during that epoch in the western Mediterranean regions of Islam. In the Sergas de Esplandián the principal infidel foe of the hero and his supporters is the King of Persia and his allies. 13. Thomas (1993: 61) refers to Francisco Auqilar's reminiscences of the 1560s. 14. For the etymology of 'pairidaeza', the basis for the Greek 'paradeisos', see Moynihan (1979: 1­2). 15. See Osio (1996) and Beebe and Senkewicz (2001) for translations of primary Hispanic and Californio texts. 16. Future research may wish to follow the suggestion that the term 'Greater Cali- fornia' should be applied to this larger region of Hispanic­Mexican California (as well as perhaps Baja California), while 'California' should refer to the territory that became the US state of California. Since this 'Greater California' continues to be marked if not controlled by the predominant economic strength of the US state of California over its former ancillary territories, our encouragement of the recognition of California civilization in world-historical speculations is also intended to point out the broader ambit of this Greater California theme for future theoretical articulation. 17. See Monroy (1998: 178, 173­95) and, more generally, Pitt (1966). 18. On this Monterey constitutional assembly, see the entertaining account in Brands (2002: 281, 269­304). As Brands notes, it was in fact these Californians who decided to restrict California to its present boundaries, partly because of discomfort of association with the Mormon presence in Utah and partly because of their desire to avoid involvement in slave-state issues associated with what became the territory of New Mexico. California, it was early determined, would be resolutely a 'free' state. 19. I follow Brands' stimulating reading (2002), although his attitude toward this entrepreneurial spirit is more favorable than mine. See also McWilliams' (1949: 25) important statement on the 'restless energy' of America: 'But it is only in California that this energy is coeval with statehood' (emphasis added). 20. See, above all, the excellent chapter 'An American Mediterranean' in ACD (pp. 365­414). 21. McWilliams (1949) is especially interesting for his futuristic expectations of Cali- fornia as of 1949. 22. Kathy Kohner may therefore be fairly regarded as the original Czech or 'Bohemian' model for the 'California girl'. A particularly rhapsodic version of the 'California girl' for popular consumption is provided in the Time magazine issue on California in 1969 ('California: A State of Excitement'). By contrast, the 1991 Time issue on California, which is more reflective of the flattened economy of the early 1990s ('California: The Endangered Dream'), leaves out the 'California girl' theme. 23. For example, the University of California (at Berkeley and then later also at Los Angeles), Stanford University, the California Institute of Technology, and the University of Southern California. 24. Following the account in DE (pp. 61­89). In his attempt to create 'a scientific Athens amidst the orange groves' in the Pasadena of the California Institute of Technology, Hale drew on Egyptaic as well as Florentine Renaissance Neo- platonic motifs. Hale was called 'Priest of the Sun, Zoroaster of our time' by news magazines (see also Hale, 1924, 1926). Chytry: California Civilization 31 25. 'The Double Axe', cited in Karman (1987: 51­2). 26. Ultimately Jeffers' 'Aphrodite', the final manifestation of the wild goddess in his poetry, utters the warning: 'Something is lurking hidden/There is always a knife in the flowers. There is always a lion just beyond the firelight.' It is worth noting that Jeffers had received an extensive classical education since the age of five, had studied in Europe, and studied both medicine and forestry at American universities. At the same time, like Muir, he was known for his aston- ishing physical energy in mountaineering and mountain-climbing. 27. See the discussion in McClure (1993: 4­5). At the start of this particular interview, McClure notes that it was when he met Sterling Bunnell after his arrival in San Francisco in 1954 that he was introduced to Californian nature: 'With him I was able to watch coyotes and foxes and weasels and deer, and walk through savannah country, hike through the foothills, go over the mountains, and to the seashore and look into tide pools' (p. 3). 28. 'To Glean the Livingness of Worlds: Replying to Rilke's Eighth Elegy', in McClure (1991: 92). For a more recent example of the Buddhist turn in McClure's poetry, see McClure (1999). 29. See, for example, Anger (1965, 1984). However, for the 'utopian' dimension of Hollywood, see Brown (2002). 30. Between 1900 and 1915 California was 'the culmination of the Arts and Crafts movement in America' (Wilson, 1993: 33). 31. See Anderson (1996: 198), Landauer (1996), and Barron et al. (2000). 32. See Dyn (1943) for an example of Paalen's commitment to Amerindian art. 33. A good introduction to film noir is Hirsch (1981). Although Hirsch does not emphasize the role of California, his extensive account of the literary tradition helping to give rise to film noir clearly privileges the Californian contributions. See also Starr, 'The Boys and Girls in the Back Room: Minimalism and the Cali- fornia Novel', in DE (pp. 286­319). 34. The events of the film The Wild One (1953), starring Marlon Brando, were vaguely related to a motorcyclist Fourth-of-July weekend takeover of the Cali- fornian town of Hollister in 1947. 35. See also the interesting psychological reading of California as the ultimate Egyptaic descent into the underworld, afterlife, or 'voyage to the West' in Rickels (1991). 36. I put 'Ishi' in quotation marks since it was not his personal name, which remained a private possession, but a native Yana word meaning 'man' that Californian anthropologist Alfred Kroeber gave him for practical reasons of identification. 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<notes>
<p>The following abbreviations are used throughout the article with reference to texts by Kevin Starr:</p>
<p>ACD: Americans and the California Dream, 1850–1915.</p>
<p>CD: Coast of Dreams: California on the Edge, 1990–2003.</p>
<p>DE:
<italic>The Dream Endures: California Enters the 1940s</italic>
.</p>
<p>EDC: Embattled Dreams: California in War and Peace 1940 –1950.</p>
<p>EDG:
<italic>Endangered Dreams: The Great Depression in California</italic>
.</p>
<p>ID:
<italic>Inventing the Dream: California through the Progressive Era</italic>
.</p>
<p>MD:
<italic>Material Dreams: Southern California through the 1920s</italic>
.</p>
<p>1. In the recent California History Sesquicentennial Series, the general preface launching the series by Michael McCone and Richard J. Orsi does state that ‘it is incumbent on Californians to take stock of their civilization’ (GutiÈrrez and Orsi, 1998: ix). In his mammoth and crafted study of California up to 1950 (as well as 1990–2004, as of the date of this article), a work that I largely follow, Kevin Starr generally speaks of California as a ‘regional civilization’ or ‘regional society’. See also DeWitt (1989), who is more direct in his references to ‘ California civilization’ (p. vii).</p>
<p>2. A sensitive statistic to follow in the future relations between California and the United States may well be the balance of payments between California and the US federal treasury in terms of fiscal outflow to the federal government. Whereas until 1987 there was a net fiscal inflow from Washington, DC, since that period there has been a net outflow that, between 1994 and 2002, has been steadily increasing. In 2002 the imbalance set a record for any US state in its relation to the federal government (succeeding the 2001 record imbalance, also involving California). In short: ‘As has been the case for more than a decade, California subsidizes the rest of the nation at unrivaled levels’ (California Institute for Federal Policy Research, 2003: 8).</p>
<p>3. See the account in ACD (pp. 417–33), specifically drawing on George Santayana, Joseph Le Conte and Luther Burbank. Also see the excellent study of Californian landscape and imagination in Wyatt (1986).</p>
<p>4. ‘No other concept in geology is as important to understanding how California came to be so diverse than that of plate tectonics, plates sliding about on the surface of the earth’ (Schoenherr, 1992: 58). See also Francis and Reimann (1999: 5–9) and McPhee (1993). My thanks to Colin Day for these references.</p>
<p>5. Notwithstanding their deep suspicion of the ‘myth of Paradise’ against which Raab and Jones direct their collection of recent essays on California archaeology, the authors nonetheless conclude: ‘The state's coastal, desert, mountain, valley, and other environments provide perhaps
<italic>the most diverse range of settings for prehistorical cultural development of any region in North America</italic>
. The huge cultural-environment variability that existed in these settings during the 12,000 or more years of California prehistory offers the promise of a vast natural laboratory for comparative research’ (Raab and Jones, 2004: 211, emphasis added). Perhaps one reason for the authors’ inconsistency in this regard is that they remain victims of a commonplace Platonist reading of the word ‘paradise’ and its concept.</p>
<p>6. The following summary is based on the stimulating essay by Anderson et al. (1998). See also Fagan (2003).</p>
<p>7. See also the essay by William S. Simmons, pointing out ‘how closely and responsibly California hunter-gatherers identified with the animals, plants, and physical terrains of their tribelet worlds’ (1998: 72).</p>
<p>8. ‘These great towers and cues and buildings rising from the water, all made of stone, seemed like an enchanted vision from the tale of Amadis’ (DÌaz del Castillo, 1963: 214).</p>
<p>9. Ferdinand VII issued a royal decree in 1747 that stated: ‘California is not an island’ (cited in Engstrand, 1998: 105, note 7).</p>
<p>10. See Thomas (1993: 293, 359); for statistics on the predominantly Andalusian contingent of New World explorers, see pp. 58, 652 (note 17).</p>
<p>11. In a list of oriental people arrayed against Charlemagne, the 11th-century poet of the
<italic>Chanson de Roland</italic>
includes ‘E cil d'Affrike e cil de Califerne’ (line 2924).</p>
<p>12. See Carnoy (1922: 227) and Polk (1991: 131), who describe this reading as ‘the most interestingly plausible’ (McWilliams, 1949: 3). In contrast, the ‘official’ account given in Appendix J of
<italic>California's Legislature</italic>
published by the State of California relies on an alternative account sanctioned by Hunt and S·nchez (1929: 36–7), which is based on Boissonnade (1923: 159–62) and Wilson and Ebbert (2000: 271–2). This account suggests that the ‘Califerne’ of the
<italic>Chanson de Roland</italic>
refers to the Arab-Berber combination of
<italic>Kalaa</italic>
(strong fortress) and
<italic>IfrËne</italic>
(a Maghreb or North African people) and may be pinned down as Beni Hammad, a great centre of civilization around the 9th–11th centuries and known by ‘les Occidents’ as ‘la
<italic>kalaa</italic>
par excellence des BerbËres’, with the Ifrenes being their principal representatives. (Boissonnade, 1923: 161). Although aware of this alternative reading, Polk prefers the Persian origin. See also the speculations in Little (1987) and Sales DasÌ (1998). Actually, these alternative explanations are largely compatible in that the Islamic Andalusian civilizations of southern Spain (particularly CÛrdoba) and northern Africa during the period of the composition of the
<italic>Chanson de Roland</italic>
were major transmitters of Persian themes and myths, given the high status of Persian culture during that epoch in the western Mediterranean regions of Islam. In the
<italic>Sergas de Esplandi·n</italic>
the principal infidel foe of the hero and his supporters is the King of Persia and his allies.</p>
<p>13. Thomas (1993: 61) refers to Francisco Auqilar's reminiscences of the 1560s.</p>
<p>14. For the etymology of ‘pairidaeza’, the basis for the Greek ‘paradeisos’, see Moynihan (1979: 1–2).</p>
<p>15. See Osio (1996) and Beebe and Senkewicz (2001) for translations of primary Hispanic and Californio texts.</p>
<p>16. Future research may wish to follow the suggestion that the term ‘Greater California’ should be applied to this larger region of Hispanic–Mexican California (as well as perhaps Baja California), while ‘California’ should refer to the territory that became the US state of California. Since this ‘Greater California’ continues to be marked if not controlled by the predominant economic strength of the US state of California over its former ancillary territories, our encouragement of the recognition of California civilization in world-historical speculations is also intended to point out the broader ambit of this Greater California theme for future theoretical articulation.</p>
<p>17. See Monroy (1998: 178, 173–95) and, more generally, Pitt (1966).</p>
<p>18. On this Monterey constitutional assembly, see the entertaining account in Brands (2002: 281, 269–304). As Brands notes, it was in fact these Californians who decided to restrict California to its present boundaries, partly because of discomfort of association with the Mormon presence in Utah and partly because of their desire to avoid involvement in slave-state issues associated with what became the territory of New Mexico. California, it was early determined, would be resolutely a ‘free’ state.</p>
<p>19. I follow Brands’ stimulating reading (2002), although his attitude toward this entrepreneurial spirit is more favorable than mine. See also McWilliams’ (1949: 25) important statement on the ‘restless energy’ of America: ‘But it is only in California that
<italic>this energy is coeval with statehood</italic>
’ (emphasis added).</p>
<p>20. See, above all, the excellent chapter ‘An American Mediterranean’ in ACD (pp. 365–414).</p>
<p>21. McWilliams (1949) is especially interesting for his futuristic expectations of California as of 1949.</p>
<p>22. Kathy Kohner may therefore be fairly regarded as the original Czech or ‘Bohemian’ model for the ‘California girl’. A particularly rhapsodic version of the ‘California girl’ for popular consumption is provided in the
<italic>Time</italic>
magazine issue on California in 1969 (‘California: A State of Excitement’). By contrast, the 1991
<italic>Time</italic>
issue on California, which is more reflective of the flattened economy of the early 1990s (‘California: The Endangered Dream’), leaves out the ‘California girl’ theme.</p>
<p>23. For example, the University of California (at Berkeley and then later also at Los Angeles), Stanford University, the California Institute of Technology, and the University of Southern California.</p>
<p>24. Following the account in DE (pp. 61–89). In his attempt to create ‘a scientific Athens amidst the orange groves’ in the Pasadena of the California Institute of Technology, Hale drew on Egyptaic as well as Florentine Renaissance Neoplatonic motifs. Hale was called ‘Priest of the Sun, Zoroaster of our time’ by news magazines (see also Hale, 1924, 1926).</p>
<p>25. ‘The Double Axe’, cited in Karman (1987: 51–2).</p>
<p>26. Ultimately Jeffers’ ‘Aphrodite’, the final manifestation of the wild goddess in his poetry, utters the warning: ‘Something is lurking hidden/There is always a knife in the flowers. There is always a lion just beyond the firelight.’ It is worth noting that Jeffers had received an extensive classical education since the age of five, had studied in Europe, and studied both medicine and forestry at American universities. At the same time, like Muir, he was known for his astonishing physical energy in mountaineering and mountain-climbing.</p>
<p>27. See the discussion in McClure (1993: 4–5). At the start of this particular interview, McClure notes that it was when he met Sterling Bunnell after his arrival in San Francisco in 1954 that he was introduced to Californian nature: ‘With him I was able to watch coyotes and foxes and weasels and deer, and walk through savannah country, hike through the foothills, go over the mountains, and to the seashore and look into tide pools’ (p. 3).</p>
<p>28. ‘To Glean the Livingness of Worlds: Replying to Rilke's Eighth Elegy’, in McClure (1991: 92). For a more recent example of the Buddhist turn in McClure's poetry, see McClure (1999).</p>
<p>29. See, for example, Anger (1965, 1984). However, for the ‘utopian’ dimension of Hollywood, see Brown (2002).</p>
<p>30. Between 1900 and 1915 California was ‘the culmination of the Arts and Crafts movement in America’ (Wilson, 1993: 33).</p>
<p>31. See Anderson (1996: 198), Landauer (1996), and Barron et al. (2000).</p>
<p>32. See
<italic>Dyn</italic>
(1943) for an example of Paalen's commitment to Amerindian art.</p>
<p>33. A good introduction to film noir is Hirsch (1981). Although Hirsch does not emphasize the role of California, his extensive account of the literary tradition helping to give rise to film noir clearly privileges the Californian contributions. See also Starr, ‘The Boys and Girls in the Back Room: Minimalism and the California Novel’, in DE (pp. 286–319).</p>
<p>34. The events of the film
<italic>The Wild One</italic>
(1953), starring Marlon Brando, were vaguely related to a motorcyclist Fourth-of-July weekend takeover of the Californian town of Hollister in 1947.</p>
<p>35. See also the interesting psychological reading of California as the ultimate Egyptaic descent into the underworld, afterlife, or ‘voyage to the West’ in Rickels (1991).</p>
<p>36. I put ‘Ishi’ in quotation marks since it was not his personal name, which remained a private possession, but a native Yana word meaning ‘man’ that Californian anthropologist Alfred Kroeber gave him for practical reasons of identification. Ishi was considered a member of the Yahi, a subgroup of the Yana; more recent research suggests that he was of mixed native Californian origins (see Starn, 2004).</p>
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<title>California Civilization: Beyond the United States of America?</title>
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<title>California Civilization: Beyond the United States of America?</title>
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<namePart type="given">Josef</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Chytry</namePart>
<affiliation>California College of the Arts and Managing Editor of Industrial and Corporate Change, Institute of Management, Innovation and Organization, Haas School of Business, University of California, Berkeley</affiliation>
<affiliation>E-mail: chytry@haas.berkeley.edu</affiliation>
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<placeTerm type="text">London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi</placeTerm>
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<dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2006-05</dateIssued>
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<abstract lang="en">Although California is often regarded as a regional civilization within the United States of America, this article argues that California justifies being considered a major civilization in itself, indeed the only genuinely 21stcentury civilization, if only because of its top ranking among world economies. The article traces the varied facets of California natural and social history to show the overriding importance of biodiversity as a perennially unifying theme for an understanding of that civilization, and it confronts the varied challenges to this biodiversity that constitute more recent California history and politics.</abstract>
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<topic>biodiversity</topic>
<topic>civilization</topic>
<topic>modernism</topic>
<topic>nature</topic>
<topic>utopia</topic>
<topic>wealth-creation</topic>
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<identifier type="ISSN">0725-5136</identifier>
<identifier type="eISSN">1461-7455</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID">THE</identifier>
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<part>
<date>2006</date>
<detail type="volume">
<caption>vol.</caption>
<number>85</number>
</detail>
<detail type="issue">
<caption>no.</caption>
<number>1</number>
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<start>8</start>
<end>36</end>
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