From a New Regionalism to an Unusual Regionalism? The Emergence of Non-standard Regional Spaces and Lessons for the Territorial Reorganisation of the State
Identifieur interne : 001773 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001772; suivant : 001774From a New Regionalism to an Unusual Regionalism? The Emergence of Non-standard Regional Spaces and Lessons for the Territorial Reorganisation of the State
Auteurs : Lain Deas ; Alex LordSource :
- Urban Studies [ 0042-0980 ] ; 2006-09.
English descriptors
- Teeft :
- Administrative regions, Alex lord, Alex lord figure, American geographers, Annual conference, Aspirational spaces, Associational behaviour, Balanced growth, Baltic, British geographers, Broader goals, Central netherlands, City regions, Collegiate schools, Competitive advantage, Competitiveness, Country planning, Davoudi, Dea, Development perspective, Development policy, Economic activities, Economic activity, Economic actors, Economic development, Economic space, Emergence, Esdp, European commission, European communities, European convention secretariat, European integration, European planning studies, European regions, European trade axis, European union, Faludi, Fundamental rescaling, Geography, Global, Global cities, Global economy, Global gateways, Globalisation, Governance, Government office, Guilford press, Human geography, Iain, Iain deas, Intercity networks, International journal, International planning studies, Interreg, Interregional, Interregional disparities, Jessop, Keating, Large measure, Lincoln institute, Many cases, Many instances, Monocentric world cities, Nadin, National boundaries, Nwma, Oxford university press, Paper reports, Paris basin, Pivotal role, Planning provisions, Planning regimes, Planning visions, Policy actors, Policy initiatives, Political geography, Political space, Polycentric, Polycentric development, Polycentric regions, Polycentricity, Regional entities, Regional forms, Regional geography, Regional governance, Regional initiatives, Regional planning, Regional planning guidance, Regional policy, Regional research, Regional spaces, Regional studies, Regional territories, Regionalism, Regionalist, Regionalist ideas, Regionalist orthodoxy, Reinventing regions, Rescaling, Same time, Scalar, Social cohesion, Spatial, Spatial development, Spatial perspective, Spatial planning, Spatial planning provisions, Spatial vision, State restructuring, State spaces, Structural funds, Sustainable development, Sykes, Territorial cohesion, Territorial competitiveness, Territorial entities, Territorial organisation, Territorial reorganisation, Territorial restructuring, Territorial structure, Territorial units, Tijdschrift voor economische, Transnational, Uneven development, Urban governance, Urban regions, Urban studies, Virtual regions, West europe, Western europe.
Abstract
This paper reports on the results of research to explore a range of attempts to develop new regional forms, and considers the degree to which they accord to conceptualisations of the 'new regionalism' and accounts of the changing territorial structure of the state. It highlights the array of new regional configurations which now extends across the territory of the European Union, discussing the influence exerted by the growth of interest in European spatial planning over the course of the 1990s and considering the degree to which readings of new regionalist rhetoric have informed both the creation and substance of a number of recently conceived regional entities. The paper concludes by considering the implications posed by the growth of these new regional configurations for attempts to interpret the resealing of governance and the reterritorialisation of the state.
Url:
DOI: 10.1080/00420980600838143
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ISTEX:E46C65B8057389AC2647E305EDAB6C6FD4A3F635Le document en format XML
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The Emergence of Non-standard Regional Spaces and Lessons for the Territorial Reorganisation of the State</article-title></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Deas</surname><given-names>lain</given-names></name><aff>School of Environment and Development, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL, UK. <email xlink:type="simple">Iain.Deas@manchester.ac.uk</email></aff></contrib></contrib-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" xlink:type="simple"><name name-style="western"><surname>Lord</surname><given-names>Alex</given-names></name><aff>School of Environment and Development, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL, UK. <email xlink:type="simple">alexlord_99@yahoo.co.uk</email></aff></contrib></contrib-group><pub-date pub-type="ppub"><month>09</month><year>2006</year></pub-date><volume>43</volume><issue>10</issue><fpage>1847</fpage><lpage>1877</lpage><abstract><p>This paper reports on the results of research to explore a range of attempts to develop new regional forms, and considers the degree to which they accord to conceptualisations of the 'new regionalism' and accounts of the changing territorial structure of the state. It highlights the array of new regional configurations which now extends across the territory of the European Union, discussing the influence exerted by the growth of interest in European spatial planning over the course of the 1990s and considering the degree to which readings of new regionalist rhetoric have informed both the creation and substance of a number of recently conceived regional entities. The paper concludes by considering the implications posed by the growth of these new regional configurations for attempts to interpret the resealing of governance and the reterritorialisation of the state.</p></abstract><custom-meta-wrap><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>sagemeta-type</meta-name><meta-value>Journal Article</meta-value></custom-meta><custom-meta xlink:type="simple"><meta-name>search-text</meta-name><meta-value>1847 From a New Regionalism to an Unusual Regionalism? The Emergence of Non-standard Regional Spaces and Lessons for the Territorial Reorganisation of the State SAGE Publications, Inc.09/2006DOI: 10.1080/00420980600838143 lainDeas School of Environment and Development, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL, UK. Iain.Deas@manchester.ac.uk AlexLord School of Environment and Development, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL, UK. alexlord_99@yahoo.co.uk [Paper first received, May 2005; in final form, December 2005] This paper reports on the results of research to explore a range of attempts to develop new regional forms, and considers the degree to which they accord to conceptualisations of the 'new regionalism' and accounts of the changing territorial structure of the state. It highlights the array of new regional configurations which now extends across the territory of the European Union, discussing the influence exerted by the growth of interest in European spatial planning over the course of the 1990s and considering the degree to which readings of new regionalist rhetoric have informed both the creation and substance of a number of recently conceived regional entities. The paper concludes by considering the implications posed by the growth of these new regional configurations for attempts to interpret the resealing of governance and the reterritorialisation of the state. Introduction: State Reseating and the Emergence of New Territories of Governance Many of the most recent efforts to interpret what is seen as a resurgence of regionalism in Europe have focused upon the idea that the territorial organisation of the state has undergone a fundamental reshaping, associated with a process of glocalisation, in which the globalisation of economic activity is linked to an increase in the significance of cities and regions as economic actors (Brenner, 1998, 2001). This, it is argued, is reflected in a related series of institutional, political and policy changes in which politico-institutional space begins to accord to the putative new realities of internationa- lised economic space. Part of this is said to have involved substantive changes in the nature of policy intervention, primarily in order to enhance territorial competitiveness. Part has also involved a series of linked changes to structures of governance: a reterritorialisation of the state in which power has dislocated upwards (to an array of supranational institutional entities), downwards (to cities and regions) and, as Amin (2002) notes, 'outwards' (to non-state bodies) (see also Brenner, 1999, 2001; Hudson, 2003; Jessop, 1994, 2005; MacLeod and Goodwin, 1999; Swyngedouw, 1997, 2004). More recent accounts of this process of rescaling have focused on questions around the socio-political construction of scale. Much of this has emphasised that regions are not fixed territorial entities, but have been constructed and reconstructed in uneven ways that defy assumptions of hierarchical 1848 scalar neatness and which reflect struggle around issues of boundary and identity (Amin, 2002; Brenner, 2003a; Deas and Giordano, 2003; Herod and Wright, 2002; Marston, 2000; Paasi, 2004). Research in the wake of Collinge's (1999) 'relativisation of scale' thesis (and especially Jessop and Sum's (2000) notion of a glurbanisation process of state restructuring of urban spaces in the quest for international competitive advantage) has similarly emphasised the conflict-ridden and spatio-temporal unevenness of the changing scalar expression of the state and, in particular, the continuing central- ity of the nation-state (see also Jessop, 2000; Mansfield, 2005). Part of the result of this, it is argued, is that rescaling is manifested in quite different and sometimes conflicting ways, including the growth of networks of cities to create non-contiguous or virtual regions (see, for example, Allen et al., 1998; Heeg et al., 2003; Leitner and Sheppard, 2002; Phelps et al., 2002), the increasing significance of global city-regions (Scott, 1998, 2001), the revitalisation and changing substantive focus of longer-standing territorial forms based around administrative regions or more tightly drawn city-regions (see, for example, Brenner, 2003b; Parr, 2005) or the emergence of transborder regions that extend across nation-states (see, for example, Church and Reid, 1999; Clement and Sparrow, 2001; Scott, 1999; Siddaway, 2001). Nevertheless, the great bulk of these disparate readings of the changing spatial structure of the state has tended largely to focus on established territorial entities. To varying extents, they have highlighted the pivotal role played by the globalisation of economic activity in driving attempts to bolster different types of regional institution and initiative and, in doing so, enhance 'regional' competitive advantage. What is less prominent, however, is any attempt (within the context of these efforts to conceptualise regionalism) to enumerate and interpret the array of territorially contiguous new regional coalitions and institutions-what might be termed 'unusual regions'-that have begun to emerge, many of which transcend, and jar against, established territorially bounded bodies at regional and sub-national scales. This paper reports on research to explore a range of attempts to develop new regional forms and considers the degree to which they accord to attempts to conceptualise the shifting territorial structure of the state. It attempts to identify a range of 'new' regions and explores the extent to which the main elements of new regionalist thinking are reflected in the nature and form of emergent regionalism. In doing so, the paper focuses in particular upon the influence exerted by the growth of interest in European spatial planning over the course of the 1990s, and considers the degree to which new regional forms take any concrete form beyond loosely articulated planning 'visions'. It also assesses the balance between organic pressures for new multicity or polycentric regions and top-down EU encouragement for innovation in territorial governance and policy-making. The paper concludes by considering the implications posed by the growth of these new regional configurations for attempts to interpret the rescaling of governance and the reterritorialisation of the state. Competition, Cohesion and the Orchestration of New European Regions Much of the impetus for the creation of new regional territories in Europe derives from three principal and interrelated drivers, all central to thinking within the European Commission at various times. The first relates to efforts to reconceptualise European economic and political space, linked to the desire to make national boundaries more permeable and thereby improve the functioning of the single European market and help extend the process of European economic and monetary union (EMU) (Faludi, 1997, 2000; Nadin and Shaw, 1998). Secondly, the Commission has sought to promote competitiveness across the EU as a whole, partly by encouraging policy-makers to turn their attention towards the creation of new internationally significant territories of economic dynamism which could complement existing 1849 areas in and around, inter alia, London, Paris and, to a lesser extent, the Ruhrgebiet (Albrechts, 1998; Batten, 1995; CEC, 1991, 1999; Priemus, 1998). Thirdly, there has also been a policy emphasis on the promotion of territorial cohesion, the diminution of interregional disparities and the reduction of periph- erality, partly in order to assist in harmonising economic space, but also linked to a world-view that sees the maintenance of social cohesion as a prerequisite for competitiveness (AER, 1995; Faludi and Peyrony, 2001; Faludi and Waterhout, 2005; Husson, 2002; Tatzberger, 2003). These pressures have found institutional manifestation in a number of different ways. They were reflected in part in the creation, in March 1994, of the Committee of European Regions (COR). Although possessing few real powers and by the late 1990s of rapidly diminishing status and import, the creation of the COR (if not its subsequent operation) represented a significant shift in symbolic terms in that it appeared at the time to herald the prospect that regional governments within member-states would have an explicit link to EU decision-making and policy formulation. Although the COR was in part fuelled by pressure from regional and local governments which felt marginalised from EU decision-making, its advent was viewed by some as having wider significance. In particular, it was seen by some eyes as providing tangible embodiment of the underlying principle of a 'Europe of the regions' which, from the late 1980s, became fleetingly important as a result of the legitimacy it apparently accorded to a regionalist view of EU policy-making (even if, as Painter (2001) notes, the phrase was absent from official EU publications). By the mid-to-late 1990s, however, the rhetorical momentum underlying the 'Europe of the regions' had begun to dissipate, increasingly superseded by a less dramatic 'Europe with the regions' (Loughlin, 1999; Painter, 2001). Nonetheless, Keating (1996, p. 51) argues persuasively that, while tentative efforts to promote regional governance were evidently not the basis for some ill-defined and fanciful new European political order and while the 'hollowing-out' of the nation-state had been greatly overstated, what had emerged by the mid 1990s was a complex set of interrelationships in which politics at the scale of the EU had become more regiona- lised and sub-national territorial politics progressively more Europeanised. The process, in Huntoon's (2002) words, was a spasmodic one of 'muddling through towards a Europe of the regions'. This process has continued through a succession of documents produced by the Commission exhorting member-states to think and act regionally. The three reports on 'economic and social cohesion' published by the European Commission between 1996 and 2004 provide one example (European Commission, 1996, 2001, 2004). At the same time, the principle of 'territorial cohesion', based as much on reducing socioeconomic disparities on an interregional basis as an international one, has occupied an increasingly prominent position in European Commission thinking. It became enshrined in EU policy-making via Article 16 of the Treaty of Amsterdam, which talks of the need for 'harmonious, balanced and sustainable development of economic activities' (Tatzberger, 2003), while Article 3 of the abortive draft constitution for Europe also proclaimed a desire to "promote economic, social and territorial cohesion, and solidarity among Member-states" (European Convention Secretariat, 2003, p. 6). Notions of territorial cohesion also form the cornerstone of the approach of the Commission's regional policy directorate, DG Regio, which oversees policy instruments like the Structural Funds which seek partly to lessen interregional disparities for reasons of social equity, but also (and probably more significantly) to help boost the competitiveness of the EU as a whole. The interplay of regionalisation and Europeanisation has also been evident in the development of spatial planning provisions (Eser and Konstadakopulos, 2000; Shaw and Sykes, 2005). Some of this has related to initial and limited attempts to harmonise national spatial planning regimes as one 1850 small part of the wider (and on-going) process of EMU. Although it remains somewhat inexact and still far from finalised (Faludi et al., 2000), the European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP), developed over the course of the period 1988-99 by the now-disbanded Committee on Spatial Development, was the most significant step in this process. In particular, it sealed a commitment to territorial cohesion and proclaimed the view that the EU's future economic, social and political development should be based on the development of horizontally integrated geographical territories rather than on vertical sectors (Committee on Spatial Development, 1999, p. 35). Although it lacks any statutory force at the EU level and its application is entirely dependent upon the will of national, regional and local planning authorities (Williams, 1999), its effect has been to stimulate pioneering actions to begin to develop more meaningful spatial planning provisions within and across member-states and their regions. Part of this process, in the wake of the ESDP's concluding exhortation for policy actors in the member-states to consider the future shape of regions (Faludi, 2001, p. 668), has involved initial efforts to create new regional territorial structures, responding, for example, to the encouragement for territorial configurations based on "transEuropean ... polycentric development" (Committee on Spatial Development, 1999, p. 26), "develop- ment corridors" (Committee on Spatial Development, 1999, p. 70) or "polycentric ... crystallisation points for economic develop- ment" (Committee of the Regions, 2001, p. 4). Alongside the ESDP, the early 1990s saw the first, tentative attempts to delimit these new regional territories, with extensive cross-national regions outlined in Europe 2000 (European Commission, 1991) and its successor document Europe 2000 + (European Commission, 1994). These, in turn, paved the way for the later Interreg II and III initiatives, which involved a range of experimental territorially based initiatives. These included the seven transnational mega-regions, aimed at developing 'visions' setting a broad (and typically somewhat less than precise) framework to guide the work of constituent regional and national governments in developing spatial planning provisions, and at guiding and responding to the range of smaller, often-experimental projects undertaken under Interreg auspices (Nadin and Shaw, 1998; Nadin, 2002; Williams, 1996). Although only four of the seven mega-regions subsequently finalised 'vision' documents (Nadin, 2002), the top-down aspiration to create transnational regional entities, configured very much along non-standard lines, reflects the longstanding desire from within parts of the European Commission to develop territorial units-whether configured along familiar lines or otherwise-to promote its wider agenda for enhanced competitiveness. Mapping Unbounded Regionalism It is within this context that the proliferation of new regional entities can best be understood. From the 1990s onwards, a range of new territorial structures and initiatives has been superimposed upon the EU's established political geography. Many of these new entities relate in large measure to top-down admonitions to develop imaginative configurations that straddle established national and regional boundaries, in line with spatial planning imperatives which themselves reflect the deeper (but still far from realised) desire on the part of the European Commission to regu- larise land use planning regimes and remove international and interregional anomalies in the way in which economic development is regulated. The momentum underlying this process is exemplified by Figure 1, which illustrates the bewildering array of collaborative initiatives that have emerged in line with the European Commission's efforts to stimulate new interregional, intercity and transnational collaborative initiatives in economic development and spatial planning. The map is an elaborate one of confusing, overlapping boundaries, reflecting both the infancy of many of the initiatives, their often-experimental nature and, in many cases, their continuing struggle to establish 1851 legitimacy and permanency. This map of new, 'unbounded' regionalism stands in marked contrast to the familiar map of European NUTS II (Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics) administrative regions that form the basis for the allocation of most EU Structural Fund resources (Smith, 2004). That many of the new regional configurations are in direct competition both with each other and with longer-established administrative regions-is evidenced graphically by the map (see also, Keating, 1998; Prigge and Ronneberger, 1996). One illustration of the volume and complexity of territory-building activity of this type is provided by the assortment of initiatives in and around the Baltic. The North European Trade Axis (NETA), Vision and Strategies Around the Baltic (VASAB), the Sapphire Arc, the New Hanseatic Interregio, the Baltyk Euregio and others extend across the Baltic and the administrative regions and nation-states that encircle it. The principal stimuli for the emergence of these new regional configurations in and around the Baltic are three-fold. They relate, first, to the end of the Cold War, which enabled longstanding trading routes to be reinstituted and bottom-up efforts to begin to bring the Baltic states and Poland back into mainstream trade in the EU by brokering alliances with existing member-state regions. The Union of Baltic Cities and the Northern Development Action Plan, as Baeten (2004) notes, provide examples of bottom-up entities that emerged in this way. Secondly, these initial elemental innovations were reinforced by subsequent Commission-led efforts to formal- ise some of the new alliances via policy initiatives such as Interreg, especially in the lead-up to EU enlargement (Baeten, 2004). Thirdly, the traditionally high profile accorded to spatial planning in northern Europe, as is evident from Figure 1, meant a particular desire to take forward interregional and transnational alliances which had planning goals at the core of their remit. Across the EU more generally, the precise balance of power between many of the competing entities shown in Figure 1 varies capriciously, reflecting a wider tendency for the pattern of new regions to alter as initiatives emerge and fade. Given that many of these and other such alliances and institutions have tried to develop exploratory spatial planning visions, there is perhaps a degree of irony in the fact that, rather than begin a move towards greater standardisation in strategic planning provisions across the EU as a whole, one of the results of the resurgence of new regional entities of these types has been to create a series of often-competing spatial development prototypes. Nevertheless, it is immediately clear that the desire to develop strategic spatial planning provisions is central to the emergence of many of the plethora of new regional initiatives. Of the 146 initiatives shown in Figure 1 and listed in Table 1, no less than 39 have the development of strategic spatial plans (or, more commonly, less precise precursory 'visions') as one of their central, and in some cases defining, goals. Alongside strategic visions, however, spatial planning efforts in other instances have revolved around more workaday issues of co-operation and co-ordination, arguably more in accordance with the European Commission's desire to resolve the practical impediments to economic development engendered by international and interregional inconsistencies across different land use planning regimes. Such a goal has been at the heart of many of the 75 initiatives shown in Figure 1 which focus on border areas (see the Appendix, Table Al). Some of these exhibit profound qualitative differences from the mega-regions, with their self-professed 'global' focus and the audacious underpinning aspiration fundamentally to re-order-to rescale- the EU's geography. By contrast, regional and national cross-border collaborative initiatives, some of them with relatively lengthy histories, have focused on routine issues of intergovernmental co-operation in relation to environmental protection, heritage and tourism, vocational training, small- business support, transport linkages and sundry unglamorous areas of activity. Yet while the ESDP and Interreg have been important in prompting the emergence of new 1852 Figure 1. The 'new regionalism' in Europe. Key: see Table 1. 1853 1854 1855 regional territories and embryonic institutions, it would be wrong to say that their impact on the resurgence of regionalism based on standard administrative areas has been, for the most part, anything other than modest. In an English context, for example, other factors have been of considerably greater import (Tomaney, 2002). Nevertheless, the ESDP has exerted a degree of influence (particularly, and perhaps uniquely, in the UK) and, again in a British context, this has been especially evident in the period since the election of the Blair government in 1997 (Tewdwr-Jones et al., 2000; Shaw and Sykes, 2005; Sykes and Shaw, 2005). The system of Regional Planning Guidance (RPG), encouraged by national Planning Policy Guidance (ODPM, 2000), was compelled to take cognisance of ESDP provisions, giving the latter, as Faludi (2001, p. 672) notes, almost the status of a broad, indirect and unintentional national plan. Equally, some of the new regionalist principles that have emerged in tandem with, and have underpinned, the ESDP are reflected in English RPG. For example, notions of interurban polycentricity (as Richardson and Jensen, 2000, and Davoudi, 2003, note) and transborder trading corridors-notably NETA- infuse the RPG documents of the North West and Yorkshire and the Humber, both of which explicitly acknowledge the ESDP and the Interreg mega-regions (GONW, 2002; GOYH, 2001). These are concerns that are set to continue to be prominent in English regional planning, with the statutory Regional Spatial Strategies introduced from 2004 required by government guidance to reflect not only the provisions of the ESDP, but also to take account of Interreg III, the related ESPON research programme and the EU Structural Funds (ODPM, 2004, p. 8) (although Sykes and Shaw (2005) argue that this national guidance gives less prominence to the ESDP than in the years immediately preceding). But despite this, it is new regionalist ideas themselves and, more concretely, the related devolution of powers to regions and nations within the UK, rather than the ESDP directly, that have been of significantly greater importance in fuelling regionalism in England. It is to the influence of these new regionalist ideas in shaping the emerging regional configurations that the paper now turns. The Influence of 'New Regionalist' Discourse It is clear, then, that much of the impetus for the emergence of new regional entities derives from the need to synchronise spatial planning provisions across EU member-states and administrative regions. But it also draws-in some cases, consciously and explicitly-from the discourse that surrounds conceptual readings of new regionalism. The myriad rhetorical espousals of new regionalism have clearly had geographically extensive, if as yet largely symbolic and perhaps superficial, impact. The existence of the near 150 new regional entities shown in Figure 1 and listed in Table 1-which collectively stand in marked contrast to the extant geography of regionalism, based on established administrative areas-provides one illustration of the potency of such arguments. What is significant here is that, although the arguments underlying the new regionalism, on both conceptual and practical levels, are eminently contestable, they have exerted extraordinary influence on policy-makers, and part of the result has been the multiplication of efforts to remap the EU's regional geography. As Lovering (2001) notes, one consequence has been to re-energise longer-established regional bodies and to create a marked growth in 'regionally badged' economic development initiatives, committed, in various ways and to varying extents, to what might be described as the new regionalist orthodoxy that 'thick' networks of regionally based institutions can help to support intimately integrated lattices of globally competitive firms. But at the same time, it is also clear that the new regionalist treatise is a significant contributory factor underlying the creation of regions defined and delimited in hitherto atypical ways. Figure 1 provides a striking diagrammatic representation of the remarkable degree to which new regionalist 1856 narratives have informed the actions of policy actors and contributed to the emergence of these novel and unusually demarcated spaces. The boundaries of a number of these areas, reflecting their immaturity, appear in many instances to be arbitrary: imagined regions and oddly configured 'corridors' whose often curious geography bears little relation to functional integrity in terms of culture and identity, socioeconomic circumstances, political disposition or geomorphology. To Hebbert (2000, p. 385) they reflect the "broad brush geography of the European Union". They are "'imaginary' spaces envisioned by poli- ticians" (Church and Reid, 1999, p. 654) and often delimited not in relation to functional geographies, but in a wholly subjective way involving "the map and the pencil" (van Houtum and Lagendijk, 2001, p. 765), with the effect that their fundamentally different ... culture [and] socio-political and physical-geographical circumstances ... [make] their proposed commonality somewhat difficult to see (Herrschel and Newman, 2002, p. 48). Yet there is a degree of logic underlying their delimitation. First, many (and particularly the mega-regions) were delineated consciously to grate against existing nation-state boundaries. In part, this was an attempt to ensure that new institutions and policy initiatives would transcend national borders, thereby helping to harmonise land use planning regimes and (more broadly) contributing to the "frictionless mobility" of labour and capital across the EU (Dabinett and Richardson, 2005, p. 215). To some authors, this was viewed in the 1990s as part of a wider attempt to continue to bolster the power of sub-national territorial units at the expense of member-states (Gripaios and Mangles, 1993; Zonneveld, 1995). Secondly, many of these new regions reflect the view that size is critical: that extensive regional territories are necessary to assist in the process of international competition with existing global cities. This goes part of the way to explaining what appears on first inspection to be a forced, manufactured and unusual delimitation, often reflected in the prominence of the notion of polycentricity in the literature on European spatial planning. However, much of this policy literature, upon closer inspection, appears to employ the concept of polycentricity in a fundamentally different way from the manner in which it is often used in the academic literature, "in that it moves away from the analytical utility of the concept towards its normative values" (Davoudi, 2003, p. 988; see also Davoudi, 1999). This reflects a discursive shift in which a neo-liberal growth agenda has been grafted on to a longer-standing desire to promote sustainability through polycentric linkage, with environmental concerns viewed by many as increasingly subordinate to economic goals (see, for example, Richardson and Jensen, 2000). The tension between these contrasting perceptions of polycentricity stems from a well-documented historical view of polynucleated regional territories as functional spaces, delimited by optimal travel-to-work times of typically between 30 and 60 minutes, in which planning can be exercised in an ordered and logical way (see, Batten, 1995; Bailey and Turok, 2001; Blumenfeld, 1971; Davoudi, 2002, 2003; Geddes, 1915). The upshot of this tension between conceptions of polycentricity is that, whilst much is made of the potential economic benefits of associational behaviour and co-operation between cities within polycentric areas through the mechanism of agglomeration economics (Krugman, 1991; Porter, 1990), much less significance is attached to the implications of such regional constructs for the ESDP's aim of promoting a "spatial development with the area's ecological and cultural functions and hence [contributing] to a sustainable, and balanced territorial development" (CEC, 1999, p.10). As Hague and Kirk (2003, p. 20) note, "the ESDP has a strong environmental emphasis but this is not integrated into the discussion on polycentric development". Instead, the focus is clearly upon developing the idea that combinations of cities with apparently limited levels of functional interaction can, through deliberate collaboration and the development of complementary economic 1857 niches, provide medium-sized cities-for example, those within polynucleated urban regions like the Randstad, the Ruhrgebeit or the more broadly conceived 'Flemish Diamond'-with a realistic means of challenging the international ascendancy of genuinely 'global' cities like London, New York and Tokyo (Albrechts, 1998; Bailey and Turok, 2001; Dieleman and Faludi, 1998; Docherty et al., 2004; Faludi, 2001; Hague and Kirk, 2003; Parr, 2003; Priemus, 1998). The seemingly contrived nature of such intercity linkages-what Herrshel and Newman (2002) call 'marriages of convenience'-is a reflection, in this respect, of the practical difficulty of developing meaningful regional territories embracing medium-sized cities which collectively possess the size deemed necessary to enable competition with the existing monocentric world cities. Yet, although numerous authors have questioned the degree to which many putative polycentric regions in reality operate in a functionally integrated way (see, for example, Bailey and Turok, 2001; Kloosterman and Lambregts, 2001; Lambooy, 1998), there are several instances of attempts to delineate large regions of this type. For example, the Norvision document generated by the North Sea mega-region, one of the seven such regions established as part of Interreg II, concluded that further work is merited on how best to realise the benefits from 'intercity co-operation networks' (Planco, 2000). In not dissimilar vein, the Interreg Baltic Sea Region's VASAB document asserts that one of its key priorities is to raise the competitiveness of urban regions ... and thus to enhance a polycentric urban system ... [and] ... to make powerful metropolitan regions stronger at the international scale (Conference of Ministers for Spatial Planning, 2001, p. 21). Exhibiting the widespread tendency in European spatial planning to deal in extravagant metaphor (Jensen and Richardson, 2003), the VASAB goal is one that envisages a polycentric grouping of 'pearls' --cities-linked by 'strings' (improved infrastructure) (Scott, 2002). Concerns about engendering polycentric regions have also underlain strategic planning visions developed by more localised groupings. One example is provided by the Interreg lie study, Cities and Networking: the Baltic Sea Region, which highlighted the 0resund (Copenhagen-Malmo) area as an example of an existing, if relatively small, transnational polycentric region whose underlying principles might be extended to more extensive areas like the Gulf of Finland, an area comprising Stockholm, Helsinki, Tallin, Riga and St Petersburg, which could eventually operate as a functional multicentred 'global' region (Groth, 2001, p. 13). Another is the Franco-Belgian cross-border region covering cities within the Brussels Capital, Flanders and Wal- lonia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais regions (including Lille Metropole, Antwerp, Ghent, Charleroi, Dunkirk, Liege, Valenciennes and Brussels) (Mission Interministerielle et Inter- regionale d'Amenagement du Territoire des Pays du Nord, 2002). In contrast to the visions of Interreg mega-regions like the North and Baltic Seas, the case for developing this more localised set of intercity alliances as part of a broader polycentric region was not one obliquely acknowledging arguments about geographically 'balanced growth', 'territorial cohesion' and the presumed need to offset economic overheating in Europe's core and rebalance the uneven development characteristic of the EU's regional geography. Instead, the vision was one of the Franco-Belgian area at the core of a European heart- land-a part of Brunet's (1989) 'banane bleue'-benefiting from its proximity to, and linkages with, the `mega-attracteurs' of London, Ile-de-France, the Randstad and the Rhine-Ruhr complex. But as with the mega-regions, the argument pursued revolves firmly around the core tenets of the new regionalist orthodoxy: the language used is not French but the international neo-liberal one of 'recherche et l'innovation', `poles en emergence' and 'nouveaux corridors'. The thrust of the approach adopted by groupings such as Franco-Belgian cross-border 1858 coalition of cities and regions emphasises that enhancing territorial competitiveness is the principal goal. In this sense, their efforts support the contention of Scott (2002) that European spatial planning and regional policy are driven to a large extent by the agenda of the European 'core', based on a view that the global competitiveness of the EU is best served by reinforcing and extending the roughly defined core around London and the Paris basin. However, it is also the case that this world-view is challenged by aspects of European spatial planning and regional policy which emphasise territorial equity concerns and highlight a need for balanced growth and, by implication, redistribution. But also lying alongside efforts to reinforce the core are regional entities that reflect a view that sees territorially balanced growth not in terms of socioeconomic redistribution, but in terms of a perceived need to stimulate the development of new regions that can compete in international terms, linked to the broader desire, as part of the EU Lisbon Strategy, to make Europe the world's most competitive knowledge-based economy (Faludi and Waterhout, 2005, p. 331). As Hague and Kirk (2003) note, the argument is that the `Pentagon'-bounded by London, Paris, Milan, Munich and Hamburg-is Europe's only area of global economic significance, in comparison with four the authors identify in North America. The response has involved not just trying to bolster the existing core, but trying in addition to construct new territories that could augment it, based on an approach that prioritises supply-side revitalisation of local economies and views social intervention as critical (the latter as a means of instilling the cohesion felt necessary to underpin competitiveness, rather than as an end in itself). Building a North West Metropolitan Area One of the most instructive illustrations of the pervasiveness of this kind of philosophy is provided by the North West Metropolitan Area (NWMA) mega-region, covering seven EU member-states (Republic of Ireland, UK, Belgium and Luxemburg in their entirety, and parts of the Netherlands, France and Germany), plus Switzerland (see Table 2). Its evolution under Interreg II, via the development of a spatial vision and associated pilot projects, was funded through a budget of some ~892 million. A further ~656 million was made available for the Interreg III programme which began in 2002 and runs to 2006, and which was established to focus more explicitly on issues of implementation rather than research. The central aim of the NWMA is to respond to the ESDP agenda, and the broader drive for EU integration, by setting out a framework through which to guide the implementation of a range of projects which, in future, will help to meet a number of goals, the quintessence of which revolves around: facilitating interurban linkages within the NWMA territory and thereby bolstering constituent cities' standing in the global economy; improving intraregional and extraregional communications (with particular focus on internal waterways and maritime linkages); and protecting and promoting cultural and environmental assets. There are also avowals of support for broader goals of reducing global environmental impact and encouraging a more equitable distribution of wealth, but these ambitious-and, if one was being critical, platitudinous and tokenistic-ideals are very much in the background: the document revolves firmly around a hub of spatial planning concerns linked to economic competitiveness goals. Perhaps the most significant and revealing output from the NWMA in its initial years was the publication of a schematic spatial vision (Figure 2), encapsulating some of the broader goals underlying the Interreg programme. The tentativeness and vagueness of the accompanying vision document, its consciously draft feel and the copious invitations for 'discussion' within it, reflect the predictable difficulty in brokering agreement across a wide variety of existing regional territories in what is incontestably a complex cultural, economic and political space (Nadin, 2002). But although the vision, in 1859 Table 2. The North West Metropolitan Area Interreg region: key elements 1860 Figure 2. North-west Europe draft 'Spatial Vision'. Source: NWMA (2000). 1861 strategic planning terms, is a broad-brush and preliminary one, separate from the formal plan-making processes of constituent national and regional territories and lacking the formal imprimatur of government, its makeup nevertheless provides some telling pointers about the influence of new regionalist thinking and the way in which it has begun to be interpreted and applied by policy-makers. One example centres on the concept of global gateways- another variant of the polycentric urban region concept-which the spatial vision ardently propounds. It suggests the long-term development of three polycentric areas-Saar- land-Lorraine-Luxemburg, Lille-Brussels and the North (Manchester-Li verpool-Shef- field-Leeds) and Midlands of England-as 'counterweights' to correct the overheating claimed to characterise the European core around London, the South East of England and the Paris basin (NWMA, 2000). This, as we have seen, draws partly (and in some cases directly) on academic research prosely- tising the merits of developing polycentric linkages between cities as a means of enabling more effective competition with existing monocentric world cities. It also draws explicitly, as Faludi (2001, p. 670) notes, on the ESDP's stand-point that a key priority for the competitiveness of the EU is to increase the number of 'global economic integration zones' along the lines of the supposed London -Paris-Milan- Munich - Hamburg 'pentagon'. This is a radical-and, to some, implausible-goal which relates directly to customary readings of the new regionalism (although it is interesting to note that the development of global gateways is posited not just on competitiveness grounds, but on the quasi- redistributional grounds of creating counterweights to the dominance of London, Paris and their immediate regional hinterlands, and on the environmental grounds that the retention of interaction within a relatively confined interurban area is more sustainable than the longer-distance links held to characterise the globalisation of economic activity). But the means by which this ambitious goal is to be achieved are much more traditional in their outlook, focusing in large measure on securing infrastructural links, developing telecommunications, capitalising on higher-education research capacity, harnessing firm innovation and encouraging the formation of Porterian clusters of firms. While the spatial planning vision is one that speaks in expansive terms of securing global status and achieving 'world class' standing, the practical dimension is tied in particular to the imperatives of transport, with new and improved communications at the heart of the NWMA agenda. In this sense, the vision is one driven by the technocratic perspectives of public officials, with little or no involvement either from communities or businesses, and with no discernible political involvement beyond largely ceremonial launch events (Nadin, 2002). But as Faludi (2001, p. 674) argues, the NWMA and the spatial vision are at the vanguard of attempts to refine and apply the ESDP, offering an initial, and potentially very influential, prototype for other policy actors to take forward. Interpreting the Emergence of New Regional Configurations How, then, might we interpret the emergence of this abundance of different new regional configurations? Might it be possible, for example, to view them as representing part of a collision of competing spatialities, as some of the literature on the rescaling of the state implies (Baeten, 2004; Keating, 1998; Le Gales, 1998; Storper, 1997)? In some senses, these new regional spaces accord perfectly with some of the main lineaments of the arguments that the state is undergoing a fundamental transformation of its territorial organisation, as the inherited post-Westphalian arrangement of political borders of which the likes of Anderson (1996) and Cerny (2004) write is recast under what is viewed as the coercive force of globalising late capitalism. The advent of new regional spaces within Europe, it could be argued, reflects Smith's (1993) widely employed notion of a 'jumping of scales' in which socio-political and socioeconomic forces, through processes of contestation and struggle, find new 1862 'power geometries' (Massey, 1993) via the promulgation of a neo-liberalist competition- at-any-cost agenda. The result, it is contended, is the formation of regional enclaves dictated by conditions of perceived agglomerative optimisation (Brenner, 2003b; Brenner et al., 2003; Keating, 2001; MacLeod and Goodwin, 1999; Murphy, 1996) which, to critics, become the "imagined unit of competition" (Lovering, 1999, p. 392). This, it could be argued, is reflected in regionally based economic development policy-making of differing geographical form, challenging, in some cases, established political and institutional spaces and their modus operandi. Yet this only provides partial support for arguments around the territorial reorganisation of the state. Any argument that the new regions documented in this paper represent a fundamental rescaling of governance and policy-making has to be tempered, as we have seen, by the limited resources and standing of many of the new institutions and their policy initiatives. Equally, it is also clear that the emergence of these new spaces has tended to be driven in the main by particular categories of local or regional policy actor (notably economic development officers) in conjunction with supranational institutions, with other elite groupings playing much less prominent roles. National-state actors, in the majority of cases, have tended to occupy a subordinate role, often simply licensing the development of new regional initiatives which are seen as modest, uncontentious and unthreatening. The position of capital, likewise, is also typically less than prominent, certainly in the context of the UK, where what business involvement there is has tended for the most part not to extend beyond perfunctory support for regional initiatives, where they are seen as broadly pro-growth and business-friendly (Deas, 2006; Valler et al., 2004). Much of the literature on the rescaling of governance and policy-making emphasises conflict across institutions organised around different, and sometimes overlapping, territories : what Brenner, echoing Jessop (2000), has called the process of state restructuring as an openended, conflictual dialectic rather than as a unilinear transition from one state form to another (Brenner, 2003b, p. 308). Given the non-standard configuration of most of the new regional spaces highlighted in this paper, it might be expected, then, that conflict would be a feature of relations with established, conventionally configured territories that relate to standard administrative regions or the more narrowly drawn city-regions (or even, assuming the most extreme vision of the hollowed-out-state thesis, to nation-states themselves). There is little evidence to suggest that this is the case. Indeed, the impetus for the creation of many or most of the new regional spaces, although stemming originally in many instances from the European Commission, has derived in no small measure from the existing standard administrative regions-and from policy elites related to established politico-institutional territories, rather than from alternative groups of policy or economic actors seeking to wrestle control from existing axes of power, or fundamentally to realign policy with pro-growth concerns (Zonneveld, 2005). In this sense the emergence of new regional spaces can perhaps be read as emerging as a result of a political response to a perceived (but questionable) economic necessity. From this perspective, the emergence of such spaces echoes other research highlighting the dynamic between political and economic forces in the reterritorialisation of the state (Jones and MacLeod, 2004). This absence of interinstitutional or cross-scalar struggle is itself instructive in that most of the literature on rescaling implies that the birth of new regional entities is characterised by contestation and conflict with branches of the state organised around different territories, and perhaps particularly nation-states. Just as there is little or no evidence of significant conflict with 'old' regions, so too there are few if any indications of conflict with nation-states. In many cases- in the UK, for example (DETR, 2000; DTLR, 2002)-nation-states sometimes actively 1863 encourage the creation of these intermediate political spaces, even if this is largely to assist in meeting the short-term expedient goal of securing a larger share of EU resources (and even if nation-state encouragement is rarely enthusiastic or high-profile). In this sense, the new regional spaces highlighted in this paper represent a form of rescaling which, in contrast to the manifest conflicts around other forms of regionalism (see, for example, Deas and Ward, 2000; Jones and MacLeod, 2004), is largely devoid of struggle: one that is actively promoted at the supranational scale, enthusiastically advanced by many existing sub-national bodies and typically receives the pragmatic endorsement of nation-states. A second and related question concerns the extent to which the new regional spaces are likely to endure, or evolve merely as short-lived 'aspirational spaces'. The relatively limited record of success in fostering associational behaviour within existing polynucleated regions (Kramsch, 2002), on the one hand, makes it tempting to dismiss them as transient experimental regions, driven by a dissonant combination of policy-maker whimsy and a more concrete desire to maximise policy resources, but bearing little relationship to the realities of functional economic and political space, and likely to disappear as rapidly as they emerged. Their support, in many cases, derives almost entirely from a relatively narrow cadre of public policy-makers, and it would be difficult to argue (in contrast to, say, experience in South East England (While et al., 2004)) that many have emerged as a direct response to the desire of local capital for reshaped forms of regulation. But in the light of the absence of conflict in and around these new regional spaces, it could also be contended, conversely, that their future is likely to be a secure one, their outlook one of increasing significance underwritten by institutions across spatial scales. The truth is probably somewhere between these two extremes. Part of the very appeal of the new regional spaces is precisely because they constitute an unthreatening presence. In the still-unlikely event that they were to become better resourced, their boundaries more formally recognised and their existence underpinned by the emergence of new or stronger types of popular identity, then the kind of low-level consensual support that has hitherto existed could well begin to unravel. In this light, the real significance of the new regional spaces may be as a manifestation (even if it is only a transient one) of the ideological desire amongst policy actors to reinforce and extend what they perceive to be the imperative to rescale governance. This undercurrent of policy, predicated upon a set of mediated, normative desires, is given expression by Davoudi who contends that instead of being used to describe an existing or emerging reality, the concept [of polycentricity] is coming to determine that reality (Davoudi, 2002, p. 117). The same could be said of policy actor efforts to reconstruct spaces to produce scales perceived as conducive to realising the right "atmosphere" (Jones and Jones, 2004, p. 415) or "business climate" (Cox, 2004, p. 186). As Brenner notes much of the new discourse regarding regional economic competitiveness and the purported constraints imposed by global territorial competition is profoundly ideological, for it has served to normalise the uneven socio-spatial effects of economic restructuring and state retrenchment in the interests of dominant regional class fractions, growth coalitions and political elites (Brenner, 2003b, p. 306; see also Jones and Jones, 2004). In this sense, it is possible to argue that the new regional spaces, while clearly not yet representing any fundamental reorganisation of state territoriality, could symbolise an additional dimension of rescaling, a projection on reality, in which governance is not so much being redistributed upwards, downwards or outwards, as displaced sideways and expressed in new ways-as potential spaces for the accommodation of economic development. The new regions, in this respect, are not 1864 'new' in themselves, but a different expression of an existing phenomenon. In other words, they do not so much supplant existing sub-national structures and provide an incipient and modest challenge to the ascendancy of nation-states (as a crude reading of the rescaling literature might imply) as augment a complex, multidimensional pattern of state reterritorialisation-a a further 'filling-in' of the state (Jones et al., 2005), in which the national state retains a pivotal role (Mansfield, 2005). In this sense, new regional spaces constitute one element in a wider process of reterritorialisation of the state, in which 'hollowing out' at a national scale is only the beginning of a series of steps that ultimately lead to widely differing settlements at a more local and regional level (Goodwin et al., 2005, p. 425). This presents a future vision of new regional spaces that may exist fleetingly, as the impermanent spatial fixity of neo-liberalism searches out new "regulatory surfaces" (Jones and Jones, 2004, p. 410; see also, Jessop, 1999), but which nonetheless represents one part of the broader search for new territorial 'solutions'. Those that are likely to evolve beyond transitory 'aspirational spaces' and acquire greater permanency are likely to continue to be those which provide functionality in terms of top-down policies, particularly those (like Interreg) which provide tangible incentive for institution-building based on non-standard territories which traverse regional or national boundaries and/or which contribute to broader supranational policy goals (whether in terms of strategic transport axes, the facilitation of international economic integration or the bolstering of EU-wide competitiveness). Conclusion: Towards the Territorial Restructuring of the State and (Another) 'New Regionalism'? Numerous new regional configurations now festoon the map of Europe. Running in tandem with the growth of interest in European spatial planning over the course of the 1990s, there has been a proliferation of competing, overlapping and sometimes ephemeral 'new' regional groupings, which stand in marked contrast to the ordered, stable and formal administrative regions of Europe. It is clear that many of these new regions draw, sometimes explicitly, on the disputed arguments encapsulated by the new regionalism, which, although profoundly questionable, continue to exert a powerful discursive pull on policy actors. While a large part of the impetus for their creation derives from top-down promptings associated with the effort to begin to create EU-wide spatial planning provisions, it is also the case that the language they employ, and the policy measures they advocate, are firmly in line with the ideas underlying conceptualisations of the new regionalism. Equally, it is clear that the strategies being pursued by many of these new regional entities are largely symbolic and confined to date mainly to the realms of rhetoric. Many of the new regional entities espouse an ambitious and expansive, globally fixated rhetoric which, as Nadin (2002) argues, not infrequently comprises vague and vacuous 'non-visionary visions': what Perry (2002), in the different context of metropolitan region-building in North America, has called 'regionalist happy talk'. But at the same time, their emergence can be seen as significant in commencing a very lengthy process of co-operation based on networks of policy actors that attempt to transcend-and less commonly try to challenge--established regional and national boundaries (Perkmann, 1999). They can be interpreted, in this respect, as an additional facet of the rescaling of governance: they represent a new layer of region superimposed on existing regional institutional and political geographies, adding to the potential for cross-scalar conflict within the context of multilevel governance (Nadin, 2002; Perkmann, 1999). Whether this can be interpreted as signifying a more fundamental element of an underlying shift in the territorial organisation of the state remains questionable. There is now a strong body of opinion that earlier 1865 conceptions of the rescaling of governance were posited on a reified view of the 'hollowing-out' of the nation-state that was in retrospect greatly oversimplified (see, for example, Brenner, 2004). The existence of these incipient new regions does not gainsay such a view, but confirms that, in a very modest and invariably tentative way, some resources and powers have begun to coalesce around regions configured in non-standard ways. There is no evidence to support the implausible and far-fetched contention that this represents another part of a fundamental rescaling which challenges the primacy of nation-states. But it does offer the suggestion that another 'new regionalism' can be discerned : one which moves away from conceptions of the region based solely around either functional metropolitan areas or cultu- rally and administratively distinct provincial regions, and towards non-standard areas that relate to ideological perceptions of the changing nature of economic space. Even if the assumption that such spaces really are functioning, integrated economic entities is largely illusory and rooted in nothing more than policy-maker aspiration, the existence of these new regions, and the substance of the policy approaches they embody, does provide a further indication of organic desires from policy and business elites for politico-institutional territories which relate to their views of the governance and regulation of economic space at different scales, from the EU as a whole down to more disag- gregated regions. This is not to advance any claim for the desirability of this new form of regionalism as a means of promoting economic revitalisation, but simply to acknowledge that it has begun to exert a powerful lure to policy-makers and that it could conceivably represent a new scalar axis which could offset the momentum characteristic of changes in spatial governance at other scales (for example, for the English standard regions until 2004, or the English provincial city-regions in the early-mid 2000s). This, in turn, provides support for some of the more rounded attempts to conceptualise the resurgence of regionalism. The transience of some of the new regional structures, and their shifting composition and spatial focus, for example, is in line with the 'fuzzy regionalism' -flexibly configured regions of varying shape, in response to changing imperatives over time-which has been identified in a North American context (Foster, 2001). It also reconfirms the conclusions of Brenner (2001) and Smith (2004) that, in contrast to the 'old' fixed and bounded regions, new forms of regionalism are associated with a sort of territorial flux in which spaces are rapidly and repeatedly redefined, recreated and reshuffled, triggered by aspirations and tensions that shift over time. The result is what Herrschel and Newman (2002, p. 23) refer to as the emergence of a "map of Europe [comprising] ... a patchwork of territories with changing boundaries". It is also clear that the globalisation of economic activity—or, more accurately, the perception amongst policy actors that glocalisation is an inexorable process to which they are required to respond-and the associated rescaling are stimulating the emergence and development of a variety of territorial entities. 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The Emergence of Non-standard Regional Spaces and Lessons for the Territorial Reorganisation of the State</title></titleInfo><titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>From a New Regionalism to an Unusual Regionalism? The Emergence of Non-standard Regional Spaces and Lessons for the Territorial Reorganisation of the State</title></titleInfo><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">lain</namePart><namePart type="family">Deas</namePart><affiliation>School of Environment and Development, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL, UK.</affiliation><affiliation>E-mail: Iain.Deas@manchester.ac.uk</affiliation></name><name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Alex</namePart><namePart type="family">Lord</namePart><affiliation>School of Environment and Development, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL, UK.</affiliation><affiliation>E-mail: alexlord_99@yahoo.co.uk</affiliation></name><typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource><genre type="research-article" displayLabel="research-article"></genre><originInfo><publisher>Sage Publications</publisher><place><placeTerm type="text">Sage UK: London, England</placeTerm></place><dateIssued encoding="w3cdtf">2006-09</dateIssued><copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2006</copyrightDate></originInfo><language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm><languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm></language><physicalDescription><internetMediaType>text/html</internetMediaType></physicalDescription><abstract lang="en">This paper reports on the results of research to explore a range of attempts to develop new regional forms, and considers the degree to which they accord to conceptualisations of the 'new regionalism' and accounts of the changing territorial structure of the state. It highlights the array of new regional configurations which now extends across the territory of the European Union, discussing the influence exerted by the growth of interest in European spatial planning over the course of the 1990s and considering the degree to which readings of new regionalist rhetoric have informed both the creation and substance of a number of recently conceived regional entities. The paper concludes by considering the implications posed by the growth of these new regional configurations for attempts to interpret the resealing of governance and the reterritorialisation of the state.</abstract><relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>Urban Studies</title></titleInfo><genre type="journal">journal</genre><identifier type="ISSN">0042-0980</identifier><identifier type="eISSN">1360-063X</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID">USJ</identifier><identifier type="PublisherID-hwp">spusj</identifier><part><date>2006</date><detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption><number>43</number></detail><detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption><number>10</number></detail><extent unit="pages"><start>1847</start><end>1877</end></extent></part></relatedItem><identifier type="istex">E46C65B8057389AC2647E305EDAB6C6FD4A3F635</identifier><identifier type="DOI">10.1080/00420980600838143</identifier><identifier type="ArticleID">10.1080_00420980600838143</identifier><recordInfo><recordContentSource>SAGE</recordContentSource></recordInfo></mods></metadata><serie></serie></istex></record>Pour manipuler ce document sous Unix (Dilib)
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