MusicSarreV3, Istex, Corpus, bibRecord, 001319

New managerialism and Australian police organizations

Identifieur interne : 001319 ( Istex/Corpus ); précédent : 001318; suivant : 001320

New managerialism and Australian police organizations

Auteurs : Margaret H. Vickers ; Alexander Kouzmin

Source :

International Journal of Public Sector Management [ 0951-3558 ] ; 2001-02-01.

RBID : ISTEX:B98B6B6F175A1A35AE7E6B55E1A44A31A9DE04F1

English descriptors

Teeft :
- Administrative science, Administrative theory, Allen unwin, Alternative views, Australian, Australian police, Australian police organizations, Black humour, Bottom line, Canberra bulletin, Chatelaine press, Comparative analysis, Complex organizations, Control agenda, Corporate management, Crime fighters, Crime prevention, Deleterious effects, Economic rationalism, Ethical dilemmas, Etter, Federation press, Free press, Fundamental purposes, Hirschman, Human costs, Ijpsm, Impossible jobs, International journal, Jinks, Kouzmin, Lower ranks, Macmillan education australia, Management faddism, Management fads, Management review, Managerialism, Managerialist, Managerialist agenda, Managerialist approaches, Managerialist enterprise, Managerialist ideology, Managerialist philosophy, Many instances, Melbourne, Mulgan, Organization theory, Organizational life, Organizational members, Paramilitary model, Perrow, Pluto press, Pluto press australia, Police culture, Police life, Police management, Police managers, Police members, Police officer, Police officers, Police organizations, Police service, Police services, Police work, Private sector, Public administration, Public management, Public organizations, Public policy, Public sector, Public sector management, Public servants, Public service, Public services, Rational action, Real world, Rees, Rodley, Tool tropism, University press, Whilst, Woodcock, Zealand academy.

Abstract

Fundamental purposes of Australian police organizations are examined, not with a view to solving the complex and ongoing question of an accountable police mandate, but to consider the difficulty of its reconciliation with the new managerialism sweeping numerous public organizations in Australia police organizations included. Briefly explores the purposes of policing and a problematic police culture as a lead in to a discussion on the possibly deleterious effects of new managerialism and its associated management faddism. Problems associated with the theory of managerialism, which police managers may not be aware of, are explored managerialism and economic rationalism management fads and tool tropism managerialism as a thinly veiled control agenda and the potential human costs to police officers arising from managerialist approaches. Suggestions are made for ways forward for police organizations which include a recognition of the downside of managerialism and a suggested shift away from a belief in a purely rationalistic organization to one which recognizes and accommodates an actors voice as a legitimate input to growth, learning and institutional development.

Url:

https://api.istex.fr/document/B98B6B6F175A1A35AE7E6B55E1A44A31A9DE04F1/fulltext/pdf

DOI: 10.1108/09513550110387039

Links to Exploration step

ISTEX:B98B6B6F175A1A35AE7E6B55E1A44A31A9DE04F1

Le document en format XML

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<abstract><p>Fundamental “purposes” of Australian police organizations are examined, not with a view to solving the complex and ongoing question of an accountable police mandate, but to consider the difficulty of its reconciliation with the new managerialism sweeping numerous public organizations in Australia – police organizations included. Briefly explores the purposes of policing and a problematic police culture as a lead in to a discussion on the possibly deleterious effects of new managerialism and its associated management faddism. Problems associated with the theory of managerialism, which police managers may not be aware of, are explored: managerialism and economic rationalism; management fads and tool tropism; managerialism as a thinly veiled control agenda; and the potential human costs to police officers arising from managerialist approaches. Suggestions are made for ways forward for police organizations which include a recognition of the down‐side of managerialism and a suggested shift away from a belief in a purely rationalistic organization to one which recognizes and accommodates an actor’s “voice” as a legitimate input to growth, learning and institutional development. </p>
</abstract>
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<body><sec><title>Introduction: Australian police reform</title>
<p>Australian police organizations are currently undergoing rigorous reforms (Jinks, 1990; Woodcock, 1991; 1992; Etter, 1993; Ryan, 1996), as are many other public organizations in Australia and overseas. Globalization and new public management (Dixon <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1998) are having profound consequences for the management of public services. These reform processes, whilst not uniform, have affected the public sector in many parts of the world since the 1980s (Cope <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 444). This paper examines the potential outcomes of police reform initiatives in Australian police jurisdictions, specifically the managerialist agenda and management faddism, and their potentially deleterious effects on police organizational abilities to effectively serve the community. It is argued, as an imperative, that police organizations consider the impact of the managerialist enterprise whilst reflecting on their purposes in an effort to circumvent public sector (managerialist) reform being blindly embraced. The central tenets of administrative reform that have been proffered under the rubric of incorporating private sector practices into public administration (McKenna, 1996, p. 208) are argued to be especially problematic for Australian police organizations.</p>
<p>It is argued that just as organization theory has been extrapolated, inappropriately, from the manufacturing experience and literatures to the public sector (Kouzmin, 1980; 1983; Dixon and Kouzmin, 1994, p. 52) so, too, has the managerialist enterprise been uncritically embraced by Australian police organizations as the ultimate solution to all managerial problems. Reform initiatives have been aimed to incorporate management techniques from businesses to public administration to turn government and its associated bureaucracy (in this case, policing) into a “business” (McKenna, 1996, p. 210). The ideals of the theory of managerialism, and its attendant rush for efficiency, do not necessarily marry comfortably with the fundamental activity of police organizations – upholding law and order – which, in broad terms, requires the prevention of serious crime and the resolution of such crimes when they occur (Miller <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 22). It is a return to basics that is regarded here as being essential for Australian police organizations – to find themselves adequately equipped to deal with the contingencies that the future will inevitably hold. It is also vital to recognize the lessons provided by past entrepreneurialism in public organizations. One of the basic conundrums that reformers have established when embarking on the entrepreneurialist course is that an informed electorate expects bureaucracies to operate at a lower cost and to maintain conventional standards of accountability and service (McKenna, 1996, p. 213). This has also been reflected by a recent analysis of the inroads of new public management in UK police organizations (Cope <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997). New public management reflects an ideological commitment asserting the superiority of the market over the state; “private good, public bad”, reflected in the view that greater competition between the public and private sectors, and within the public sector, promotes greater efficiency by making public organizations more consumer responsive (Cope <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 449).</p>
<p>The authors confront the notion of police “purpose” at its most fundamental level (Perrow, 1961; Georgiou, 1973), and with a caveat: the answer to the hugely complex question of what the police mandate should be will not be found in the following pages. What is suggested here, instead, is that insufficient reflection upon the dangers of economistic public sector reform and the managerialist agenda with regard to police organizations invites the possibility of disaster, both in terms of the organization’s ability to carry out fundamental purposes and for members’ work lives whilst attempting to accomplish such mandates.</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>Police “purposes” explored</title>
<disp-quote><p>Police are expected to be, at various times, social workers; family counsellors; legal advisers; children’s chasteners; speedcar drivers; distant cousins of Sylvester Stallone; shoulders to cry on and super sleuths. Police are expected to understand and react appropriately to everyone from armed bandits; to peace demonstrators; to teenage drug addicts; to drunken spouses; to motorists taking random breath tests (Jinks, 1990, p. 27).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Professions in general, and policing in particular, should be characterized, in the first instance, by the ends or goals to which they aim (Miller <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, pp. 160). The police service exists to uphold the law and maintain the peace (Miller <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 144) and one can see that the specialist and demanding life of a police officer requires a multitude of skills and abilities. “Commonwealth organizations”, with internal control their major preoccupation, exist with the common beneficiary being the public at large (Blau and Scott, 1963, p. 43) and, according to Etzioni (1961), police organizations are coercive instruments manipulating power with alienative involvement. They have not traditionally been concerned with the interests of particular stakeholders, interest groups or clients (Blau and Scott, 1963, p. 43). Whether one adopts the view that police organizations were created as a response to rising crime in a modern, industrialized, urban society, or whether one is more persuaded by the view that modern police organizations are socially political instruments created by specific interest groups seeking to maintain their conditions of privilege in an unequal society (Finnane, 1994, p. 10), it is argued here that new managerialism serves to make the task of policing even more difficult, serving to obscure the objectives of policing in the morass of economic rationalism, managerialism and corporatization. Indeed, the highly specialized nature of policing has not previously lent itself to the administration methods employed in other organizations (Thompson and Bates, 1957; Perrow, 1967; Jinks, 1990, p. 30). One must then ask why such fads have become so attractive and so imperative. It is argued here that the very strengths of the managerialist model – “its energetic simplicity, its forceful attention to performance measures, its focus on the bottom line” (Uhr, 1989, p. 157) – tend to undermine both the process and the outcome of much of police work.</p>
<p>The role of policing involves serving the community, keeping the peace and enforcing the law (Etter, 1993, p. 52). Historically, the emphasis in Australian police organizations has derived from police control of public disorder in England and Ireland, where protest and dissent in the early nineteenth century prompted numerous proposals for permanent policing which could maintain the peace (Finnane, 1994, p. 12). More recently, this role has, perhaps, shifted in emphasis towards a more service oriented philosophy but, fundamentally, remains unchanged. For example, the current New South Wales (NSW) Police Service mission exemplifies a more community oriented policing emphasis: “the police and the community working together to provide a safer environment by reducing violence, crime and fear” (Ryan, 1996, p. 11). The endeavour is to provide a police service that acts without prejudice or favour for all sections of society and focuses upon reducing fear and securing the peace and good order of the community by protecting life and property (Ryan, 1996, p. 11). Policing in all Australian jurisdictions encompasses, to a greater or lesser extent, a reaction to criminal action involving the maintenance of social harmony (Bird, 1992, p. 352).</p>
<p>There is, increasingly, pressure on police organizations to maintain their efforts to uphold the law in the face of more sophisticated offenders – new technologies, shifting social values, and the increase in violence and weapons (Bird, 1992, p. 352). Indeed, it has been suggested that technological development has provided tremendous new opportunities for criminality, especially through the criminal abuse of telecommunications technology (Grabosky and Smith, 1998, p. 1). In addition to “real” changes that impact on police work, media “beat ups” lead to “moral panics”; for example, the negative stereotypes perpetuated by various racial groups through the media (Bird, 1992, p. 354). In a democratic society, the community may challenge police actions and police are, increasingly, required to take public expectations into account (Murray, 1987, p. 8). The public is now looking for a police service to meet its needs; a service culture (Woodcock, 1991, p. 175) with a desired shift away from public servants (in this case, police as “experts”) who know everything. For example, the patriarchy of “experts who have planned cities away from the human scale, who have experimented endlessly with education, who invented panda cars, all for good reasons but without understanding the long term consequences on individuals” (Woodcock, 1991, p. 175), is being avoided. Royal Commissions are indicative that the police service is, often, different from what the public might want (Woodcock, 1991, p. 173). This cleavage between expected and received service may be exacerbated, rather than improved, by a focus on entrepreneurialism.</p>
<p>Policing may be defined in terms of an occupation that is, in part, normatively defined by the characteristic ends that it ought to serve and, in part, by the particular form of activity which its practitioners ought to pursue in order to secure those ends (Miller, 1995, p. 86). Whilst the fundamental need remains for the police to uphold law and order, activities toward that end may differ (Miller, 1995, p. 86). For example, the NSW Police Service Reform promises to provide all stakeholders with measurable outcomes and value for money (Ryan, 1996, p. 12) – a seemingly problematic economic offering when placed alongside the more socially oriented need to protect law and order. It should be remembered that efficiency and effectiveness have never been the exclusive prerogative of the private sector. What is regarded as problematic is the preoccupation with the “bottom line”, better returns or lower costs, and the way this may translate into a restriction of public service (McKenna, 1996, p. 22).</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>Police culture: upholding the new managerialism</title>
<p>Modernist, Western organizational culture is strongly influenced by a capitalist, individualist ideology. In police organizations, as elsewhere:</p>
<disp-quote><p>… agents … are “enculturated” … Agents not only draw on cultural beliefs, rules and values to form their intentions and enact their projects but, through their activity, culture itself is reconstituted. That is, culture is not only the ground of human activity but is the outcome of this activity as well (Fay, 1996, p. 57).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Culture may also be regarded as “mental programming” (Hofstede, 1991, p. 4) – it is learned and it is “always a collective phenomenon” (Hofstede, 1991, p. 5). Organization culture is normative, providing standards of conduct for members to follow (Horton and Hunt, 1972, p. 49), guiding and shaping behaviour. It has been argued that an example of this is the <italic>norming</italic>
 of institutional corruption in police organizations (McCormack, 1996, p. 239).</p>
<p>Australian police officers remain largely:</p>
<list list-type="bullet"><list-item><label>• </label>
<p>Anglo‐Saxon;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>law abiding;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>unquestioning of authority;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>motivated by the Protestant work ethic;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>able bodied;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>advocates of the deferred gratification principle;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>earning a respectable wage; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>politically right of centre (Sarre, 1988, p. 31).</p>
</list-item>
</list>
<p>The self image of the police officer is as a “crime fighter” (Murray, 1987, p. 15; Sarre, 1997, p. 71), with the apprehension of an offender being regarded as a major source of gratification and excitement (Murray, 1987, p. 17). Indeed, the current NSW Police Commissioner applauds what he terms as the “many heroes in the service” (Ryan, 1996, p. 6). Police find it difficult to see their role as crime preventers, <italic>preferring</italic>
 to be seen as crime fighters (Sarre, 1997, p. 71). Research into the problems of high speed police pursuits in police work identified some “personality factors” of these crime fighters:</p>
<list list-type="bullet"><list-item><label>• </label>
<p>authoritarianism;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>enjoyment of danger;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>a preoccupation with crime fighting;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>impulsive risk taking;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>suspiciousness;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>physical courage;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>cynicism; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>self assertion (Murray, 1987, p. 21).</p>
</list-item>
</list>
<p>“They see themselves as knights in white armour, fighting an evil adversary” (Woodcock, 1992, p. 1931). What is argued is that a control oriented, coercive and patriarchal culture such as is evidenced in Australian police organizations is one that lends itself well to supporting the tenets of managerialism, such as the homogenization and standardization of organizational members and their tasks, the economistically driven managerialist “recipes” and the tendency for managers to make decisions on behalf of others without consultation. The enculturating of police members by Australian police organizations shapes and, arguably, underpins an acceptance of the more controlling and coercive aspects of managerialism. Unfortunately, an embrace of the theory of managerialism may not lend itself well to a successful maintenance of the institutional (that is, the cultural, ideological and political) requirements of policing (Selznick, 1957).</p>
<p>The police service in Australia is currently a paramilitary organization (Etter, 1993, p. 45; Ryan, 1996, p. 14), emphasizing a command and control management style, an “us” and “them” philosophy (Ryan, 1996, p. 14). The paramilitary model involves strict discipline; autocratic command; centralized decision making and a multiplicity of ranks (Etter, 1993, p. 45). The quasi‐military emphasis requires (amongst other things) the duty to obey commands and the paying of compliments to commissioned officers (Murray, 1987, p. 20). The quasi‐military, hierarchical structures and bureaucratic nature of policing may restrict open decision making processes (Loree, 1988, p. 209).</p>
<p>Viewed externally, police forces are, typically, numerically strong, politically influential, physically powerful and armed (Fitzgerald, 1989, p. 200). Concurrently and ironically, there also exists in the internal workings of police organizations a tendency towards authoritarianism (Murray, 1987, p. 16) with police instructions being given in a punitive, militaristic format which, not surprisingly, is often regarded negatively by police officers (Murray, 1987, p. 5). Indeed, policy in police organizations is conveyed in the same way as the rules and regulations – not just as a form of guidance but as a form of sanction (Murray, 1987, p. 21). Codes of behaviour have been characterized by control, compliance, fear and a tight control over information (Ryan, 1996, p. 14). Coercion as a last result may always be implicit in policing (Miller, 1995, p. 88). Unfortunately, the paramilitary model seems to have done little to reduce the incidence of crime (Etter, 1993, p. 45) whilst retaining what have long been argued as the hallmarks of the managerialist philosophy:</p>
<list list-type="bullet"><list-item><label>• </label>
<p>coercion and control over work related behaviour;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>an authoritarian hierarchy;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>routinization of tasks; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>the imposition of work related sanctions (Kouzmin, 1980).</p>
</list-item>
</list>
<p>One must question the appropriateness of a top down paramilitary structure for those frequently called upon to exercise wide discretionary powers and judgement in morally complex situations (Miller <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 142).</p>
<p>Police culture also manifests itself in various behaviours: an emphasis on physical prowess, courage, suspiciousness as a kind of “tool of trade” and loyalty to other officers (Miller <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 141). It may present as racist attitudes and moral insensitivity (Miller <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 142), and police are a highly integrated and largely defensive group (Sarre, 1988, p. 34). The power of the police culture should be recognized, especially the psychological and moral difficulty officers may have in opposing it (Miller <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 142). “Cop culture” embodies:</p>
<list list-type="bullet"><list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“suspicion”;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“isolation”;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“conservatism”;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“machismo”;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“racial prejudice”;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“pragmatism”;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“a sense of mission”;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“hedonistic love of action”; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>“pessimistic cynicism” (Reiner, 1986, cited in Etter, 1993, p. 47).</p>
</list-item>
</list>
<p>Police culture is characterized by feelings of solidarity and an “us versus them” mentality that may surface during a confrontation between police and others (Miller, 1995, p. 92). This may be regarded as a virtue when considering a context of police standing against criminals or a vice when considering the context of the protection of corrupt fellow officers (Miller, 1995, p. 92). The “informal” cultural elements (such as methods, tactics and skills of competent practitioners) of the police craft frequently enable officers, at the lower ranks, to embody police craft practices that are, frequently, morally in accordance with the wider community but which sustain a low level of visibility, especially the methodic use of the law and organizational rules to achieve practical ends (Chatterton, 1995, p. 97). The code exaggerates the need for, and benefit derived from, mutual loyalty and support (Fitzgerald, 1989, p. 202).</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>The new managerialism: concerns for Australian police organizations</title>
<p>Academics have traditionally been very critical of the managerialist era (Mulgan, 1995, p. 6). Criticisms of the theory of managerialism have included:</p>
<list list-type="bullet"><list-item><label>• </label>
<p>an overemphasis on technocratic, economic values such as efficiency and cost containment;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>managerialism has an over simplified view of political values;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>those advocating managerialism have mistakenly attacked the concept of public service professionalism; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>managerialism is overly concerned with outcomes at the expense of concern for how these results are achieved (Mulgan, 1995, p. 7).</p>
</list-item>
</list>
<p>Criticism is also directed at managerialism’s pretensions to constitute a system of governance rather than its credibility as a form of management (Stewart, 1995, p. 1). Indeed, some have argued that when public management becomes managerialist it ceases to be public (Stewart, 1995, p. 2). “Instrumental reason dominates” (Alvesson, 1993, p. 27) with formal, technical rules underpinning the single minded pursuit of efficiency that characterizes many organizations (Sims <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1993, p. 27).</p>
<p>This review of managerialism in the context of multiple police purposes (Perrow, 1961; Georgiou, 1973) comes in the light of much turmoil and change in Australian policing jurisdictions, much of it a shift towards the embrace of managerialism by police management. The following argument sets out various problematic aspects of the managerialist philosophy by police organizations (especially in relation to police purposes), arguing that the rush to embrace managerialism should be tempered in the light of current knowledge of the managerialist epoch and the particularities of police organizations. Themes of relevance to police organizations examined include:</p>
<list list-type="bullet"><list-item><label>• </label>
<p>managerialism and economic rationalism in police organizations;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>managerialism and tool tropism;</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>managerialism as a thinly veiled control agenda; and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>the potential “police officer costs” of the managerialist enterprise.</p>
</list-item>
</list>
</sec>
<sec><title>Managerialism and economic rationalism</title>
<p>One of the recent challenges to policing is the need to do more with less (Etter, 1993, p. 51) which lends itself well to the view that society is no more than a collection of self interested utility maximizers (Mulgan, 1995, p. 8). Conveniently, managerialism is preoccupied with:</p>
<list list-type="bullet"><list-item><label>• </label>
<p>doing “more with less” (Considine, 1994, p. 226; Hughes, 1994, p. 69; Rees, 1995b, p. 197);</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>emphasizing results rather than procedures (Hughes, 1994, p. 69);</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>focusing on outputs (Hughes, 1994, pp. 69); and</p>
</list-item>
<list-item><label>• </label>
<p>an achievement of results and of taking individual responsibility for their achievement (Hughes, 1994, p. 77).</p>
</list-item>
</list>
<p>The recent economic rationalist backdrop of Anglo‐American managerial praxis (Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 31) nurtures the managerialist ideology (Rees, 1995a, p. 16) and, yet, the economic basis of managerialism is one of its major criticisms (Hughes, 1994, p. 77), particularly from the academic sphere (Mulgan, 1995, p. 6). Unfortunately, a blind “ends oriented” approach to management can result in corners being cut or liberties being taken with standard operating procedures (Wanna <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1992, p. 206), creating unnecessary risks and vulnerabilities (Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1996).</p>
<p>In policing, problems may be experienced with the push to flatter structures. For example, problems with the devolution of responsibility and a push to make managers “manage” can compound ethical problems by releasing some of the previous controls used to oversee putatively efficient “means”. Expertise is assumed at the lower levels of the hierarchy (Wanna <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1992, p. 205) which may or may not be available, and corners may be cut (Korac‐Kakabadse and Kouzmin, 1998). For example, a “short cut” used by police may be the use of “investigation by confession”, where confessional evidence is acquired through interrogation in instances when police have neither the training, the ability nor, due to the pressure of work, the time to follow other avenues of inquiry (Miller <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, pp. 220‐1). Consequently, the vigorous pursuit of economic rationalism in police organizations may have a questionable impact on the outcomes of policing:</p>
<disp-quote><p>Economics, not idealism, [is] seen as the compelling force. In an era of rationalism and tight budget constraints it [is] becoming difficult to ignore the fact that while the costs of policing, courts and prisons continued to soar, there [is] no evidence of improved effectiveness in reducing crime (Sutton, 1997, p. 17).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>The concept of “net value maximization” and the value of the firm’s output can be readily measured in the private sector (thus resolving the tension between maximizing output and minimizing cost) (Moore, 1990, p. 74). However, in the public sector, output is much harder to define, much less measure. “Impossibility begins with inconsistent objectives” and police may be held accountable for objectives which cannot be maximized simultaneously (Moore, 1990, p. 73). For example, police can measure the speed of response to calls for service but not the quality of the service rendered by the responding officer. Further, they still have no way of knowing whether the fast responses succeed in controlling crime or in stilling citizens’ fears. Of course, public sector managers are, similarly, nearly always vulnerable to assertions that they are “inefficient” in the production of a given service (Moore, 1990, p. 74). Nevertheless, in the UK, the inroads of new public management led to a number of questions being raised over police performance. Whilst, since the 1980s, police had accounted for an increasing share of public expenditure, this seemingly resulted in an inexorable rise in recorded crime over the same period (Cope <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 450). In the UK, police management reform resulted in a “new policing order” (Cope <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 453) which mirrors, in many respects, the restructuring and resultant fragmentation currently being witnessed in Australian police organizations.</p>
<p>One may query whether, as with the UK experience, centralization (together with decentralization) and privatization (through outsourcing and increasing use of unsworn police in the police organizational technostructure) are consistent with the need to strengthen the ability of police to serve the community through the maintenance of law and order. For example, the privatization agenda, pursued in an attempt to improve efficiency, may call for the utilization of outsourcing of critical organizational support structures, for example, information technology (IT) (Korac‐Kakabadse <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1998). The organization that chooses to unthinkingly outsource its critical IT services risks numerous vulnerabilities (and inefficient) outcomes. In Australia, for example, the Victorian Police Force chose to outsource some of their IT services in 1997 on the basis that technology management was not “core” police business. However, subsequent difficulties reported in critical areas of police response emphasize the need to think carefully before labelling technostructural support (Mintzberg, 1983) activities as “non core”. In many instances, they may be vital for the timely provision of police services.</p>
<p>Further, whilst outsourcing may result in the initial “bottom line” outcome being improved, over time, the organization will find itself a “captured” consumer (Hirschman, 1970, p. 70) and, consequently, increasingly reliant upon suppliers for maintenance, user support, future upgrades of hardware and software and future strategic IT direction. Over time, the power imbalance has the potential of growing further in favour of the supplier as the corporate “memory” is lost and “brain drain” from the organization continues over time (Hirschman, 1970, p. 81). Increasingly, the organization is left in a position of being unable to competently judge its own needs or, worse, even if it can, may find that its “voice” is insufficiently responded to by the supplying organization. The organization is potentially left, in the medium to longer term, unable to provide itself with sufficient expertise to make critical technical decisions, making the standardization of those who are involved in the technostructure (Mintzberg, 1983, p. 15) all but impossible. Such “capture” characterizes other public agencies overly committed to outsourcing strategic and core functions within the expediencies of “least cost” solutions (Korac‐Boisvert and Kouzmin, 1994).</p>
<p>The economic rationalist model of agency effectiveness remains sociologically and politically inadequate and ethically impoverished (Mulgan, 1995, p. 8) – especially inappropriate for police services that are actively and publicly advocating the importance of ethics in police work. Indeed, one of the greatest difficulties of crime prevention is the wrestling with apparently irreconcilable conflicts over philosophies, priorities, ownership and control (Sutton, 1997, pp. 17‐18). There are continuing, recognized and unresolvable ethical tensions in police work which are only complicated by the problem of the efficiency imperative. For example, the law as “written” and the law “in action” (Murray, 1987, p. 19) may be heavily influenced by the costs associated with the apprehension, conviction and subsequent imprisonment of criminals. Ethics become subordinated to the output drive (Wanna <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1992, p. 202). There is little consideration of what is appropriate behaviour in the delivery of public services (Wanna <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1992, p. 203) – in this case, the service that police members are supposed to provide. The current emphasis on economic efficiency in the public police and a drift towards privatization within that arena has heightened the interest in private policing and policing as a “business” (Gill and Hart, 1997, p. 118). The focus on “ends” attracts attention away from the “means” by which those ends are achieved (Wanna <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1992, p. 205), especially when those “ends” are measured by purely economic terms. Police members may, in many instances, continue to deal with the constant tension of ethical dilemmas and how best they might respond.</p>
<p>Others argue that the managerialist obsession focuses upon means and obscures ends (Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 30). The corollary to this is a corporatized focus with a resultant “dealing with one another on an ‘arms length’ basis” (Hughes, 1994, pp. 69) and appearing tough about the outcomes (Rees, 1995b, p. 197). In these cases, the personal costs to police officers are not insignificant in the context of the human costs of managerialism (Rees and Rodley, 1995, p. 1) with respect to police members.</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>Managerialism, management fads and tool tropism</title>
<p>Economic rationalism is, arguably, a paradigm for the functionalists concerned with “how to” and “best approaches” implemented by professional managers indoctrinated with traditional coercive management theory (Kouzmin, 1980; 1983; Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 31). Managerialist ideology fails to address the problem of making simplistic, rationally prescribed decisions, relating to indefinable, often insoluble, problems; “wicked problems”; problems that may be described as “malignant” (as opposed to benign), “vicious” (as in a circle), “tricky” (like a leprechaun) or “aggressive” (contrasting with docile) (Rittel and Webber, 1973, pp. 160; Harmon and Mayer, 1986, p. 9) – problems routinely encountered in police work. “The moral fiction” is that “many of the claims of managerialism are a fiction” (Rees, 1995a, pp. 23‐4), involving a preoccupation with management panaceas (Rees, 1995a, p. 24); fads of management (Hilmer and Donaldson, 1995, p. 21); management “recipes” (Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 20); and “kits for better management” (Uhr, 1989, p. 160), where management praxis is applauded as a means of increasing productivity (Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 31); a pathological embrace of faddish management practices or “tool tropism” (Jun, 1996, p. 109), and their application to difficult (or even simple) organizational problems.</p>
<p>For example, policing by objectives was developed as a response to calls for greater effectiveness, efficiency and economy and involved systems designed to make police work explicitly goal directed and systematically planned and evaluated (Chatterton, 1995, p. 101) following the management by objectives (MBO) model so fashionable in the 1970s. Mission statements were issued with objectives becoming more specific as one moved down the rank structure (Chatterton, 1995, p. 101). However, studies of these systems in police organizations, in practice, suggest that the appearance of such an increase in accountability may be largely illusory, with officers striving to present the impression that the system was working when, in reality, no substantial changes had occurred (Chatterton, 1995, p. 102).</p>
<p>Another of the fads of management enthusiastically sought by some police services is to flatten the structure. The myth that “flatter is better” (Hilmer and Donaldson, 1995, p. 22) is a somewhat Draconian response, balanced precariously on the widely‐held belief that hierarchies are not necessary and that organizations should operate like an “orchestra”; that hierarchies unnecessarily inflate costs; that hierarchies always kill communication and lead to poor client service; and that hierarchy is now unnecessary due to the new computing and communications technology which will, naturally, replace the need for middle management (Hilmer and Donaldson, 1995, p. 24). The commonly held view that bureaucracy is “bad” carries the conventional criticisms which suggest, first, that bureaucracies are inflexible, inefficient and, during times of rapid change, lacking in creativity and responsiveness (Perrow, 1979, p. 6). Second, bureaucracies are portrayed as stifling the spontaneity, freedom and self realization of employees (Perrow, 1979, p. 6). It might be argued that any inflexibility, lack of creativity or stifling of sponteneity witnessed in police organizations may be linked to the coercive, alienating, authoritarian culture described earlier, rather than “bad bureaucracy”.</p>
<p>As Perrow (1979) successfully argues, bureaucracy is a form of organization superior to all others currently known or that one can hope to afford in the near and middle future. The chances of doing away with it or changing it are probably non existent in this century. Thus, it is crucial to understand it and appreciate it (Perrow, 1979, p. 6). Unfortunately, the myths about management, organization and bureaucracy are likely to continue, as is the managerial predilection for tool tropism. There remains a vast range of theoretical supports, ideas and values for organizational legitimation and management consultants who are very well rewarded for perpetuating the latest ideas (Dixon and Kouzmin, 1994, p. 58). It remains inconceivable to many that some of these recipes may be inappropriate (Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 30). The mythology is perpetuated – if the suitably prescribed solutions do not work, it is in some way the organization’s fault (Rees, 1995a, p. 24) or the failure of the people involved to work hard enough or be smart enough.</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>Managerialism: a thinly veiled control agenda</title>
<p>It has been suggested on numerous occasions that the bureaucratic paramilitary model is no longer viable for police work (Etter, 1993, p. 47; Ryan, 1996). Whilst advocates of managerialism frequently describe the devolution of authority and a reduction of control, changes in police organizations also support this notion. For example, in NSW, Commissioner Peter Ryan, true to the managerialist agenda, has advocated a focus on “front‐line policing” under a flatter management structure (Ryan, 1996, p. 1) on the basis of increased local autonomy, further devolved accountability and clearer roles for police officers (Ryan, 1996, p. 1). However, others have argued that managerialism encourages the exercise of control over work related behaviour and a continuing capacity to impose work related sanctions (Kouzmin, 1980, p. 132):</p>
<disp-quote><p>Both control over the product and control over the work process by managerial authority provides a division of labour characterized by a high routinization of tasks. To “routinize” is to “control” and as a strategy for task allocation, comes to be the cornerstone in the evolution of a managerial ideology within which the question of power is paramount, but infrequently addressed (Kouzmin, 1980, p. 133).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Managerialism is concerned with “homogenizing the organization and its subunits through an application of standardized budget, planning and training systems” (Considine, 1994, p. 232); approaches that lead ultimately to increased control (Davis <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1993, p. 105; Considine, 1994, p. 226; Hughes, 1994, p. 68) and reduced diversity whilst narrowing “the band of action to those things best able to be controlled” (Considine, 1994, p. 226). It is a return to the problematic scientific management ideas of Frederick Taylor via the emphasis on performance measurement, incentive structures and easier avenues for dismissal of staff (Hughes, 1994, p. 81). The managerialist focus on the means is also problematic in police work, as evidenced by the numerous ethical and political conundrums faced, and the devolution of accountability to lower ranks in police services. Managerialism remains, at best, a front for centralized control of public organizations and, at worst, a debilitating charade (Stewart, 1995, p. 5) – evidence of managerialist rhetoric:</p>
<disp-quote><p>It is extraordinary, given the amount of hype about “letting managers manage”, how little discretionary decision making power the public sector manager actually possesses, even in the era of supposedly greater devolution (Stewart, 1995, p. 4).</p>
</disp-quote>
</sec>
<sec><title>Managerialism: costs to police members</title>
<p>Managers who are inconsiderate of other members of the organization, through ignorance or the chasing of efficiency objectives, may feel exempt from responsibility. Organizations are social constructions and:</p>
<disp-quote><p>… replete with impersonal rules, roles and procedures – they seem to take on a life and legitimacy of their own in the minds of those who work in them and are affected by them (Harmon and Mayer, 1986, pp. 14).</p>
</disp-quote>
<disp-quote><p>“Rational action” has come to be identified almost solely with what one does within an organizational setting and, especially, with what one does to further the goals and objectives of that organization (Harmon and Mayer, 1986, p. 15).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Unfortunately, this rational action does not always correlate with consideration and concern for others. The common meaning of “efficiency” is the measure of how well action is instrumental in achieving the ends of the organization (Harmon and Mayer, 1986, p. 15).</p>
<p>One should be reminded that organizations are not important; people are (Wanna <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1992, p. 26). Some of the “human costs” of the managerialist ideology are emerging in the literature that may, arguably, be applied to police life: greed and bullying (Rees, 1995b, p. 197); the dehumanizing nature of organizational, profit based “success” (Rees, 1995b, p. 204); “creeping crisis” effects (Jarman and Kouzmin, 1994; Korac‐Boisvert and Kouzmin, 1994; Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1996; 1997, p. 20); a loss of social conscience (Rees, 1995b, p. 206); feelings of betrayal in organizational life (Solondz, 1995, p. 212; Temby <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1996; Morrison and Robinson, 1997); loss of trust in organizations (Britton, 1995, p. 225; Korac‐Kakabadse <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997; Morrison and Robinson, 1997, p. 227); a focus on instrumental, as opposed to non instrumental, ethics (Quinn and Jones, 1995, pp. 23‐5); cronyism (Rees, 1995b, p. 207); job insecurity (Rees, 1995b, p. 209; Solondz, 1995, p. 218); a persistent sense of powerlessness (Rees, 1995b, p. 209); and problems of stress, fatigue and anxiety at work (Britton, 1995, p. 221; Rees, 1995b, p. 209). These are issues particularly addressed here as being of relevance to police officers endeavouring to carry out their duties. Jinks (1990, p. 26) has confirmed that the new “management” approach in policing; that is, to be more efficient, to do the right things and assess the results properly, has proved traumatic for those in police services. The managerialist emphasis on efficiency and effectiveness has resulted in a situation where police officers are at risk of exposure to trauma, not only in the line of their work (through exposure to death, violence and crime), but from the organization’s lack of support and pathological management practices.</p>
</sec>
<sec><title>Conclusion: ways forward?</title>
<p>It is vital to consider some of the “down‐sides” of new managerialism, especially when considering the fundamental purposes of police organizations, prior to rushing to embrace such reform. Police organizations, in particular, do not lend themselves comfortably to economic ideals, scientific emphases and efficiency “panaceas” offered by managerialist theory and consultancy firms (Korac‐Kakabadse <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1998). That police culture helps to underscore and encourage the embrace of managerialism only serves to vivify the need to take another look – especially when considering the fundamental essence of policing in a liberal democracy. There is an urgent need for reflexivity and the valuing of non rational, non managerialist approaches to policing in order to better serve the community in upholding the peace, maintaining law and order, and in ameliorating police members’ working lives in the process.</p>
<p>The tenets of control and coercion lead, potentially, to a loss of “voice” (Kouzmin, 1983) by organizational members, making the exposure of “truth” in police organizations eminently more difficult. Whilst the ability of police officers to carry out a lively and meaningful “insider” discourse is hardly acknowledged in any formal way, it continues unabated, providing two important functions. First, it enables tacit acknowledgment by others within the organization that the officer is a “good practical copper” (Young, 1995, p. 151) – high praise in police organizations. Second, it enables the police (who traditionally close themselves off from society that they allegedly represent) to use a fierce, black humour to assuage problems experienced on those desperately horrible occasions that are, necessarily, beyond the social gaze and which result in members being “piggy‐in‐the‐middle” (Young, 1995, p. 162). This insider discourse needs to be acknowledged to enable police organizations to develop and learn.</p>
<p>Much of police life is arguably characterized by brutal problems – impossible problems. These are problems with no easy solution – problems which are not administratively soluble technical problems (Denhardt, 1981, p. 65) – “solutions” are not readily available (Silverman, 1972, p. 26). Police management is an “impossible job” (Glidewell and Hargrove, 1990, p. 28) striving to balance the mythical long term goals with pragmatic reality (Glidewell and Hargrove, 1990, p. 28). Police officers must often make snap decisions and justify their behaviour (Coulson, 1993, p. 15) whilst recognizing the constant tensions associated with the need to cope with multiple and conflicting constituencies (Glidewell and Hargrove, 1990, p. 31) – all the while, being exposed to public scrutiny. Public sector organizations are especially “public” (Wanna <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1992, p. 26) with policing being no exception. Questions about the alleged unsatisfactory performance in the public sector are frequently met with proposals for commercialization and reforms to improve efficiency (Dixon and Kouzmin, 1994, p. 58). Unfortunately, the debate often ignores questions of organizational structure or the pathologies of managerial prerogatives (Dixon and Kouzmin, 1994, p. 58).</p>
<p>One must remember the police officer’s everyday proximity to the effects of violence (Woodcock, 1992, p. 1929):</p>
<disp-quote><p>Police officers see, daily, the effects of violence and crime: they see the scenes shielded from others, the mortuaries, crime scenes, the grief that crime causes (Woodcock, 1992, p. 1931).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>These are problems which require one to widen, not limit, one’s focus and, it is argued here, that the new managerialism pervading modern organizations is not necessarily the vehicle to do this. Indeed, there is unlikely to be a “managerialist recipe” (Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997, p. 20) sufficient to solve the breathtaking array of conundrums that face modern policing organizations and yet, unfortunately, modern “rational action” has come to be identified almost solely with what one does within organizational life and, especially, what one does to further the goals and objectives of that organization (Harmon and Mayer, 1986, p. 15). Economy was certainly not the issue for the old guard of police (Jinks, 1990, p. 27). Why, then, has it suddenly become so important? Certainly there are increasing concerns about the cost and effectiveness of policing organizations. However, modern policing remains fundamentally unchanged and, as Jinks (1990, p. 27) has successfully argued, community expectations are not directly linked to cost: “People are not concerned about economy and efficiency when there is a rapist stalking the neighbourhood or when they want their missing relatives found and brought home”.</p>
<p>The managerialist preference is for private sector methods and remedies (Mulgan, 1995, p. 10), and the new managerialism is bent on achieving “more with less” (Rees, 1995a, p. 19); of following the trend to “down‐sizing” (Davis, 1995, p. 125), to establishing “lean” and “mean” organizations (Davis, 1995, p. 125; Kouzmin <italic>et al.</italic>
, 1997) and advocating what are arguably a narrow, reductionist interpretations of terms such as “efficiency” and “excellence” (Solondz, 1995, p. 212). However, managerialism appears, at least in part, to be a successful movement by certain sections of the public service, especially where it is likely that organizational members are able to enhance their own position, either institutionally or personally (Mulgan, 1995, p. 11).</p>
<p>One needs to guard against a pathological embrace of rationalism in organizations – even police organizations – even though the modernist intention suggests that ever increasing rationality means ever more human happiness and ever greater morality (Habermas, cited in Farmer, 1998, p. 3). Being rational means that plans are made, goals are set, means are defined and evaluated against rational and efficiency based criteria, and the actors within the organization respond to a system of rationally structured incentives for inducing the desired behaviour (McSwite, 1998, p. 26). Anything beyond these parameters is clearly irrational. However, familiar stories from the “real world” (McSwite, 1998, p. 25) continue to confirm that whilst the official image of formal organization, including the idea of how they are structured, how the actors within them behave and how the work processes unfold, is completely alien to the stories one continues to hear and live about organizational life (McSwite, 1998, p. 26). Postmodernism emphasizes the emancipation that is possible of organizational actors through its philosophical scepticism (Farmer, 1998, p. 2); through postmodernist anti‐administration (Farmer, 1998, p. 5) – the form of managing that negates the hierarchical rational and which seeks the liberation of marginalized voices (Farmer, 1998, p. 5). Police organizations might do well to reconsider how “rational” their organizations are. An acceptance of a non rationalist viewfinder may allow the benefits the postmodernist literature offers to manifest themselves through the seeking of alternative views to complex problems.</p>
<p>Along these same lines of seeking important and sometimes undervalued alternative views, police organizations may find that the encouragement of “voice” from members invaluable. “Voice” provides organizations with an important feedback loop to allow for critical self analysis and response (Hirschman, 1970).</p>
<disp-quote><p>In comparison to the “exit” option, voice is costly and conditional on the influence and bargaining power … members can bring to bear within the … organization to which they belong (Hirschman, 1970, p. 40).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>One speaks here of an ability of the organization (through its senior members) to “hear” what members need to say. Police organizations should be reminded, though, that:</p>
<disp-quote><p>… the effort an interested party makes to put its case before the decision maker will be in proportion to the advantage to be gained from a favourable outcome multiplied by the probability of influencing the decision (Hirschman, 1970, p. 39).</p>
</disp-quote>
<p>Authoritarian organizations tend not to encourage “voice”, especially dissenting voice and, consequently, there may be a sustained avoidance of the “heartbreak of voice” (Hirschman, 1970, p. 107) and a marked preference for those “trapped” organizational members to embrace silence through the acquiescence of indifference (Hirschman, 1970, p. 31) – neither of which help the organization to learn. Organizations should be wary of the pathological case where an organization is, in effect, equipped with a reaction mechanism to which it is not responsive (Hirschman, 1970, p. 122). Culturally engendered, organizationally based loyalty may operate to silence police officers, providing a loyalty to their colleagues which may be unconscious and damaging. Even members loyal to the organization will only invoke the sometimes painful and difficult option of voice if they estimate that they have some ability to influence the organization (Hirschman, 1970, p. 77).</p>
<p>Police members, at all levels, need to remind themselves of the fundamental reason for police organizations’ existence and take another reflective look at new managerialism. Police managers may consider the potential damage that could be wrought to police members and to the organization by the efficiency imperative of new managerialism. The answer, perhaps, lies with listening to members about their experiences. How do they feel about funding cuts? How might they respond when there are insufficient resources available for an important investigation? Do members consider that the managerialist “rhetoric” is accompanied by solid, beneficial outcomes to the organization? Police managers are counselled here be slow to embrace what, for many other public organizations, has been, increasingly, problematic and traumatic. The perhaps obvious response of police officers to these types of questions may serve to draw attention to problems clouded from view by the rhetoric and euphemism of new managerialism.</p>
</sec>
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<mods version="3.6"><titleInfo lang="en"><title>New managerialism and Australian police organizations</title>
<subTitle>A cautionary research note</subTitle>
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<titleInfo type="alternative" lang="en" contentType="CDATA"><title>New managerialism and Australian police organizations</title>
<subTitle>A cautionary research note</subTitle>
</titleInfo>
<name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Margaret H.</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Vickers</namePart>
<affiliation>Graduate School of Management, University of Western Sydney, Richmond, New South Wales, Australia</affiliation>
<role><roleTerm type="text">author</roleTerm>
</role>
</name>
<name type="personal"><namePart type="given">Alexander</namePart>
<namePart type="family">Kouzmin</namePart>
<affiliation>School of Management, Cranfield University, UK</affiliation>
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<copyrightDate encoding="w3cdtf">2001</copyrightDate>
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<language><languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">eng</languageTerm>
<languageTerm type="code" authority="rfc3066">en</languageTerm>
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<abstract lang="en">Fundamental purposes of Australian police organizations are examined, not with a view to solving the complex and ongoing question of an accountable police mandate, but to consider the difficulty of its reconciliation with the new managerialism sweeping numerous public organizations in Australia police organizations included. Briefly explores the purposes of policing and a problematic police culture as a lead in to a discussion on the possibly deleterious effects of new managerialism and its associated management faddism. Problems associated with the theory of managerialism, which police managers may not be aware of, are explored managerialism and economic rationalism management fads and tool tropism managerialism as a thinly veiled control agenda and the potential human costs to police officers arising from managerialist approaches. Suggestions are made for ways forward for police organizations which include a recognition of the downside of managerialism and a suggested shift away from a belief in a purely rationalistic organization to one which recognizes and accommodates an actors voice as a legitimate input to growth, learning and institutional development.</abstract>
<subject><genre>keywords</genre>
<topic>Police</topic>
<topic>Australia</topic>
<topic>Public sector management</topic>
<topic>Managerialism</topic>
</subject>
<relatedItem type="host"><titleInfo><title>International Journal of Public Sector Management</title>
</titleInfo>
<genre type="journal">journal</genre>
<subject><genre>Emerald Subject Group</genre>
<topic authority="SubjectCodesPrimary" authorityURI="cat-PPEM">Public policy & environmental management</topic>
<topic authority="SubjectCodesSecondary" authorityURI="cat-POL">Politics</topic>
<topic authority="SubjectCodesSecondary" authorityURI="cat-PAMG">Public adminstration & management</topic>
</subject>
<identifier type="ISSN">0951-3558</identifier>
<identifier type="PublisherID">ijpsm</identifier>
<identifier type="DOI">10.1108/ijpsm</identifier>
<part><date>2001</date>
<detail type="volume"><caption>vol.</caption>
<number>14</number>
</detail>
<detail type="issue"><caption>no.</caption>
<number>1</number>
</detail>
<extent unit="pages"><start>7</start>
<end>26</end>
</extent>
</part>
</relatedItem>
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<identifier type="DOI">10.1108/09513550110387039</identifier>
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<identifier type="href">09513550110387039.pdf</identifier>
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	Serveur d'exploration sur la musique en Sarre
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Serveur d'exploration sur la musique en Sarre

New managerialism and Australian police organizations

New managerialism and Australian police organizations

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